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The Wilderness Trail 

Or 

The Ventures and Adventures of the Pennsyl- 
vania Traders on the Allegheny Path 

With Some New Annals of the Old West, and the Records 
of Some Strong Men and Some Bad Ones 



By 

Charles A. Hanna 

Author of 
" The Scotch-Irish " 



With Eighty Maps and Illustrations 

In Two Volumes 
Volume Two 



G. P. Putnam's Sons 

New York and London 

^be Iftnicfterbocfter pt«Ss 

1911 






C''>i 



Copyright, 191 i 

BY 

CHARLES A. HANNA 



Ube Iknicfietliocbet iprese, mew locft 



C Ci.A2S0 83 9 



CONTENTS 

VOLUME II 

CHAPTER PAGB 

I. — George Croghan, the King of the Traders . . i 

II. — George Croghan, the King of the Traders {Con- 
tinued) . . . . . . . .38 

III. — The Ohio Valley before the White Man Came . 87 

IV. — The Ohio Valley before the White Man Came 

{Continued) . . . . . . . .114 

V. — The Lower Shawnee Town; or Chillicothe on the 

Ohio 125 

VI. — The Conchake Route, and Other Ohio Paths . 163 

VII. — ^JoHN Finley; and Kentucky before Boone . .212 

VIII. — The Pickawillany Path 257 

IX. — The Indian Trade and the Pennsylvania Traders 300 

X. — The Perils of the Path 344 

Index 395 



MAPS AND ILLUSTRATIONS 

VOLUME II 

FACING PAGE 

The Big Miami River at the Site of Pickawillany Frontispiece 



Otsego Lake, FROM THE Site OF Croghan's "Hutt" 

Franquelin's 1684 Map of the Ohio Valley . 

Thevenot's Map of 1681, from Marquette's Journal . 

Van Keulen's 1720 Map of New France 

The Temple of the Natchez, from Lafitau (1724) 

Bellin's 1744 Map of Louisiana . . 

The Site of the Old Shawnee Town .... 

The Site of the Kanawha Shawnee Town 

Lewis Evans's Map of 1755, with Pownall's 1776 Additions 

The Pickaway Plains on the Scioto .... 

Traders* Map of the Ohio Country, 1752-53 

The Site of Conchake Town . . . . . 



62 
92 
98 
104 
112 
126 
140 
142 
144 
150 
156 
178 



Indian Picture Writings at Mouth of Little Beaver Creek 

180, 182, 184, 186 

The South Shore of Sandusky Bay, from the Mouth of 

Pickerel Creek , . . . . . . . 190 

Thomas Hutchins's 1764 Map of the Ohio Country . . 202 

The Site of Tuscarawas or King Beaver's Town . . 204 

John Filson's 1784 Map of Kentucky 212 



vi Maps and Illustrations 

FACING PAGE 

The Site of Eskippakithiki Town at "Kenta-ke," or "Many 

Fields" 240 

The Site of Pickawillany . 274 

Alexander Lowrey's Trader's License .... 322 

Crevec(eur's 1787 Map of the Beaver, Muskingum, and 

Scioto Indian Towns before the Revolution . . 386 



The Wilderness Trail 



CHAPTER I 

GEORGE CROGHAN, THE KING OF THE TRADERS 

GEORGE CROGHAN came to America from Ireland in 1741. He 
appears to have been first licensed as an Indian Trader in Penn- 
sylvania in 1744, the year after Logstown was built. He was made a 
Councillor of the Six Nations at Onondaga in 1746, according to his 
own sworn statement. Governor Morris, writing to the Governor of 
Maryland at the beginning of the year 1755, says that "Mr. Peters 
assures me that Mr. Croghan has never been deemed a Roman Catholic, 
[some people of that faith were then suspected of treasonable correspond- 
ence with the French], nor does he believe that he is one, though he knows 
not his education, which was in Dublin, nor his religious profession." 
Croghan first appears in the official correspondence of Pennsylvania as 
writing to Secretary Peters, May 26, 1747, that he had just returned 
from the woods, bringing a letter, a French scalp, and some wampum, for 
the Governor from a party of Six Nations Indians having their dwelling 
on the borders of Lake Erie (at Cuyahoga), who had formerly been in the 
French interest ; and who now, thanks to Croghan's diplomacy, had, with 
"all-most all the Ingans in the Woods," declared against the French. 
This, and perhaps a second letter, was laid before the Pennsylvania 
Council by Mr. Peters June 8th, with the information that Mr. Croghan 
was a considerable Indian Trader, and "had tra;ded this past winter on 

the borders of Lake Erie with a nation of Indians called 

[Wyandots] who were formerly in the French interest, but are now 
come over and have begun hostilities, along with some of the Six 
Nations, against the French." 

Croghan went to Logstown in April, 1748, with a message and 
present from the Pennsylvania Council to the Ohio Indians. He re- 
turned again in August, when Weiser carried a larger present to the 
western allies of Pennsylvania. Weiser lodged in Croghan's storehouse 
during his visit to Logstown in that year. 

Croghan was sent to Logstown again in August, 1749, to counteract 
the influence of Celoron's visit, and arrived there but a few days after 

VOL. II — I T 



2 The Wilderness Trail 

the latter had departed; though soon enough to bind the Indians closer 
than ever in their allegiance to the English. 

Croghan was appointed as one of the justices for Cumberland 
County, at the time of its erection, in 1749. He then lived in East 
Pennsboro Township, about five miles west of the Susquehanna. 

In the spring of 1750 he accompanied Richard Peters and his fellow 
.V magistrates on a trip among the settlers on the Indian lands in Path, 
,^.xJ^«=^ 'Tuscarora, Juniata, and Aughwick valleys, warning them off, btirning 
their cabins, and confining some to prison for their intrusions. In the 
fall of the same year, he went with Andrew Montour to Logstown, and 
thence to Conchake, on the Muskingum, where he also had a trading 
house, and where Christopher Gist overtook him in December. Gist 
had written of him at Logstown, on his way out, "enquired for Croghan, 
who is a meer idol among his countrymen, the Irish Traders." They 
journeyed together to the Lower Shawnee Town, where Croghan boldly 
announced to the Shawnees at a Council held January 30, 1751, that 
the French had offered a large sum of money to any one who would 
bring them the bodies or scalps of Croghan or Montour. From the 
Lower Shawnee Town, the party proceeded to Pickawillany, where 
Croghan made a treaty for Pennsylvania with two tribes of the Miamis — 
the Piankeshaws and Ouiatanons. This treaty was afterwards re- 
pudiated by the Governor, and Croghan '^censured. 

Croghan went to Logstown with Andrew Montour in May, 1751, 
to carry another Provincial present to the Indians. While there, he 
met Joncaire, the French Indian agent, but succeeded in outwitting 
him in diplomacy; and the chiefs ordered the French from their lands, 
and reasserted their friendship for the English. At this time they also 
requested that the Governor should cause a strong house to be built on 
the Ohio for the protection of their wives and children in case they should 
be obliged to engage in war, and for the protection of the Traders. The 
Assembly asserted that this request was misunderstood or misrepresented 
by Croghan, and rejected it with an insult. 

In February, 1752, Croghan wrote the Governor from the Lower 
Shawnee Town, enclosing a message from the Indians of that place. At 
that time he had a storehouse there. In June, Croghan was at Logs- 
town, and took part in the treaty between the Indians and the Virginia 
Commissioners. 

On April 10, 1753, Captain William Trent wrote Governor Hamilton 
from Virginia, telling him that he had just received a letter from Mr. 
Croghan, giving an account of the attack made by a party of French 
Mohawks on eight of his and Lowrey's Traders "at a place called Ken- 
tucky"; and of the killing of three of John Finley's men and the disap- 
pearance of Finley. This attack took place on the 26th of January; 



George Croghan, the King of the Traders 3 

and it is possible that Croghan spent a portion of that winter at the 
Lower Shawnee Town or Logstown, or between both places. In com- 
pany with William Trent, Robert Callender, and other Traders, Croghan 
was at Pine Creek, near Logstown, on May yth, when the letter arrived 
from John Fraser of Venango, stating that the French were on Lake Erie 
in large force, with brass cannons, on their way to the Ohio. On the 
1 2th, he held a conference at Pine Creek with Scarrooyady and 
the Half King. He was present at an important council between the 
Pennsylvania Commissioners and chiefs of the Six Nations, Shawnees, 
Delawares, Wyandots, and Twightwees, held at Carlisle in October, 
1753. He had assisted William Fairfax of Virginia at a conference with 
the same chiefs held at Winchester a week or two before. 

About this time or soon after, he was compelled by impending 
bankruptcy, and the fear of being imprisoned for debt, to remove from 
the settled parts of Cumberland County, and take up his residence in 
the Indian country, building a house at Aughwick Old Town, near the 
Juniata. In the instructions given December 5, 1753, by Governor 
Hamilton to John Patten, who was to carry a message to the Ohio 
Indians, Patten was instructed to call, on his way West, "at Mr. 
George Croghan's at Aucguick, and accompany Andrew Montour to 
Ohio, if he went." Croghan himself preceded Patten and Montour 
to the Ohio, taking with him two Shawnee prisoners who had been 
released from jail in South Carolina, and were to be returned to their 
tribe. He reached Shanoppin's Town on January 13th, where he was 
overtaken by Montour and Patten, and the party proceeded to Logs- 
town. Here they remained, from the 14th to the 26th, unable to do 
any business with the Indians, as they were all drunk, on brandy 
furnished by La Force and a detachment of French soldiers then 
encamped in that town. On February 2d, just as they were leav- 
ing Logstown, the Indians gave them a belt of black wampum with 
a message to the governors of Pennsylvania and Virginia, saying that 
if they did not send assistance immediately, the Indians would surely 
be cut off by their enemy, the French. On the way back, Croghan 
tarried at the Forks of the Ohio, from whence he wrote Peters and 
Hamilton that William Trent (Croghan's partner in trade) had just 
come out with the Virginia goods, and workmen and tools to begin a 
fort; and as he could not speak the Indian language, Croghan was 
obliged to stay and assist him in delivering the goods. Croghan was at his 
house in Aughwick again in March, from whence he wrote Secretar}'- 
Peters on the 23d. Twenty-five days later, his half-brother, Ensign 
Edward Ward, surrendered to the French the incompleted Virginia 
fort at the Forks of the Ohio. 

On May 14th, Croghan wrote Governor Hamilton, telling him that 



4 The Wilderness Trail 

Montour and himself would set off in two days to meet the chiefs of the 
Ohio Indians at the Monongahela, and advising him to send ammunition 
to the Shawnees at Ohio, as the Half King had notified Croghan that they 
were in a desperate condition, and if not immediately supplied by the 
English they would be forced to yield to the French. 

In the early part of June, Croghan was with George Washington 
and his little army, on the march from Fort Necessity to Redstone, 
having been sent from Winchester or Will's Creek, with Andrew Mon- 
tour and a company of Traders by Governor Dinwiddie, in response 
to a letter from Washington, written June 3d. The Mingo and Dela- 
ware chiefs who met Washington refused to accompany him as far as 
Gist's plantation, and returned on their tracks to Fort Necessity. 
Croghan was sent back to them with a message. On June 25th, Queen 
Alliquippa's son (afterwards called Captain Newcastle) brought a 
letter from him to the commander, stating that he was unsuccessful in 
getting the Indians to return. Washington's Journal comes to an 
abrupt end two days later; and his record of Croghan's further move- 
ments at that time is lost. 

Washington surrendered Fort Necessity at Great Meadows to the 
French July 3d. On the 21st, Andrew Montour wrote Governor Ham- 
ilton from Winchester that the Half King and Monekatootha (Scarroo- 
yady) , with a body of the Six Nations from Ohio came down to the back 
parts of Virginia after the defeat, but would not stay in that Govern- 
ment, and had gone to "Aucquick" (Croghan's settlement) to settle, where 
the other Indians, as fast as they could get off from the French, would 
join them. "As there is a large body of them and no ground there to 
hunt to support their families, they expect their brothers, the Pennsyl- 
vanians, will provide for their families; as their men will be engaged 
in the War." 

On August 1 6th, Croghan wrote Hamilton from Aucquick Old Town, 
stating that the Half King and Scarrooyady, with several other Indians 
and their families, had been there since Colonel Washington's defeat; 
and that about twelve days ago, the young Shawonese king from the 
Lower Shawanese Town, and several more with him, and Delaware 
George and several other Delawares, came there from the French fort, 
Delaware George bringing a letter from Captain Robert Stobo, one of 
the hostages given the French by Washington, and then detained at Fort 
Duquesne. 

Conrad Weiser was sent by Governor Hamilton to Aughwick to 
treat with these Indians and others. He reached there September 3d. 
In the letter accompanying his report to the Governor, Weiser wrote 
that he had counted about twenty cabins about Croghan's house, and 
in them at least two hundred Indians, men, women, and children, with 



George Croghan, the King of the Traders 5 

a great many more scattered about through the valley, some two or 
three miles off. Croghan wrote Governor Morris November 23d, that 
there were then about one hundred and eighty Indians at Aughwick, 
who expected to winter with him there. He likewise wrote that a 
Delaware Indian spy whom he had sent to the French fort had 
returned with the news that there were three hundred French 
families settling at the Twightwee town (Pickawillany) and there- 
abouts. The latter news was also sent by Governor Horatio Sharpe 
from Maryland some two or three weeks later, with the further infor- 
mation that the French families had settled on Mad Creek, near the 
Maguck. 

On December 27th, Sharpe wrote to Morris (who had succeeded 
James Hamilton as Governor of Pennsylvania), stating that Mr. Croghan's 
conduct had been represented to him in a light not very favorable or ami- 
able; that he was a Roman Catholic, and that one, Campbell, of the 
same persuasion, who generally resided at Croghan's house, had recently 
paid a visit to the French; complaining of Croghan's conduct in having 
opened the letters sent by Captain Stobo at Fort Duquesne by way of 
Aughwick to Will's Creek; and accusing him of telling the friendly 
Indians false stories in order to divert them from going to the camp at 
Will's Creek. Governor Morris wrote in reply that Croghan, though 
educated at Dublin, was not deemed to be a Roman Catholic; that 
the man, Campbell, had no connection with Croghan; and that 
the latter had sent the copies of Stobo 's intercepted letters to former 
Governor Hamilton. 

In a "Detail of Indian Affairs," prepared for Governor Morris at 
the time he succeeded Hamilton (October, 1754), it is stated that, before 
the outbreak of hostilities with the French, "Croghan and others had 
stores on ye Lake Erie, all along ye Ohio from Bar [?], and other store- 
houses on Lake Erie, all along ye Miami River, and up and down that 
fine country watered by ye Branches of ye Miamis, Sioto, and Musking- 
ham Rivers, and upon the Ohio from Bockaloons, an Indian Town near 
its head, to below ye mouth of the Miami River, an extent of 500 miles 
on one of the most beautiful rivers in ye world, and they traded all 
along the River." 

Croghan wrote Secretary Richard Peters December 2d., "I am 
greatly obliged to you for leting me know how ill I am represented to 
you, ... I will be very willing to go to Philadelphia, either with Indians 
or without, att any time that you will appoint, to meet you and Mr. 
[Richard] Hockley [Thomas Penn's agent in America], and do all in my 
power to secure you boath; and those that say otherwise to you dose 
me wronge. Pray could not ye Assembly pass an actt of bankrucpt, to 
oblidge ye merchants to take what effects we [the firm of Croghan & 



/ 



6 The Wilderness Trail 

Trent] have for pay, and so discharge us. I should be glad to know if 
that could be don, or in what maner to proceed." 

May I, 1755, Croghan wrote Morris from Aughwick: "To-morrow 
morning all those Indians here set off with me to the Camp [at Will's 
Creek], to wait upon the General [Braddock], except the women and 
children, chief of which insist on staying here." 

Engineer Harry Gordon's Journal,^ states that General Braddock 
arrived at the camp at Will's Creek (Fort Cumberland), May loth, 
and found there one hundred Indian men, women, and children. Richard 
Peters, who visited the camp in May, reported that he found there 
Andrew Montour, Scarrooyady, and about forty of the Indians from 
Aughwick, with their wives and families, "who were extremely dissatis- 
fied at not being consiilted with by the General, and got frequently into 
high quarrels, their squas bringing them money in plenty, which they 
got from the officers, who were scandalously fond of them." Croghan 
wrote Morris from Fort Cumberland, May 20th: "Tomorrow, what 
Indian women and children came here with me set off back for Aucquick, 
by order of the General, the men entirely going with the General; and 
the General insists on my going with him. ... I have here about fifty 
men [Indians and Traders], and in a few days expect twenty more, which 
were left behind at my house." 

On the same day, Braddock wrote Governor Morris that he had 
engaged forty or fifty Indians for Pennsylvania to go with him over 
the mountains, "and shall take Croghan and Montour into service." 

James Burd, who was in command of a party cutting a road to 
Raystown, wrote Peters, June 17th, from " Allogueepy's Town," that he 
had received a letter two days before from George Croghan, then at Little 
Meadows. Joseph Shippen reported on his return from Little Meadows 
that he had counted but seven Indians there, and had asked Mr. Croghan 
what had become of the rest of the thirty-seven he started with. "He 
say'd they were gone from Fort Cumberland with their wives and 
children to Awkwick, to leave them there, and expected to see them 
again before he coiild get to the Great Meadows." Daniel East, a 
servant of Joseph Simon's, was at the Great Crossing of the Youghio- 
gheny, fifteen miles beyond Little Meadows, and reported to Edward 
Shippen, on his return to Lancaster, that, by the help of Mr. Croghan 
and his seven Indians, Sir John Sinclair had discovered a party of two 
or three hundred French Indians, and pursued and driven them off. 

Croghan was back in Aughwick during the summer and fall fol- 
lowing Braddock's defeat. On the 9th of October he wrote Charles 
Swaine at Shippensburg, requesting the loan of six guns, with powder 

'Printed in an incomplete form as "A Seaman's Journal" in Sargent's Braddock's 
Expedition; in a correct form in Hulbert's Braddock's Road. 



George Croghan, the King of the Traders 7 

and lead, and stating that he hoped to have the stockade around his 
house finished by the middle of the following week. He also sent 
reports he had received from an Indian who had come from Ohio, 
who stated that, at the time he left, the French had i6o men ready 
to set out, for the purpose of harassing the English settlements; that 
Croghan's Indian friends there desired him to leave Aughwick 
as soon as the French succeeded in drawing the Susquehanna 
Indians to them; for otherwise, he would lose his scalp; and that the 
French would, if possible, lay all the back frontiers in ruins that winter. 
On November 12th, Croghan wrote James Hamilton, from Shippens- 
burg, giving him Indian news from Ohio. He was more afraid of arrest 
and imprisonment for debt than of losing his scalp, and added to his 
letter: " From ye misfortunes I have had in tread [trade] which oblidges 
me to keep at a greatt distance, I have itt nott in my power to forward 
intelegance so soon as I could wish." 

At a meeting of the Pennsylvania Assembly held November 26. 
1755. the following petition was presented by fifteen creditors of George 
Croghan and William Trent, their names being Jeremiah Warder, 
Samuel Neave, William and David Mcllvaine, Buckridge Sims, Ben- 
jamin and Samuel Shoemaker, James Wallace, James Benezet, Thomas 
Campbell, William West, Adam Hoops, John Potter, David Franks, for 
Levy and Company, and Joseph Morris. They were mostly Phila- 
delphia and Lancaster merchants and tradespeople, who had furnished 
goods or services to Croghan during the time of his extensive trading 
operations with the Ohio Indians : 

The Petition of the principal Creditors of George Croghan and 
William Trent, of the County of Cumberland, Partners and Indian 
Traders, humbly sheweth : 

That the said George Croghan and William Trent stand indebted 
to your Petitioners, and sundry others, in considerable and large sums 
of money; and that by many losses, occasioned by the defection of our 
Indian Allies from their former friendship and amity with this Province, 
and the invasion and conquest by the French on the Ohio and the 
adjacent country (where, for the most part, the goods purchased of your 
Petitioners were sold, the contracts by the said George Croghan and 
William Trent made, and their debts became due), they are rendered 
altogether destitute of money or effects to make that satisfaction to their 
creditors which their inclination and conscience would oblige them 
to do were it in their power ; 

That the said George Croghan has been for some time and is now at 
Aughwick, in the most melancholy and deplorable circumstances, in a 
condition very defenceless, destitute of all kinds of provisions but what is 
procured at the hazard of his life, and daily liable to the invasion and 
massacre of our barbarian enemies ; 

That your Petitioners are well assured that the sole cause of his 



8 The Wilderness Trail 

continuing there in this dangerous and truly unhappy situation pro- 
ceeds from an apprehension that some of his creditors would lay him 
under arrest and deprive him of his liberty, should he come into the more 
settled parts of the Province; 

That, although the chief and principal of the creditors of the said 
George Croghan and William Trent reside in this City, and are of the 
subscribers hereunto, yet there are many others to whom less sums are 
due, dispersed throughout the several Counties in this and the adjacent 
Provinces, which renders it next to impossible to procure all their credit- 
ors to sign a general letter of license (the usual method made use of in 
such cases) , however inclinable they may be so to do ; 

That your Petitioners conceiving that the keeping of the said 
George Croghan under his present unhappy circumstances will answer 
no good end, and at the same time taking into their consideration the 
great knowledge of the said George Croghan in Indian Affairs, his 
extensive influence among them, and the service and public utility he 
may be of to this Province in these respects, they are willing cheerfully 
to surrender up their just demands against the said George Croghan 
and William Trent for the space of Ten Years ; and are induced to pray 
that this House would be pleased to take the premises into their wise 
and prudent consideration, and enact such a law as they shall think 
most expedient and fit, to render the said George Croghan and William 
Trent, or either of them, free from any arrest, suit, trouble, or molesta- 
tion whatsoever, for any sums of money which are now due, or contracted 
for and yet to become due, as well to us as others their said Creditors; 
inserting, nevertheless, in the said Act, a Proviso, that nothing therein 
contained shall affect any debts which are due to any person whatsoever 
from the said George Croghan and William Trent, in Company with 
others, so as to discharge their Partners (if any there be) from such 
Company debts. 

A bill was accordingly drawn and passed by the Assembly on 
November 28th, giving Messrs. Croghan and Trent freedom from 
arrest for the period of ten years. It was presented to the Governor 
for his signature. On the 29th, he was informed by Mr. Richard 
Hockley, agent for Thomas Penn, that he, Hockley, had had no notice 
of the application for the bill for the relief of Croghan and Trent, though 
he had been in partnership with them, and was by far the largest creditor. 
On reading the bill, he proposed an amendment, which was accepted 
by the House, and the Governor enacted it into a law by affixing his 
signature. 

This act, after standing for nearly three years, was disallowed, 
vetoed, and repealed by King George II., at Kensington, June 16, 1758.* 

Croghan met the Governor and three members of his Council at 
Carlisle January 13, 1756. He informed them that he had sent a friendly 
Indian to the Ohio for intelligence, who had been to Kittanning, the 
residence of Chief Shingas and Captain Jacobs. That there, Beaver, 

* Penna. Col. Rec, viii., 320. 



George Croghan, the King of the Traders 9 

brother of Shingas, had told him the Six Nations had given the war 
hatchet to the Delawares and Shawnees; that the messenger had then 
gone to the Logstown, and was told the same thing by the Shawnees 
there; and that there were a number of the Six Nations Indians still 
living in the Shawnee and Delaware towns, who always accompanied 
them in their war parties against the English settlements. On the 15th, 
1 6th, and 17th, Croghan acted with Conrad Weiser as interpreter at a 
conference held by the Governor with The Belt of Wampum, Arroas 
(Silver Heels), Jagrea, Captain Newcastle, Seneca George, and others, 
chiefs and warriors of the Mingoes. 

On February 9th, Francis West wrote from Carlisle to his brother, 
WiUiam, in Philadelphia, stating that the soldiers at Croghan's Fort 
in Aughwick had killed two of the neighboring Indians. 

At CarHsle, on April 24, 1756, Croghan made up an account of his 
"losses occasioned by the French and Indians driving the English Traders 
off the Ohio," in 1754. Some of the items in this account, to which 
Croghan's affidavit was attached, were as follows : 

"One Store House, fenced fields of Indian Corn, and numbers of 
large canoes and batteaux above the mouth of Pine Creek. 

"One Store House at the Logstown, twelve miles from Fort Du 
Quesne, on the northwest side of Ohio, £150. 

"One Store House at Muskingumi^Conchake], £150. 

"One large Store House on the Ohio, opposite to the Mouth of the 
River Scioto, where the Shawanese had built their new Town, called the 
Lower Shawanese Town; which House, we learn by the Indians, is now 
in the possession of a French Trader, £200." This item of property 
seized is stated to have belonged to "William Trent, George Croghan, 
Robert Callender, and Michael Teaff, Traders in Company." 

In these accounts of Croghan 8c Company it is also stated that 
they lost goods, in the hands of Thomas Burney and Andrew McBryar, 
at the taking of the Twightwees' Town (Pickawillany), to the value of 

£331, 15s. 

Soon after making up this account of his losses, Croghan departed 
from Pennsylvania and joined his fortunes with those of Sir William 
Johnson in the Mohawk Valley. On the 24th of June, 1756, he took 
part in a conference held by the baronet with some chiefs of the Six 
Nations at Onondaga Lake. 

About the same time Governor Hardy, of New York, wrote to 
Governor Morris for a sample of Croghan's handwriting; as he wanted 
to compare it with that of some intercepted messages which had been 
sent by French spies in Pennsylvania, destined for Canada. Morris 
answered this letter July 5th, saying in relation to Croghan: "There 
were many Indian Traders with Braddock, and Croghan among others, 



V 



10 The Wilderness Trail 

who acted as a Captain of the Indians [and Traders], under a warrant 
from Gen. Braddock; and I never heard any objections to his con- 
duct in that capacity. For many years he had been very largely con- 
cerned in the Ohio Trade, was upon that River frequently, and had a 
considerable influence among the Indians, speaking the language of 
several nations, and being very liberal, or rather, profuse, in his gifts 
to them; which, with the losses he sustained by the French, who seized 
great quantities of his goods, and by not getting the debts due to him 
from the Indians, he became bankrupt, and since has lived at a place 
called Aughwick, in the back parts of this Province; where he had 
generally a number of Indians with him, for the maintenance of whom 
the Province allowed him sums of money from time to time, but not to his 
satisfaction. After this he went by my order with those Indians and 
joined Gen. Braddock, who gave the warrant I have mentioned. 
Since Braddock's defeat, he returned to Aughwick, where he remained 
till an act of Assembly was passed here granting him a freedom from 
arrest for ten years. This was done that the Province might have the 
benefit of his knowledge of the Woods, and his influence among the 
Indians; and immediately thereupon, while I was last at York, a Cap- 
tain's commission was given to him, and he was ordered to raise men 
for the defence of the Western Frontier, which he did in a very expeditious 
manner; but not so frugally as the Commissioners for disposing of the 
Public Money thought he might have done. He continued in command 
of one of the Companies he had raised, and of Fort Shirley, on the West- 
ern Frontier, about three months, during which time he sent, by my 
direction, Indian Messengers to the Ohio for Intelligence; but never 
procured me any that was very material; and having a dispute with 
the Commissioners about some accounts between them, in which he 
thought himself ill-used, he resigned his commission ; and about a month 
ago informed me that he had not received his pay on Gen. Braddock's 
warrant, and desired my recommendation to Gen. Shirley, which I 
gave him, and he set off directly for Albany; and I hear he is now at 
Onondaga with Sir William Johnson. 

"I believe he knows nothing of the French language, but what he 
may have picked up among the Indians with whom he dealt, having 
been concerned in that Trade ever since he came into this country. I 
send you a letter of his under this cover, and the hand being pretty 
remarkable, you may easily find out if any papers you have procured 
are of his writing. I know very few of the Indian Traders besides, 
as they are mostly a low sort of people, generally too ignorant to be 
employed as spies, but not at all too virtuous." 

Hardy wrote Morris in reply, July 9: "The letters of Croghan is 
by no means the hand I want. I am rather inclined to think the treason- 



George Croghan, the King of the Traders 1 1 

able correspondence must have been carried on by some Roman Catholics. 
I have heard you have an ingenious Jesuit in Philadelphia." 

At the German Flats, August 26, 1756, Sir William Johnson spoke 
to two parties of warriors, one, of several nations, under the command 
of Captain Montour and Scarrooyady, the other, a party of Aughquageys 
and Mohikanders, under Thomas, an Aughquagey (Oghquaga) chief. 
He asked them to go to the Oneida carrying place, to meet there the 
army of General Webb ; and said that he would send their brother, Mr. 
Croghan, with them, instead of going himself. 

The Indians promised to accompany Croghan, but delayed their 
departure from day to day; and General Webb, in the meantime, having 
destroyed his forts, abandoned the carrying place, and returned to 
German Flats, the proposed expedition under Croghan did not start. 

On September 20th, sixty-nine Indians of the Six Nations marched 
from Fort Johnson under the command of George Croghan, to join the 
army at Fort Edward. 

Croghan is referred to in Sir William Johnson's despatches of 
November 19th, as his Deputy Superintendent of Indian Affairs.' On 
the 24th, Sir William gave him written instructions to proceed to Phila- 
delphia and endeavor to persuade the Indians still living near there to 
continue friendly to the Six Nations and the English; and to inquire into 
the cause of the bad behavior of the Delawares and Shawnees. Croghan 
presented this letter to the Pennsylvania Council on the 14th of Decem- 
ber, and informed them that he had been appointed to transact Indian 
Affairs for the Crown in that Province. "The Council, knowing Mr. 
Croghan's circumstances, was not a little surprised at the appointment," 
wrote Richard Peters in the Minutes. Croghan desired that a meeting 
might be held with the Indians at the earliest moment, and if possible 
before the first of March. On the 6th of January, the Assembly agreed 
to advance enough money to pay the expenses of sending Croghan's 
messengers to the Indians at Diahoga, for the purpose of calling a con- 
ference at Harris's Ferry. Two days later, the Friendly Association (of 
Quakers) contributed £100 to Croghan, to pay for sending messengers 
to the Ohio Indians. On the 25th, Croghan wrote the Governor that 
he had despatched two Conestogas to the Ohio with messages to the 
Delawares, Shawnees, and Senecas living there. ^ 

It was impossible to get the Indians together so early as Croghan 
wished; so that he returned to Philadelphia. From there he wrote 
Sir William Johnson, March 14th, enclosing a Memoir, made from his 
old Journals, of some of his Indian transactions in Pennsylvania before 
the outbreak of the War. This Memoir reads in part as follows : 

' N. Y. Col. Doc, vii., 231. 

^ See Burd's Journal at Fort Augusta, in Otzinachson, p. 224. 



12 The Wilderness Trail 

"In November, 1748, Mr. Hamilton^ arrived in Philadelphia, 
Governor of Pennsylvania. During the late War [1744-47] all the Indian 
Tribes living on the Ohio and the branches thereof, on this side Lake 
Erie, were in strict friendship with the English in the several Provinces, 
and took the greatest care to preserve the friendship then existing 
between them and us. At that time we carried on a considerable branch 
of trade with those Indians for Skins and Furs, no less advantageous to 
them than to us. We sold them goods on much better terms than the 
French, which drew many Indians over the Lakes to trade with us. 
The exports of Skins and Furs from this Province at that time will show 
the increase of our trade in them articles. 

"In August, 1749, Governor Hamilton sent me to the Ohio with 
a message to the Indians, to notifie to them the Cessation of Arms, and 
to enquire of the Indians the reason of the march of Monsieur Celaroon 
with two hundred French Soldiers through their country (this detach- 
ment under Monsieur Celaroon had passed by the Logs Town before I 
reached it). 

"After I had delivered my message to the Indians, I inquired what 
the French Commander said to them. They told me he said he was 
only come to visit them, and see how they were cloathed, for their 
Father, the Governor of Canada, was determined to take great care of 
all his children settled on the Ohio, and desired they wou'd turn away all 
the English Traders from amongst them, for their Father would not suffer 
them to trade there any more, but would send Traders of his own, who 
would trade with them on reasonabler terms than the English. 

"I then asked them if they really thought that was the intention of 
the French coming at that time : They answered, yes, they believed the 
French not only wanted to drive the English Traders off, that they might 
have the trade to themselves ; but that they had also a further intention 
by their hurrying iron plates with inscriptions on them in the mouth of 
every remarkable Creek, which we know is to steal our country from us. 
But we will go to the Onondago Council and consult them how we may 
prevent them from defrauding us of our land. 

"At my return I acquainted the Governor what passed between the 
Indians and me. . . . 

"In November [1750] I went to the country of the Twightwees by 
order of the Governor with a small present to renew the chain of friend- 
ship, in company with Mr. Montour Interpreter; on our journey we 

' Governor James Hamilton was a son of Andrew Hamilton, the most celebrated of 
the early Philadelphia lawyers and the one who freed John Peter Zenger, the printer, by 
his eloquent argument before a New York jury. James Hamilton married a daughter of 
Isaac Miranda, and sister of George Miranda, both early French Indian Traders of 
Pennsylvania. 



George Croghan, the King of the Traders 13 

met Mr. Gist, a messenger from the Governor of Virginia, who was sent 
to invite the Ohio Indians to meet the Commissioners of Virginia at the 
Logs Town in the Spring following, to receive a present of goods which 
their father, the King of Great Britain, had sent them. Whilst I was at 
the Twightwee town delivering the present and message, there came 
several of the Chiefs of the Wawioughtanes and Pianguisha Nations, 
living on Wabash, and requested to be admitted into the chain of friend- 
ship between the English and the Six Nations and their allies; which 
request I granted, & exchang'd deeds of friendship with them, with a 
view of extending His Majesty's Indian interest, and made them a small 
present. On my return I sent a coppy of my proceedings to the Governor. 
On his laying it before the House of Assembly, it was rejected and myself 
condemned for bad conduct in drawing an additional expence on the 
Government, and the Indians were neglected. . . . 

"In April, 1751, the Governor sent me to Ohio with a present of 
goods; the speeches were all wrote by the Provincial Interpreter, Mr. 
Wiser. In one of the speeches was warmly expressed that the Gov" 
of Pennsylvania would build a fort on the Ohio, to protect the Indians, 
as well as the English Traders, from the insults of the French. On the 
Governor perusing the speech he thought it too strongly expressed, on 
which he ordered me not to make it, but ordered me to sound the Chief 
of the Indians on that head, to know whether it would be agreeable to 
them or not. Which orders I obeyed, and did in the presence of Mr. 
Montour sound the Half King, Scarioaday, and The Belt of Wampum, 
who all told me that the building of a Trading House had been agreed 
on between them and the Onondago Council, since the time of the detach- 
ment of French, under the command of Mon' Celaroon, had gone 
down the river Ohio, and said they would send a message by me to their 
Brother Onas, on that head. 

' ' After I had delivered the present and done the chief of the business, 
the Indians in publick Council, by a Belt of Wampum, requested that 
the Governor of Pennsylvania would immediately build a strong house 
(or Fort) at the Forks of Monongahela, where the Fort Du Quesne now 
stands, for the protection of themselves and the English Traders. 

"But on my return, this Government rejected the proposal I had 
made, and condemned me for making such a report to the Government, 
alledging it was not the intention of the Indians. The Provincial Inter- 
preter, who being examined by the House of Assembly, denyed that he 
knew of any instructions I had to treat with the Indians for building 
a Trading House, though he wrote the speech himself, and further said 
he was sure the Six Nations would never agree to have a Trading House 
built there, and Governor Hamilton, though he, by his letter of instruc- 
tions ordered me to sound the Indians on that head, let the House know 



14 The Wilderness Trail 

he had given me no such instructions : all which instructions will appear 
on the records of Indian Affairs. 

"The 1 2th June, 1752, the Virginia Commissioners met the Indians 
at the Logs Town and delivered the King's present to them. The 
Indians then renewed their request of having a fort built, as the Gov- 
ernment of Pennsylvania had taken no notice of their former request to 
them, and they insisted strongly on the Government of Virginia's build- 
ing one in the same place that they had requested the Pennsylvanians 
to build one ; but to no effect. 

"In the year 1753 a French army came to the heads of Ohio and 
built Fort Preside on the Lake, and another fort at the head of Venango 
Creek, called by the French Le Buff Rivere. Early in the fall the same 
year about one hundred Indians from the Ohio came from Winchester 
in Virginia, expecting to meet the Governor there, who did not come, but 
ordered Col. Fairfax to meet them. Here again they renewed their 
request of having a Fort built, and said, altho' the French had placed 
themselves on the head of Ohio, that if their Brethren the English would 
exert themselves and send out a number of men, that they would join 
them & drive the French army away or die in the attempt 

"From Winchester those Indians came to Cumberland County, 
where they were met by Commissioners from Governor Hamilton, and 
promised the same which they had done in Virginia, but notwithstanding 
the earnest solicitations of those Indians, the governments neglected 
building them a fort, or assisting them with men; believing or seeming 
to believe that there was no French there; till the Governor of Virginia 
sent Col. Washington to the heads of Venango Creek, where he met 
the French General at a fort he had lately built there. 

"In February, 1754, Captain Trent was at the mouth of Red Stone 
Creek, building a Store house for the Ohio Company, in order to lodge 
stores to be carried from there to the mouth of Monongehela, by water, 
where he had received orders in conjunction with Cresap and Gist to 
build a fort for that Company. This Creek is about thirty-seven miles 
from where Fort Du Quesne now stands. 

"About the loth of this month he received a Commission from the 
Governor of Virginia, with orders to raise a Company of Militia, and 
that he would soon be joined by Col. Washington. At this time the 
Indians appointed to meet him at the mouth of Monongehela, in order 
to receive a present which he had brought them from Virginia. Between 
this time and that appointed to meet the Indians he raised upwards of 
twenty men & found them with arms, ammunition, & provisions at 
his own expense. At this meeting the Indians insisted that he should 
set his men at work, which he did, and finished a Store House, and a 
large quantity of timber hew'd, boards saw'd, and shingles made. 



George Croghan, the King of the Traders 15 

After finishing his business with the Indians he stayed some time, in 
expectation of Col, Washington joining him, as several accounts 
came of his being there in a few days. As there was no more men to be 
had here at this time, there being no inhabitants in this country but 
Indian Traders, who were scattered over the country for several hundred 
miles, & no provisions but a little Indian corn to be had, he applied 
to the Indians who had given him reason to believe they would join him 
and cut off the French on the Ohio, but when he proposed it to the 
Half -King, he told him that had the Virginians been in earnest they 
wou'd have had their men there before that time, and desired him to get 
the rest of his men and hurry out the provisions. Agreeable to his 
instructions he went and recruited his company, but before he could 
get back, it being no miles from here to the nighest inhabitants, the 
French came and drove his people off. 

"In June following, when the Indians heard that Col. Washington 
with a Detachment of the Virginia troops, had reached the great 
Meadows, the Half-King and Scaruady, with about fifty men, joined 
him — notwithstanding the French were in possession of this country 
with six or seven hundred men; so great was their regard for the 
English at that time. 

"After the defeat of Col. Washington, the Indians came to Virginia, 
where they stayed some time, & then came to my house in Pennsyl- 
vania and put themselves under the protection of this Government. 

"As soon as possible, they sent messengers to call down the heads 
of the Delawares and Shawnese to a meeting at my house, and at the 
same time they desired the Governor of this Province, or some Deputy 
from him, to meet them there to consult what was best to be done. 

"The Governor sent Mr. Wiser, the Provincial Interpreter; the 
Chiefs of those Indians came down and met him and offered their services, 
but it was not accepted by Mr. Wiser. He in answer told them to sit 
still, till Governor Morris arrived, and then he himself wou'd come and 
let them know what was to be done. They waited there till very late 
in the fall, but received no answer, so set off for their own country. 

"This Government continued to maintain the Indians that lived 
at my house, till the Spring, when General Bradock arrived; they then 
desired Governor Morris to let me know they would not maintain them 
any longer; at which time Governor Morris desired me to take them to 
Fort Cumberland to meet General Bradock; which I did. On my 
arrival at Fort Cumberland General Braddock asked me where the rest 
of the Indians were. I told him I did not know, I had brought but fifty 
men, which was all that was at that time under my care, and which^I 
had brought there by the directions of Governor Morris. He replied 
that Governor Dinwiddie told me [him] at Alexandria that he had 



1 6 The Wilderness Trail 

sent for 400, which would be here before me. I answered, I knew 
nothing of that, but that Captain Montour, the Virginia Interpreter, 
was in camp & could inform His Excellency. On which Montour 
was sent for, who informed the General that Mr. Gist's son was sent 
off some time agoe for some Cherokee Indians, but whether they would 
come he could not tell. On which the General asked me whether I could 
not send for some of the Delawares and Shawnese to Ohio. I told him 
I could; on which I sent a messenger to Ohio, who returned in eight days 
and brought with him the Chiefs of the Delawares. The General held 
a conference [with] the Chiefs, in company with those fifty I had brought 
with me, and made them a handsome present, & behav'd to them as 
kindly as he possibly could, during their stay, ordering me to let them 
want for nothing. 

"The Delawares promised, in Council, to meet the General on the 
road, as he marched out, with a number of their warriors. But whether 
the former breaches of faith on the side of the English prevented them, 
or that they choose to see the event of the action between General 
Braddock and the French, I cannot tell; but they disappointed the 
General and did not meet him. 

"Two days after the Delaware Chiefs had left the camp at Fort 
Cumberland, Mr. Gist's son returned from the Southward, where he had 
been sent by Govr. Dinwiddie, but brought no Indians with him. 

"Soon after, the General was preparing for the march, with no 
more Indians than I had with me; when Col. Innis told the General 
that the women and children of the Indians that were to remain at Fort 
Cumberland, would be troublesome, and that the General need not 
take above eight or nine men out with him, for if he took more he would 
find them very troublesome on the march and of no service; on which 
the General ordered me to send back all the men, women, and children, 
to my house in Pennsylvania, except eight or ten, which I should keep as 
scouts and to hunt; which I accordingly did." 

Croghan wrote Governor Denny from Harris's Ferry, April 2, 1757, 
stating that he had gotten there five days before, and found one hundred 
and sixty Indians, chiefly of the Six Nations, waiting for a conference. 
He held councils with their chiefs on April ist and 2d, and then accom- 
panied them to Lancaster, where they remained until the end of the 
month, a number dying of small-pox while in camp there. Croghan 
wrote Denny May 2d, that a party of Onondaga warriors had left camp 
to go to Fort Cumberland, in order to join the Catawba and Cherokee 
Indians there, and thence proceed against the French war parties; and 
that on the morrow, Scarrooyady, with a party of Mohawk warriors, 
would set off for Fort Augusta, to reconnoitre the adjacent woods for 
a few days, and then proceed towards the Ohio on a scouting expedition. 



George Croghan, the King of the Traders 17 

Croghan, with Governor Denny and his Council, held conferences with 
the Six Nations chiefs at Lancaster May i ith to 226.. 

On the 17th, the Governor sent Captain George Armstrong to 
Winchester, Virginia, to inform the Cherokees there that on their 
return to Fort Loudoun Mr. Croghan would meet them, with presents 
from the Pennsylvania Government. Captain Richard Paris, a Trader 
who had come with the Cherokees from the South, wrote Governor 
Denny in reply: "I durst not mention Mr. Croghan as a fit person to 
distribute 3^our presents, as the thoughts of that gentleman to the V 
Cherokees is very aggravating, knowing him to be a corrupt peacemaker 
among the nations who are our enemies." 

Croghan wrote General Stanwix from Fort Loudoun in Pennsyl- 
vania^ June nth, saying that he would set off with Colonel John Arm- 
strong the following morning for Winchester, to treat with the Cherokee 
Indians. On the 28th, he reported that he had returned to Fort Loudoun 
the night before, bringing with him fifty-five of the Cherokee warriors 
from Winchester, and would that day deliver to them the present from 
the Government. 

In accordance with the arrangements set on foot by himself, Croghan, 
with Governor Denny and his Council, held an important conference 
with Teedyuscung at Easton, July 21st to August 7th. There were 
present some one hundred and fifty-nine Delawares (fifty-eight men) 
and one hundred and nineteen Senecas, and others of the Six Nations. 
"Mr. Croghan was presented to the Indians as Deputy of Sir William 
Johnson." At this conference, the Quakers persuaded Teedyuscung 
that he should have a clerk or secretary of his own to record the minutes, 
and not trust to Croghan's secretary.^ Charles Thomson, the master 
of the Quaker School at Philadelphia (afterwards Secretary of the Con- 
tinental Congress) was accordingly permitted to act as secretary for 
Teedyuscung. 

Croghan wrote Sir William Johnson of this conference: "All 
parties in that Government seeming only to endeavor to carry their 
own private views and interest, and neglect the general interest. ... In 
the beginning of the troubles in America, before the present war was 
declared, when those [Western] Indians called on the Government of 
Pennsylvania particularly to protect their trade and prevent the French 
from settling and building forts on Ohio, they were deaf to all their 
entreaties. . . . What could those Indians do who had no trade with 
us at that time, and the enemy seated in their country. They were 
obliged to go into the service of the enemy, in my opinion, contrary to 

" Not Fort Loudoun, Tennessee, as stated by Dr. Thwaites in his edition of Cro- 
ghan's Journals. 

' Penna. Col. Rec, vii., 660. 

VOL. n. — 2 



i8 The Wilderness Trail 

their inclinations. . . . Yoiir Honour will see there is a peace, or rather 
a truce, made with the Delawares. How long it may continue I can't 
tell . , . but I shall not wonder if I hear of their committing fresh hos- 
tilities on his Majesty's subjects whenever they want a present of goods." 

Croghan returned to Fort Johnson, and was present at a conference 
held there with five Mohawk and Seneca chiefs and two Cherokee 
deputies, September loth to 20th. He wrote from the same place 
December i8th to a friend in Philadelphia, probably Richard Peters or 
William Trent: "I find by your letter that the Quakers still continue 
to set up Teedyuscung against the Governor. . . . These people must 
be mad. . . . They persist in acting now as they did before the War, in 
Indian Affairs . . . and I am sure the conduct of the Assembly before 
ye War was a great means of driving ye several Western Nations of 
Indians out of the British interest." 

Croghan spent the winter and spring of 1758 at Fort Herkimer on 
the German Flats, in command of scouting parties of the Six Nations, 
information of whose movements he reported to Sir William Johnson. 
He wrote from "Conjouerey" April 14th about preparations being made 
for a journey to Pennsylvania. Whether or not he made this journey 
does not appear from the extant records ; but he wrote Governor Denny 
from Fort Johnson on June 30th, requesting that he acquaint Sir William 
Johnson as to the truth or falsity of a report that twenty Onondagas 
had been killed by a party of English to the southward. "He [Johnson] 
marched yesterday, to join General Abercromby [for the attack on 
Ticonderoga] and I follow him tomorrow with the other division of 
Indians. I expect, in the whole, there will be near 400, amongst whom 
there are some of all the Five Nations." General Johnson wrote 
Abercrombie July 5th from his "Camp in the Woods," within ten miles 
of Fort Edward: "I arrived here last night with near two hundred 
Indians of the Five Nations and others. Mr. Croghan and some of the 
Indian officers are within a day's march of me with about one hundred 
more, as I hear by letters from him. I hope they will be with me at 
Fort Edward this afternoon, and with you at the Lake [George] to- 
morrow." '1 

Croghan was at Easton September 21st, from whence he wrote 
Johnson. He was arranging for a Council meeting with the Delawares 
and Six Nations. On the 26th, he wrote Secretary Richard Peters : " As 
the Indians has been allways drunk, Mr. Wiser nor myself could nott do 
any business with ye Indians. I suspect that Teedyuscung is kept drunk 
here on purpos, to serve some end; butt I hope, on ye Governor's perus- 
ing my letter, he will take such steps as will prevent such abuses on 
his Government. There must, in my opinion, be something very 
extroynery in vew, or else the Commrs. [of the Assembly] would 



George Croghan, the King of the Traders 19 

neaver have ordered their Comeseray to give out so much liquer. ... By 
all mains ye distribution of liquers should be taken out of Vernon hands. 
I have received a line from General Forbes; p'haps he is not well pleased 
with me. . . . You '11 excuse boath writing and peper, and guesF at my 
maining, fer I have at this minnitt 20 drunken Indians about me. I 
shall be ruined if ye taps are nott stopt. Itt dose nott cost me less than 
£3 a day on ye Indians' extraguenty." 

General Forbes at that time was very sick in Cumberland County. 
He had written Bouquet from Shippensburg, September 2d, that he had 
had a relapse ; and that Mr. Coghlan (Croghan) would join the expedition 
against Fort Duquesne, "with Indians." 

October 7th to 26th, Croghan, with the Governors of Pennsylvania 
and New Jersey, the Pennsylvania Council, some members of the 
Assembly, a number of the Quakers — self-appointed peacemakers — and 
others, met about five hundred Indians of the Six Nations, Dela wares, 
Shawnees, Mohicans, and other smaller tribes, in a great Council at 
Easton. Teedyuscung was present, but drunk nearly all the time. The 
Quakers charged Croghan with keeping him in that condition. Their 
account of the conferences, as preserved in a letter written or delivered to 
Charles Thomson by one of their number, ^ states that the place of meeting 
on October 8th was at Croghan's. ' ' It affords some matter of speculation 
why Croghan, who is here in no public capacity [he represented John- 
son], should be honored with a guard at his door. The reason of the 
Indians meeting at his house is more easily accounted for, as he treats 
them with liquor, and gives out that he himself is an Indian. . . . On 
Friday, October 13th, a Conference was held, at which the Governor 
spoke, and the Allegheny letter [brought by Frederick Post] was read. 
At the close of the Conference, one, Nichos, a Mohawk, made a speech — 
to disclaim Teedyuscung's authority. This Nichos is G. Croghan's 
father-in-law, and him 't is thought Croghan now makes use of to raise 
disturbance among the Indians." Another member of the Friendly 
Association of Quakers wrote at the same time: "I am fitting out two 
waggons, with about 5 or 6oo£ worth of strouds, blankets, match-coats, 
etc., which shall be sent to the General [Forbes], either to be sold or 
given away in such manner as may most effectually promote the public 
interest. . . . Our Friendly Association have, out of their fund, expended 
upwards of 2,ooo£, but the cost of these goods must be paid (if they are 
given away) out of the contributions of the Menonists and Swengf elders, 
who put about i,50o£ into my hands for these purposes." 

Governor Denny wrote Johnson of the success of the Easton Con- 
ference, and of the valuable assistance of Mr. Croghan, as against "a 
restless and wretched faction." 

' Thomson's Alienation of the Delawares and Shawnees, p. 178. 



20 The Wilderness Trail 

General Forbes's army occupied the ruined site of Fort Duquesne 
on November 25th. Two days later, Croghan and Montour crossed 
the Allegheny and slept on its north bank, opposite the camp. Here 
they met a messenger from the Indians living at the mouth of Beaver 
Creek, inviting them to their town, and stating that other messengers 
had been sent to call their people' home from the Cuscuskoes to meet 
them there. They proceeded to Logstown the next day, in company 
with six Delawares; and at eleven o'clock on the morning of the 29th 
arrived at the Delaware town, a mile below the mouth of Beaver Creek 
(Shingas's Town). Here Croghan held a Council on December ist, at 
which were present the Delawares and the Six Nations deputies he 
had sent from Easfon in October. The Indians were conducted to the 
camp of the army by Croghan and Montour, and there met Colonel 
Bouquet in Council on the 4th and 5th of December, 1758. 

Croghan and Montour were in Philadelphia together, and attended 
a Council, February 8, 1759, between Richard Peters and some chiefs of 
the Six Nations and Cherokees. Croghan also had a conference with 
Governor Denny about Indian affairs March 28th. On the 25th of 
May he wrote Captain Horatio Gates from Bedford that he had been 
there ten days, waiting for an escort to convoy him to Pittsburgh; 
and that he had sent Captain Montour ahead to collect all the Indians 
he coiild, to meet him on his arrival. The eight Provincial Commis- 
sioners for the Indian Trade, newly appointed by the Assembly, com- 
plained to the Governor in the beginning of July that "George Croghan 
has assumed a power of licensing such persons to trade with the Indians 
at Pittsburgh, as he thinks proper; and also to fix the prices goods shall 
be sold at, and of the skins and furs to be received in payment. . . . We 
are informed [by a letter from their agent at Pittsburgh dated June 22 d] 
that Croghan has offered them [the Indians] 2s. per lb. more for beaver 
than we have directed our Agent to give." 

From July 4th to i6th, Croghan and Colonel Hugh Mercer, with 
Captains William Trent, Thomas McKee, and Henry Montour, held a 
conference at Pittsburgh with some chiefs of the Six Nations, Shawnees, 
Delawares, and Wyandots. Croghan's Journal showed that since his 
arrival at Pittsburgh twelve hundred Indians had been fed and clothed. 

General Stanwix reached Pittsburgh in the latter part of August, 
and work on Fort Pitt was begun September loth, and continued through 
the following winter and spring. Croghan was occupied during much 
\J of this time in getting intelligence of the French movements, by means 
of his Indian spies. From October 24th to 26th a Council was held by 
Stanwix, Croghan, Trent, McKee, and Montour, with a number of Indian 
chiefs. On the 25th, the speaker for the Wyandots arose and said: 
"Brethren — I am glad to meet you in Council. Here are the Six 



George Croghan, the King of the Traders 21 

Nations, Shawnees, Delawares, and Twightwees. As we [the Wyandots] 
are the oldest Nation,^ I shall speak first, and they shall hear what I am 
going to say." On the 26th the Delaware speaker said : "We are met 
this day in Council in presence of our uncles, the Six Nations and the 
Wyandots, and our grandchildren, the Shawnees and Twightwees." 

Croghan wrote to Richard Peters from Fort Pitt May 12, 1760, 
stating that he had had a conference with the Shawnees since General 
Stanwix left, and renewed the ancient treaty of friendship. 

On July 6th, General Monckton, then at Fort Pitt, instructed Colonel 
Bouquet to march with one hundred Virginia militia and take posses- 
sion of the French post at Presqu' Isle. Captain Croghan, with a few 
Indians, would attend him. The detachment left Fort Pitt on the 7th, 
and reached Presqu' Isle ten days later. Thomas Hutchins's Journal 
of this march is printed in the second volume of the Pennsylvania 
Magazine. Bouquet writes from Venango on the 13th, "Croghan goes 
to Custaloga's Town [Cassewago] with presents"; and, on the 14th 
"Croghan obliged to stay at Custaloga's Town, the Indians being all 
drunk, and not fit for business." Croghan returned to Fort Pitt before 
the 28th. 

On the I2th of August, General Monckton, with George Croghan 
Thomas McKee, Thomas Hutchins, and Andrew Montour, held a con- 
ference at Fort Pitt with fifteen chiefs and three hundred and sixty-seven 
warriors of the Six Nations, Shawnees, Delawares, Twightwees, Wyan- 
dots, Ottawas, and Pottawattomies. The Council lasted until the 17th. 
Bouquet wrote Monckton from Presqu' Isle September 13th, remarking 
on "the little influence possessed by the manager at Pittsburgh over 
the Indians." 

In October Croghan was sent by General Monckton to join Major 
Robert Rogers and his Rangers at Presqu' Isle, and proceed with them 
to Detroit. He left Fort Pitt on the 21st, at Venango joining Captain 
Campbell, who was on the march to Presqu' Isle with a detachment of 
the Royal American troops, and reaching that place on the 2 ist. Croghan 
set off in one of the boats for Detroit, November 4th, and arrived 
there with Rogers on the 29th. Here, during the succeeding week, 
he held several important conferences with the Indian tribes about 
that post. He left Detroit on his return, December nth, proceeding 
homeward by way of Sandusky Bay, Mohican John's Village, and 
King Beaver's Town, to Fort Pitt, where he arrived on January 7, 
1761. 

Croghan wrote Captain William Trent and Alexander Lowrey 
from Fort Pitt, February 5th, that, having agreed with them on the price 
of goods to be sold to the Indians at Sandusky and Detroit, he hopes 

' Penna. Col. Rec, viii., 431, 433. 



22 The Wilderness Trail 

they will sell at these prices, and be careful to maintain a good under- 
standing with the Indians. 

April 22, 1761, Bouquet wrote Monckton from Fort Pitt : "Croghan 
and Clapham wish to make a settlement on land acquired from the 
Indians, and asks orders thereupon." This application was doubtless 
approved by the General, for Croghan had a house built on this land, 
above Two Mile Run, in 1762. On May 15th Bouquet wrote again, that 
the "Indians have stolen a considerable number of horses. Horses 
intended to go to the saw-mill for boards were stolen out of the stable 
by Shawnees; one found shot; the others overtaken; but the Indians 
only laughed at messages sent by Croghan, and carried them off. . . . 
Croghan leaves for Niagara." Jtdy 24th, Bouquet writes Monckton: 
"Croghan proceeds to Detroit, to arrange with the Indians and fix on 
a spot for a post on the south side of the Lake. Sir William and Croghan 
will learn the true reasons of discontent among the northern Indians." 

Croghan wrote Bouquet from King Beaver's Town on the Tus- 
carawas August 1st, while on his way to Detroit, that the Indians there 
"have been consoled for the death of Nickman by a few small pres- 
ents, and he has ordered rum and flour to make a feast for the rela- 
tions, that they may forget his death. The Indians from the different 
villages are to meet here, to proceed for the treaty in Pennsylvania." 

In Johnson's diary, under date of August 27th, while on his way to 
Detroit he speaks of having met some French boats from that post, which 
had left there ten days before. "They told me Mr. Croghan had arrived 
at Detroit two days before they left it, with a few Shawnees, Delawares, 
etc." Croghan met him with horses, about six miles below the Detroit 
Fort, on September 3d, having come by way of Sandusky. They held 
councils with the Indians for several days, and distributed presents, 
leaving Detroit together on the 19th. Croghan and Johnson parted 
at Sandusky Bay, the former taking the land trail for Fort Pitt, and the 
latter proceeding eastward along the lake shore with his boats. Bouquet 
wrote Monckton from Fort Pitt October 5th, announcing Croghan's 
return, with the report of Sir William Johnson's complete success in his 
treaty with the Indians. 

October 12, 1761, Croghan wrote Sir William Johnson, reporting 
that three hundred and thirty-eight prisoners had been given up at Fort 
Pitt by the Indians since June, 1759. 

On October 25th, Croghan appointed Thomas Hutchins as Assistant 
Agent for Indian Affairs in the Western Division. 

General Amherst wrote Bouquet from New York, January 16, 1762, 
that Croghan had gone with his Indian accounts to Sir William Johnson ; 
that they were of prodigious amount; that he had granted a warrant on 
account of reasons given by Sir William; but orders for Indian presents 



George Croghan, the King of the Traders 23 

must be sparing in the future. Croghan himself wrote Bouquet from 
Philadelphia on the 226. that he had just returned from New York. 

In answer to the complaints made by Amherst of the great expenses 
of the Indian Department, Croghan wrote Bouquet March 27, 1762, 
explaining the nature of the expenditures, and the necessity of making 
presents to the Indians, as had been the custom of the English and French 
since the first settling of America. He has been ordered by Sir William 
Johnson to get all the prisoners among the Indians released, which can 
not be done without expense; and his visits to the distant posts cannot 
be made without a batteau and men, and wampum to make speeches, 
besides provisions, etc. 

On April 3d, Croghan instructed his assistant, Thomas Hutchins, 
to proceed by way of Sandusky to Michillimackinac, La Baye, St. Joseph, 
Miamis, and Weyaugh, to examine into the state and behavior of the 
Indians near these posts, and to return through the Twightwee and 
Shawnese country. Hutchins's Journal of his travels on this errand is 
published in a later chapter. 

The correspondence of Bouquet and Amnerst during 1762 contains 
several references to Croghan's expenses for Indian affairs. On June 
7th, Amherst states that he has sent a warrant for Croghan's accounts; 
on July 25th, he writes that Croghan's Indian accounts are very high, 
and to refuse all presents to the Indians until the prisoners are delivered; 
and on August 29th, that Croghan's Indian accounts have been referred 
to Sir William Johnson. Bouquet writes, October 26th, that Croghan 
has been instructed to conform to Sir William Johnson's orders. 

Croghan wrote Johnson on May 10, 1762, announcing that Kinder- 
unta and a party of eighty Six Nations warriors had returned from the 
South, bringing two Cherokee prisoners and eight scalps; that he 
(Croghan) has spent £100 out of his salary to satisfy these Indians, and 
would like to resign in the fall. His account for the half year is £317. 

Johnson wrote Croghan five days later, requesting his presence at 
Easton on June 15th, when the baronet was to meet Teedyuscung and 
examine into his complaint about land frauds. This meeting took place 
at Easton in the latter part of June. The manuscript minutes of the 
conferences, in the Johnson papers, show that on June 22d Teedyuscung 
declared that he was unable to understand the proceedings of the day 
before, "and his pretense is supported insolently by Israel Pemberton, 
a Philadelphia Quaker, who threatens an appeal to England against the 
proceeding." What diplomacy was exercised by Johnson or Croghan 
in the matter does not appear from the record, but before the close of the 
Council Teedyuscung retracted his charges of fraud and forgery in land 
transactions, made against the Proprietaries by him at Easton six years 
before, at the instigation of Pemberton and some of his fellow Quakers. 



24 The Wilderness Trail 

Croghan wrote Johnson from Philadelphia July 3d, that the Quakers 
claim that they have accommodated the land dispute with the Dela- 
wares, and that Johnson's report to the home Government is of no use; 
but that some are apprehensive that Pemberton, Fox, and Hughes have 
invited his Majesty's resentment, and expect the downfall of Quaker 
influence. The Quakers, he adds, are preparing a remonstrance against 
Johnson's course at Easton, denounce Councillor Marshe, and threaten 
Croghan. If the Indians come to Lancaster, he (Croghan) will be there 
to expose them and their king, Teedyuscung. Croghan wrote again 
on the loth, enclosing a message sent by a committee, describing the 
mortification and division of the Quakers after the Easton investigation 

^^' of the Indian claims. 

0,')f ' On the 28th of June, 1762, Frederick Post set out from Tuscarawas, or 
Beaver's Town, on the Muskingum, for Lancaster, with a large number of 
Delaware, Twightwee, Wee, Wyandot, Kickapoo, and Shawnee chiefs 
and warriors, to meet Governor Hamilton in a Council, and treat for 
the delivery of prisoners by the Indians. Sir William Johnson wrote the 
Secretary in April that he could see no necessity for a conference with 
the Indians at that time; and it is possible that was the reason why 
Croghan took no public part in it. Or, possibly, he may have been 
afraid of being imprisoned for debt. His name does not even appear 
in the minutes of the meetings as being present. Besides the Western 
Indians, a large number of deputies attended from all of the Six Nations 
but the Mohawks, from the Wyoming and Minisink Delawares, Nan- 
ticokes, Conoys, and others. When Post and his party of Indians 
reached Fort Littleton on their eastward journey, Croghan came on the 
1 8th of July and told them it would be dangerous for them to travel, as 
the court was then in session at Carlisle, and he desired Post to persuade 
the Indians to remain where they were until the Court had adjourned. 
They agreed to remain three days, but would not delay longer, and con- 
tinued on to Lancaster, with Croghan in their company, where they 
arrived on the 8th of August. 

Andrew Montour acted as one of the interpreters at the Lancaster 
Council, which lasted from August 17th to 28th. Croghan wrote John- 
son from Bedford September 4th, reporting the failure of the Quakers 
at the Lancaster Council to retain control of the trading privilege at 
Fort Augusta and to obtain from the Six Nations a grant of land to the 
Delawares on the "Dillaware River"; proposing the appointment of 
"young [Alexander] McKee's" father (Captain Thomas McKee) as 
assistant deputy at Fort Augusta; and recounting a scandalous incident 
regarding Mr. Pemberton. 

In a "return" of English prisoners delivered up at Fort Pitt and 
Fort Detroit by the Western Indians, made by Croghan to Bouquet 



George Croghan, the King of the Traders 25 

at Fort Pitt, October 9th, the former writes : " Itt appears by my Journal 
that from the 9th of July, 1759, to the 9th of October, 1762, there has 
been four hundred and eleven prisoners delivered up (411), exclusefi 
of thirty-one wh. has been sett att liberty by the Indians att their towns, 
and passed by hear in their way home (31), 442." 

On the 9th of October, he wrote again to Johnson, from "Croghan 
Hall, near Fort Pitt," mentioning the Journal of Thomas Hutchins, just 
returned from the "tour over the Lakes" on which Croghan had de- 
spatched him six months before. Hutchins brought numerous com- 
plaints from all the tribes against General Amherst's policy of letting 
them have but little ammunition and no presents. November loth, 
Croghan wrote from Bedford, giving some Indian intelligence. One 
month later he sent to Johnson, from Fort Pitt, a copy of the Journal 
kept by Alexander McKee during his residence among the Shawnees, V 
which gave hints of plotting on the part of the Senecas, Delawares, and 
Shawnees, intelligence of a belt and hatchet sent to the Indians by the 
French in the Illinois country, complaints of the Indians over the with- 
holding of ammunition by the English; and apprehensions of a general 
Indian war. On the same day (December loth), he wrote two letters 
to Bouquet, who was then in Philadelphia. The first letter announced 
McKee's return from the Shawnees; stated that some Shawnees were 
on their way to Fort Pitt with their prisoners, and that McKee expects 
them all to be delivered up, as he has a better opinion of the Shawnees j 
than of the Delawares; that the Indians confessed to having received 
the belt reported by McKee; it was from the French officer on the 
Illinois (Fort Chartres) ; they say that they had no intention to go to 
war, but it was time to defend themselves, as the English intend to 
make war on them, alleging the refusal to sell them powder, etc., as a 
proof of this; and that as soon as all the prisoners are delivered up, the 
war will begin; if war should break out, it would be general, as the 
Indians are jealous and never consider consequences; and it will not 
be long before there is a quarrel with them. In the second letter, 
Croghan desires to know the General's determination as to the expenses 
of the Indian Department, so that he may know whether to continue 
or resign; as he will not be continually begging for necessaries, and will 
not pay the expenses out of his own pocket. 

Early in January, 1763, Croghan repeated his warnings of the bad 
disposition and hostile intentions of the Indians, and added, "but they 
are not yet united." He wrote Bouquet two letters on March 19th, in 
which, among other things, he said: 

I am sorry that Colonel John Armstrong has not returned ye four 
Tracts [of land] run out for you last Fall, with ye Tract of ye Big 



26 The Wilderness Trail 

Spring on Vinord Creek, which are all done. I have wrote him to return 
them as soon as possible. As to ye Tracts on Vinord Creek, you may 
depend upon it, I will have them run out next month, when I shall be 
at Bedford. 

As to ye other affair, my Brother [Edward Ward] is now on ye spot 
with ye Indian, digging [for ore], ye produce of which I will send you 
on my arrival at Bedford, where I expect to be ye first of April. 

As I shall not have ye pleasure of accompanying you down ye 
[Ohio] River, I think it my duty to give you my opinion of that tour, 
with respect to making any settlement. I dare say you will find that 
the French has not purchased any more land of the Indians than just 
what they have occupied, and that you will find ye Indians will not stand 
tame spectators and see settlements made in their country without first 
having some consideration given them for it; and I am of opinion the 
French will do everything in their power, privately, to give ye Indians 
a bad impression of us ; so that yoiur hands should be open with respect 
to presents. You shoiild have at least fifty Indians from hence with 
you, of ye different nations, and such as is of consequence among these 
\/ nations; with whom I will send young Mr. McKee, who is a modest 
young man, and one you can depend on as a good interpreter. . . . 

Some time ago I wrote Sir William Johnson and let him know that 
if Sir Jeffrey Amhurst did not give me leave to go to England to solicit 
a restitution for ye great depredations committed on me by the King 
of France's subjects in ye beginning of ye War, that I would resign, which 
I expect will be ye case, as I am pretty certain Sir W. J. will give me 
leave to resign ; as he must think there is no occasion for an Agent here 
on Sir Jeffrey Amhurst present plan. 

Nothing would give me greater pleasure than to go down this River, 
as you are honoured with the command; but for two very weatey reasons, 
I can't think of it; first, my own affairs will oblige me to go to England 
as soon as possible; ye secondly is, that I am certain Sir Jeffrey Amhurst 
will not alow a sufisent quantity of presents to satisfye the great number 
of Indians; and before I would attempt to undertake ye negocieatory 
mators with a number of Indian nations who has never been acquainted 
with us, but allways under ye influences of the French, without I could 
do it with repetation to myself and ease to you, I will run ye resk of 
loosing everything I have depending in England, and content myself 
at ye tail of a plow, somewhere on ye frontier. 

On April 23d, Croghan reported that three chiefs, with one hundred 
and twenty- two warriors, came into Fort Pitt to deliver five prisoners. 
Captain Ecuyer, Commandant at Fort Pitt in Bouquet's absence, wrote 
the latter on the same day: "The Indians depart at last to-morrow, 
very much dissatisfied, although I have done more for them than I 
should, perhaps ; but one cannot free one's self from Croghan. He gave 
up to them because they would have eaten all our provisions ; think, that 
during the last month Mr. Croghan has drawn 17,000 pounds, as much 
flour and beef; that makes one tremble. I use the skins which the 
Indians have given, to dress the five prisoners. . . . Mr. Croghan departs 



George Croghan, the King of the Traders 27 

on the 25th for Bedford and Carlisle." On May 4th, Ecuyer wrote: 
" Mr. Croghan is at Bedford and proposes to go to Carlisle." 

Within another month the storm which had been gathering on the 
Indian frontiers burst with great fury over the garrisons of St. Joseph, 
Michillimackinac, Detroit, Ouiatanon, Miami, Sandusky, Presqu' Isle, 
Le Boeuf, Venango, Fort Pitt, Ligonier, Schlosser, and Niagara. Fort 
Pitt was in a state of siege after May 29th. Croghan wrote Bouquet 
from Carlisle June 8th, that, as he predicted, the Delawares had all de- 
clared against the EngHsh; " I need say nothing now on ye subject, as it 

will not bear laflfing at, as usual, by his " He adds, that he would 

proceed to-morrow to Bedford, and would try to get an escort for the 
powder and lead up there [from Fort Loudoun]. He wrote again from 
Shippensburg on the nth, stating that he had engaged a garrison of 
twenty-five men for Fort Lyttleton, to prevent its being taken; would 
go there personally, and if Amherst did not approve of his action and 
he had to pay the men himself, he would discharge the garrison at the 
end of the month; the only Indians concerned about Fort Pitt are the 
Delawares. On the 17th, i8th, and 20th, he writes Bouquet from Fort 
Bedford, saying that he believes Fort Pitt to be invested, but does not 
believe the Indians can long remain there; suggesting a plan to stop the 
war; and stating that the Delawares have been very insolent since the last 
treaty, and that he hopes "the Quakers may not find that their inter- 
fering with Indian affairs may have done more hurt . . . than any 
settlements that I or any other people have made there." Bouquet 
wrote Croghan from Carlisle July 4th, giving a summary of General 
Amherst's letter of June 25th, approving of Croghan's suggestions and 
of what he has done; and adding that "he [Bouquet] and Captain Basset 
are living in ease at Croghan's hotel." 

Johnson wrote Amherst September 14th, sending the letter by Mr. 
Croghan, who "arrived here [Johnson Hall] a few days ago, in order to 
lay before me the necessity he is under of going to England." Croghan 
met Amherst in New York, and on the 27th wrote him, explaining some 
of his transactions which had been criticised, repelling an implied 
reflection on his conduct, and resigning his post in the Indian service. 
Amherst wrote Johnson four days afterwards, saying that he prevailed 
on Croghan to advise with Johnson before he took that step, "which he 
agreed to do, and he is set out for Bedford to attend on his duty." On 
the 4th of October Croghan wrote Johnson from Philadelphia, stating 
that he had taken passage on a ship for England, to sail December ist, 
and hoped to visit Johnson Hall before that time. A week later he 
wrote Bouquet' from Carlisle that he had sent in his resignation and 
would sail for England; and that for the past eighteen months no 
attention had been paid to his reports or opinions. Accordingly, we find 



28 The Wilderness Trail 

him in Albany on November 24th, on his return from a visit to Johnson 
Hall. While he was there, Sir William Johnson wrote an important 
letter on Indian affairs to the Lords of Trade, dated November i8th, 
which Croghan undertook to carry to England with him. In this letter 
Johnson said: "The defection of the Ohio Indians rendering Mr. 
Croghan's residence amongst them for a time unnecessary, and his private 
affairs, as he informs me, requiring his immediate presence in England, 
leaving an assistant at Fort Pitt, I have committed this packet to his 
care; the rather, as his long residence in this Country, and his knowledge 
of the Indians, will enable him to answer any further questions necessary 
for your Lordship's better information. If Mr. Croghan does not care 
to continue longer in thi'; Department, I must make choice of another 
deputy early in the Spring." 

Croghan did not sail for England on December ist, however, as he 
expected, for on the 15th and i8th of that month he wrote Johnson from 
Philadelphia in regard to the favorable character of Alexander McKee, 
and alluded to Andrew Montour's distressing circumstances, and his 
integrity and faithfulness. He also offered to exchange a stock of Indian 
goods which he had taken from Baynton & Wharton for some border land. 

December 7th a meeting of Indian Traders and merchants who sup- 
plied them with goods was held at the Indian Queen Tavern in Lancaster 
(or Philadelphia). There were present Messrs. David Franks, Jeremiah 
Warder, Samuel Burge, George Croghan, John Coxe, Abraham Mitchell, 
William Trent, Robert Callender, Joseph Spear, Thomas McKee, 
Philip Boyle, and Samuel Wharton. George Croghan and Moses 
Franks were authorized to lay before the Lords of Trade or the King in 
Council, a statement of the Traders' losses by Indian depredations during 
the recent Pontiac War, and to solicit the aid of Thomas and Richard 
Penn, Generals Amherst, Monckton, and Gage, and the Earl of Halifax, 
in obtaining restitution for their losses. Croghan probably sailed for 
England in the latter part of December or the beginning of January, and 
reached there in February, 1764. He writes Johnson from London, 
February 24th, describing his shipwreck on the Norman coast, his recep- 
tion in London by Lords Hillsboro and Halifax, the excitement in 
England over "Wilks and Liberty," and other matters in which the 
baronet was interested. He wrote again on March loth, mentioning 
the English neglect of American affairs and declaring that he is sick of 
London and its vanities. On April 14th he writes of there being slight 
prospect that the Government will repair the losses of the Indian Traders, 
and again expresses his disgust with London's pride and pomp, and his 
desire to live on a little farm in America. A third letter, dated May nth, 
speaks of the neglect of Indian affairs by the Lords of Trade, and of a 
projected visit to Ireland. 



George Croghan, the King of the Traders 29 

Croghan's brother, Captain Edward Ward, who, as Ensign Ward, 
had surrendered the fort to the French at the Forks of Ohio in 1754, 
wrote Sir William Johnson from Carhsle May 2, 1764^: 

May it pleas your Honour: 

The accounts I have learnt from my Brother are, That the Ship he 
went home in was cast away on the coast of France; That there was 
no lives lost; and that all the money aboord was saved. This I have 
from one of the Owners of the Ship, who lives in Philadelphia. 

But in his letter he seems to express concern and Surprise that he has 
not Received a line from one of the Owners of the Ship in London, nor 
from my Brother. From a sense I have of the many favours you have 
don my Brother, and your friendship for him, I do begg you will favor 
me with a line with respect to everything you may learn of him. A 
brother's love must plead my pardon, as it so neerly concerens one to heer 
from Him. 

Yesterday, I received a letter from Lieut. Hutchins, from Fort 
Pitt, in five days, and he informs me that, a fue days ago, one, Hicks 
[a renegade and traitor], come into Fort Pitt from the Indians, who 
informs him, that for certain. My Cousin, Major Thomas Smallman, is 
prisnor with the Shanney's, at a place at the Ohio called the Mugguck 
[on the Pickaway Plains]; I would begg, as the greatest favor ever don 
my Brother or me, that you would pleas to send some of the Five 
Nations To make enquierry for mypoor Cousin, and, if posable, for them 
to bring Him to you, or to some post where he may be safe out of their 
reach. ^ 

From this Hicks's known attachment to the Indian life, and a dog 
that was seen, and some shotts that was hard after he come into the Fort, 
It is thought he come as a spie. This Hicks was taken in the beginning 
of the former war, and he is in fact an Indian, and acquainted with 
every of the Indians' Villany, and a greater Villain is not in the Indian 
nations. 

Fue or no Indians have appeared on our Frunteers leatly. 

This Government seems as if they would trust thier battles to be 
fought by the Indians, for we are not prepereing for the field; and if one 
may judge people, they assure Themselves that the five Nations will 
reduce the Offending Nations, and by that bring about a pece for 
them. It is strange that people that Has had so long an acquaintance 
with Indians, as they have had, should no so little of them as they do. 

The Governments, from my first acquaintance with them and the 
Indians, which was in fifty- two, have ever had Forty affaires In thier 
Treaties with the Indians, and ever have endevoured to blacken Each 
Other to they Indians. I hope they never will have any more Treaties 
with Them, and I am sure from my small acquaintance in Indian affaires, 
That it will be very happy for his Majesty's subjects that they never 
more Have to do or say in Treaties. . . . 

I hate this Government and it's quarrels, and wish my affaires were 

' Original letter in possession of C. A. Hanna. 

2 Smallman was surrendered by the Shawnees to Bouquet at Muskingum November 
9, 1764. Pa. Col. Rec, ix., 223. 



30 The Wilderness Trail 

so settled that I could leave it. I medle with non of thier quarrels, 
and live like one dropt amongst them. . . . ■ 

While in London, Colonel Croghan made the following affidavit, in 
the latter part of July, in connection with the complaints of the Six 
Nations against the Connecticut settlers at Wyoming. This document is 
to be found among the manuscripts of the Pennsylvania Historical Society 
(Penna. Land Grants, vols. 1681-1806, pp. 205-209), and has been cited 
by Mr. Harvey in his History of Wilkes-Barre. Its chief value in connec- 
tion with our present subject is the information the paper gives about 
Croghan's early movements, and the fact it mentions of his having been 
made a Councillor of the Six Nations at Onondaga so early as 1746. 
According to Dr. Thwaites, Croghan was a distant relative of Sir William 
Johnson, and it was no doubt through his early assistance that the 
former succeeded in acquiring such a prominent and influential position 
among the Western Indians. Croghan's deposition reads in part as 
follows : 

Geo : Croghan, of Cumberland County, in Pennsylvania, in 
North America, Deputy Agent for Indian Affairs under Sir Wm. 
Johnson, Bart., his Majestie's Superintendant of Indian Affairs for the 
Northern district of North America, now residing in the parish of St. 
Martin in the Fields, in the County of Middx., maketh Oath — That he 
hath been resident in North America for the Space of 23 years next 
before his arrivall in England, wch. was in the month of February 
last. And this Dept. saith, that upon his first arrivall in North 
America, he traded wth. the 6 Nations & the other Indian Tribes 
Dependt. upon & Tributary to them; and was in such favor and con- 
fidence wth. the Councils of the 6 Nations that he was, in the year 
1746 (before he was appointed Deputy to Sir Wm. Johnson, wch. was 
not till the year 1756), Admitted by them as a Councillor into the Onon- 
daga Councill, wch. is the Supreme Council of the 6 Nations & the 
severall Tribes dependt. thereon. 

And this Dept. further saith, that he hath frequently attended 
at the Councills of the 6 Nations as a Councillor, & hath given his 
Opinion as such in the Severall Debates that have arisen there ; and that 
he understands the Language of the 6 Nations, & of Severall other of 
the Indian Nations; and is acquainted with the manner in wch. the 
6 Nations of Indians dispose of their Country & Tracts of Lands; and 
hath been present in Councill Severall times when Sales of Lands have 
been debated. 

And this Dept. saith, that according to the best of this Deponent's 
Judgmt. & beliefe, the Comon and Usuall Method of making a 
purchase of the 6 Nations is for the Person or persons proposing to 
purchase, To signifye his or their Desire to purchase such a Dis- 
trict of Country, to the Onondaga Councill, wch. proposall is made to 
them in Councill, when Sitting; who deliberate upon such proposall untill 
the next meeting of the said Onondaga Council) wth. the English, wch. 
is sometimes in 6 months & sometimes in 12 months after such 



George Croghan, the King of the Traders 31 

proposall ; when the said Councill Give an Answer to such proposall, & 
either agree to Sell upon the terms proposed, or propose other terms, or 
propose to sell a Lesser quantity, or refuse to sell at all. And if the terms 
are agreed upon. Deeds are forthwith prepared & explained by a Sworn 
Interpreter to the said Onondaga Councill, & executed by the said 
Councill then present. 

And this Depont. further saith, that, according to the best of his 
Judgmt. and belief e, no purchase of the 6 Nations is looked upon by 
them to be good and Valid wch. is not approved by the Onondaga 
Councill and conveyed by them, in Councill. 

And this Depont. saith, that all the Tribes of the Delaware Indians 
are tributary to the 6 Nations, having been conquered by the 6 Na- 
tions; and that the 6 Nations claim the right to all the Soil or Country 
possessed by the Severall tribes of the said Delaware Indians, & the same 
are Constantly sold by the said Onondaga Councill, who always give a 
considerable part of the purchase money to the Delaware Indians. 

And this Dept. saith, in the year 1762, this Dept. being wth. 
Sir Wm. Johnson, at Fort Johnson, in the Mohock River, a part of 
the Onondaga Councill (to the amount, as this Dept. believes, 
of 20), came to Sir Wm. Johnson, and in a conference wth. Sir 
Wm. Johnson, Complained that their Cousens, the Delawares, had 
informed them that a Number of White men from New England had 
settled on a part of their Country near Wyomen, on the North Branch 
of the River Susquehannah ; and desired that Sir Wm. Johnson would 
write to the Governor, to know by what authority they had seated 
themselves in their Country, wch. they never had sold; or to that 
effect. . . . 

While in London, Croghan also presented to the Lords of Trade an 
interesting Memorial on Indian Affairs in America, which is printed in 
the seventh volume of the New York Colonial Documents. He wrote 
Johnson August 4th, sending him some presents. William Darlington 
wrote Johnson from New York October 27th, informing him of Colonel 
Croghan's departure for Pennsylvania. He seems to have returned to 
America about that time; and was induced to continue as Deputy 
Indian Agent in the Western Department. On the 4th of December, he 
wrote from Philadelphia to his assistant, Alexander McKee, at Fort 
Pitt, regarding the change in Indian affairs, by which the agents were 
to be independent of any of the officers commanding at the posts; and 
instructed him to inform the Indians that he himself would be at Fort 
Pitt to open the trade and transact the affairs of his department with 
the tribes in that country; but that he need not tell any officers what 
instructions he had received. Bouquet, on his return march from the 
Muskingum, met the bearer of this letter at Fort Loudoun. He imme- 
diately wrote to Captain Murray at Fort Pitt, ordering him to open 
the letter sent by Croghan to McKee, with messages to the Indians, and 
if it contained such messages, it was not to be delivered. Murray 
evidently acquainted Bouquet by return express with the contents of the 



32 The Wilderness Trail 

letter, for Bouquet wrote General Gage from Fort Loudoun on the 22d 
of the same month that the measures he recommends with regard to 
Pontiac are necessary, but owing to the change in the management of 
Indian affairs, he doubts if it would be proper for him to interfere ; and, 
respecting the letter from Croghan to McKee, "the officers will be glad 
to have no further concern with Indian Affairs, but it is to be regretted 
that powers of such importance should be trusted to a man illiterate, 
impudent, and ill-bred, who subverts the purposes of government, and 
begins his functions by a ridiculous display of his own importance and 
an attempt to destroy the harmony which should subsist between the 
different branches of the service." 

On January 5, 1765, Bouquet wrote Gage, recommending Croghan 
as the person most suitable to negotiate with the Western Indians for 
the British control of the French posts on the Wabash and in the Illinois 
country. The latter was suspected by his enemies in Philadelphia of 
being interested in a large shipment of Indian goods sent out by Bayn- 
ton, Wharton & Co. from Philadelphia to Fort Pitt for sale to the 
Indians. The pack-horses which carried these goods were said to have 
been in the same train with the horses which conveyed some of the goods 
to be used by Croghan on his Illinois mission. They were all seized or 
destroyed by James Smith and his "Black Boys," disguised as 
Indians, at Sideling Hill (or near Bloody Run in Bedford County), in 
the early part of March. 

Lieutenant Charles Grant, Commandant at Fort Loudoun, wrote 
to Bouquet of this occurrence March 9th, that the country people were 
greatly alarmed at the goods going up to Croghan for the Indians ; about 
one hundred armed men followed the convoy to Great Cove, killed three 
horses, wounded three more, and burned sixty-three loads of goods; a 
party sent out from the fort had taken some prisoners, whom the country 
people tried to rescue, and they threatened to burn the fort. Gage wrote 
Governor Penn: "Some of the Traders whose goods were destroyed 
at Sidelong [Sideling Hill] have been here and represented that they 
were carrying the goods to Fort Pitt to supply Mr. Croghan with such 
quantities as he should have occasion for, in the service he is employed 
in; but by a letter from Mr. Croghan, of the 2d inst., from Fort Pitt, 
he informs me some of his goods were got up there, and the rest daily 
expected; and I see by a letter from Sir William Johnson, that Croghan 
had purchased the goods he expected to carry with him of Smallman & 
Field, at Philadelphia." 

Croghan wrote Johnson that he had permitted the Traders' goods 
to be sent under one of his passes, with the idea of having them retained 
in the king's storehouse, in accordance with the new regulations from 
London, until trade was again opened up with the Indians; and he 



George Croghan, the King of the Traders 33 

added that he proposed to resign from the service after his return from 
the Illinois mission. 

On the 28th of February, Croghan reached Fort Pitt in company 
with Lieutenant Alexander Fraser, who was to accompany him down 
the Ohio to the Illinois country. He was obliged to remain there until 
the middle of May, in almost daily conferences with the Indian chiefs 
and delegations that kept coming in, some with prisoners, some with 
speeches, and all finally favorable to a peace with the English. 

Croghan was sent by Gage to the Illinois for the purpose of making 
peace with the Indians and opening up the country to British control 
and trade. Lieutenant Fraser, with La Gauterais, Maisonville, and 
another, went in advance of Croghan, but on reaching Fort Chartres, 
Fraser was threatened by the Indians, and fled to New Orleans. ^ Leav- 
ing Fort Pitt on May 15th, with two large batteaux, in company with 
Major Thomas Smallman, the Trader, a few other white men, and 
some deputies of the Senecas, Shawnees, and Delawares, Croghan 
travelled down the Ohio River to a point six miles below the mouth of 
the Wabash, holding conferences with the Indians at different places 
along the route, some of which are mentioned in other chapters of this 
volume. 

From May 24th to 27th, he remained at the mouth of the Scioto. 
On the 26th "several of the Shawnees came there and brought with 
them seven French Traders (in consequence of the message I sent them 
from Hochockon, or Bottle Creek) which they delivered to me, those 
being all that resided in their villages; and told me there was just six 
more living with the Delawares ; that on their return to their Towns they 
would go to the Delawares and get them to send those French Traders 
home, and told me they were determined to do everything in their power 
to convince me of their sincerity and good disposition to preserve a 
peace." 

On the 6th of June the party reached the mouth of the Wabash, 
where they found a breastwork, probably thrown up by Indians, and so 
they proceeded six miles farther down and encamped. Here they 
remained for two days. Croghan's Journal for the 8th reads as follows : 

"At day-break we were attacked by a party of Indians, consisting 
of eighty warriors of the Kiccapoos and Musquattimes [Mascoutins], 
who killed two of my men and three Indians, wounded myself and all 
the rest of my party, except two white men and one Indian ; then made 
myself and all the white men prisoners, plundering us of everything we 
had. A deputy of the Shawnees who was shot through the thigh, having 
concealed himself in the woods for a few minutes after he was wounded 
— not knowing but they were Southern Indians, who are always at war 

' See his letter in Mich. Pioneer and Hist. Colls., x., 216. 

VOL. II. — 3 



34 The Wilderness Trail 

with the northward Indians — after discovering what nation they were, 
came up to them and made a very bold speech, telling them that the 
whole northward Indians would join in taking revenge for the insult 
and murder of their people. This alarmed those savages very much, 
who began excusing themselves, saying their Fathers, the French, had 
spirited them up, telling them that the Indians were coming with a body 
of Southern Indians to take their country from them ; that it was this 
that induced them to commit this outrage. After dividing the plunder, 
(they left great part of the heaviest effects behind, not being able to 
carry them) , they set off with us to their village at Ouattonon, in a great 
hurry, being in dread of pursuit from a large party of Indians they sus- 
pected were coming after me. Our course was through a thick, woody 
country, crossing a great many swamps, morasses, and beaver-ponds. 
We travelled this day about forty- two miles. 

[Croghan estimated that the party travelled about one hundred 
and seventy-one miles from the 9th to the 15th.] 

" 15th. We set out very early, and about one o'clock came to the 
Ouabache, within six or seven miles of Port [misprint for Post or Fort] 
Vincent [Vincennes]. On my arrival there I found a village of about 
eighty or ninety French families settled on the east side of the River, being 
one of the finest situations that can be found. . . . The French inhabit- 
ants hereabouts are an idle, lazy people, a parcel of renegadoes from 
Canada, and are much worse than the Indians. They took a secret plea- 
sure at our misfortunes, and the moment we arrived, they came to the 
Indians, exchanging trifles for our valuable plunder. As the savages took 
from me a considerable quantity of gold and silver in specie, the French 
Traders extorted ten half-johannes [a johannies was a Portuguese coin, 
worth over nine dollars], from them for one pound of vermillion. Here 
is likewise an Indian village of the Pyankeshaws, who were much dis- 
pleased with the party that took me, telling them that "our and your 
chiefs are gone to make peace, and you have begun a war, for which our 
women and children will have reason to cry. ..." 

[From the 17th to the 23d the Indians with their prisoners travelled 
north, crossing the Vermillion River near a Pyankeshaw Village.] 

"23d. ... In the afternoon came into a very large bottom on the 
Ouabache, within six miles of Ouicatanon [Ouiatanon, at the mouth of 
>J the Wea River, on the north bank of the Wabash, four miles below 
the present city of Lafayette, Ind.]; here I met several chiefs of the 
Kickapos and Musquattimes, who spoke to their young men who had 
taken us, and reprimanded them severely for what they had done to me, 
after which they returned with us to their village and delivered us all 
to their chiefs. ... At our arrival at this post, several of the Wawcot- 
tonans (or Ouicatonans) with whom I had formerly been acquainted 



George Croghan, the King of the Traders 35 

[see chapter on Pickawillany], came to visit me, and seemed greatly- 
concerned at what had happened. , . . 

"July I St. A Frenchman arrived from the Ilinois with a Pipe and 
Speech from thence to the Kickapoos and Musquattamies, to have me 
burnt; this Speech was said to be sent from a Shawanese Indn. who 
resides at the Ilinois, and has been during the War and is much attached 
to the French interest. As soon as this Speech was delivered to the 
Indians by the French, the Indians informed me of it in Council, and 
expressed their great concern for what had already happened, and told 
me they then sett me and my people at liberty. . . . 

"From 4th to the 8th, I had several conferences with the Wawco- 
tonans, Pyankeeshas, Kickapoos, and Musquatamies, in which conferences 
I was lucky enough to reconcile those nations to his Majesties interest and 
obtain their consent and approbation to take possession of any Posts 
in their country which the French formerly possessed. . . . 

"July 13th. The Chiefs of the Twightwees came to me from the 
Miamis and renewed their antient friendship with His Majesty and all 
his subjects in America, and confirmed it with a Pipe. 

" 1 8th. I set off for the Ilinois with the Chiefs of all those nations; 
when by the way we met with Pondiac, » together with the deputies of 
the Six Nations, Delawares, and Shawanese, which accompanied Mr. 
Frazier and myself down the Ohio, and also deputies with speeches from 
the four nations living in the Ilinois country to me and the Six Nations, 
Delawares, and Shawanese ; on which we returned to Ouiatonon and there 
held another conference, in which I settled all matters with the Ilinois 
Indians — Pondiac and they agreeing to everything the other nations 
had done, all which they confirmed by Pipes and Belts. . . . 

[On the 25th Croghan and his party set out for the Miami Village 
on the site of the present Fort Wayne, where they arrived August ist.] 

" Within a mile of the Twightwee Village I was met by the chiefs of 
that nation, who received us very kindly. The most part of these 
Indians knew me, and conducted me to their village, where they imme- 
diately hoisted an English flag that I had formerly given them at Fort 
Pitt." 

On August 6th the party started down the Maumee River in a 
canoe, for Detroit, where they arrived on the 17th; and remained until 
the 26th of September; Croghan returning to New York by way of 
Niagara. On November i6th Sir William Johnson wrote the Lords of 
Trade regarding Croghan: "A few days ago he arrived here, and 
delivered me his Journal and Transactions, from which I have selected 
the principal parts, which I now enclose to your Lordships. The whole 

^This meeting took place in what is now Edgar County, Illinois. A monument 
and tablet mark the spot. 



36 The Wilderness Trail 

of his Journal is long and not yet collected, because, after he was made 
a prisoner and lost his baggage, &ca. he was necessitated to write it on 
scraps of paper, procured with difficulty at Post Vincent, and that in a 
disguised character, to prevent its being understood by the French in 
case, through any disaster, he might again be plundered." 

Johnson wrote Baynton, Wharton & Morgan, of Philadelphia. 
January 30, 1766, regarding a remittance of money he was making by 
Mr. Croghan. The latter wrote Johnson from New York, February 
14th, mentioning losses he had suffered by advancing sums for the 
Indian service. On the loth and 26th of March he writes from Phila- 
delphia of Hugh Crawford, who is to conduct Pontiac to Oswego, and 
of his (Croghan's) proposed return to the Illinois country. Johnson 
wrote the Lords of Trade on the 226. of the same month concerning 
Mr. Croghan's intended journey to the Illinois. On May ist, Croghan 
wrote General Gage from Philadelphia about the non-payment for 
Indian goods bought by him of Baynton, Wharton & Morgan, on 
instructions from Gage, and tendered his resignation of office. On the 
13th, he made up and signed in Cumberland County a sworn account 
of his losses by the Indians in 1763. The amount was stated by Croghan 
as £4,500, for goods, horses, cattle, and hogs, taken by the Indians from 
his house on Ohio near Fort Pitt, and his house at the "Old Town" 
(Sewickly Old Town, where Colonel Clapham had been killed), 

Croghan's Journal at Fort Pitt for May 22d and 24th, and his letter 
to Gage of the 26th, give an account of conferences with some chiefs of 
the Six Nations, Delawares, and Hurons, about murders of the Indians 
by the frontier settlers, and the unauthorized extension of settlements 
west of the Great Mountains. Croghan said to Gage, "If some ef- 
fectual measures are not speedily taken to remove those people settled 
on Redstone Creek till a boundary can be properly settled, as proposed, 
and the Governors pursue vigorous measures to deter the frontier 
inhabitants from murthering Indians which pass to and from war 
against their natural enemies [the Cherokees and Catawbas], the con- 
sequences may be dreadful, and we involved in all the calamities of 
another general war." 

Darlington says that it was in this month that Croghan made a 
settlement on the south bank of the Allegheny River, four miles above 
Fort Pitt, on a tract of land which he claimed had been conveyed to him 
by the Mingo chiefs at Logstown in 1749. The Six Nations gave him a 
deed to 40,000 acres of this land at Fort Stanwix in 1768, 1352 acres 
of which was afterwards (in June, 1769) surveyed to him. This land was 
opposite the mouth of Pine Creek, and across the river from the White 
Mingo's Castle, the latter marked on a plat of the survey as being on 
the east side of Pine Creek, near its mouth. As already pointed out, 



George Croghan, the King of the Traders 37 

Croghan had really settled on this land many years before. It will be 
recalled that Croghan and Trent had a storehouse at the mouth of 
Pine Creek, on the north side of the Allegheny, in 1753 and 1754. Sep- 
tember 23, 1762, Croghan wrote to Bouquet, describing the limits of the 
land at the Forks of the Ohio which the Indians had given him, which 
"begins att ye Narrows above my house, and down ye River to ye Two 
Mile Run, and up ye Run to the heads thereof." 

On June 16, 1766, Croghan drew a draft on Johnson, dated at 
Fort Pitt, in favor of Baynton, Wharton & Morgan, for £2321, 95., M. 
This was probably in payment for goods purchased, to be given to the 
Illinois and other western Indians whom he was about to visit at Fort 
Chartres. 



CHAPTER II 

GEORGE CROGHAN, THE KING OF THE TRADERS {Continued) 

IN September, 1765, Captain Thomas Stirling, with a company of the 
42 d Highlanders (the "Black Watch" Regiment), had started down 
the Ohio from Fort Pitt in batteaux, to take possession of Fort Chartres. 
The French Commandant lowered his flag on October loth, and the 
English flag was raised by Stirling. ' Two months later Major Robert 
Farmer started from Mobile with a detachment of the 34th Regiment, 
ascended the Mississippi, relieved Captain Stirling, and became 
Commandant of the Illinois country. In March of the following year 
John Jennings, Captain William Long, Major Thomas Smallman, Joshua 
Moore, William Davenport, and John Finley, floated down the Ohio from 
Fort Pitt, with five batteaux laden with goods for Baynton, Wharton & 
Morgan's Indian trade. They reached Fort Chartres on April 6th. ^ 
If Croghan kept a Journal of his 1766 journey, and he probably did, 
it has not been preserved. On this voyage he not only visited Fort 
Chartres on the Mississippi, but later continued down that river to New 
Orleans, and thence ret-urned to New York by sea. General Gage, 
Commander-in-Chief of the British forces in America, had written him 
instructions^ from New York, April i6th, in relation to the steps to be 
taken by Croghan on his mission to conciliate the Indians, as follows: 

To Mr. George Croghan, Deputy to Sir William Johnson, Bart., His 

Majesty's Sole Agent & Superintendent of Indian Affairs in the 

Northern Department: — 

You are to proceed as soon as practicable after the receipt of this 
with the presents for the Indians You shall have purchased at Philadel- 
phia, to Fort Pitt, where a Boat and provisions will be supplied you, 
from whence you will pursue your Rout to Fort Chartres in the Ilinois 
Country. 

Before your departure from Fort Pitt you will transmit me an exact 
List of the quantity of merchandize. Silver Ware, Wampum, &ca., &ca., 

^N. Y. Col. Doc, X., 1 161. 
' See Jennings's Journal, in Pa. Mag., xxxi., 145. 
3 Original in possession of C. A. Hanna. 

38 



I 



George Croghan, the King of the Traders 39 

that you take with you for to Conciliate the Affections of the Indians on 
the Mississippi; and you will follow the mode before prescribed to you 
in the distribution thereof, by delivering them in the presence of the 
Commanding Officers of the several Posts where your presence may be 
required, and obtaining from them Certificates of the delivery of the 
Several Articles, which you will transmit to me, as accounting for 
the same. 

On your arrival at Fort Chartres, you will communicate to the Com- 
manding Officer of the 34th Regiment there my instructions to you, as 
likewise give him a List of the presents in your Charge, and consult and 
Act in Concert with him relative to the treatment to be held toward the 
Savages, of whom you will make it your particular business to gain 
every Intelligence relative to their Numbers, their Trade, and Disposi- 
tion towards the English. 

You will pay attention to what I before mentioned to you relative 
to the Indians being persuaded by any ill-disposed people to lay any 
claims to the Lands, either in the Environs of Fort Chartres, or Kaskas- 
kias, and Ohio River. These Lands, I am persuaded, were never theirs; 
they followed the French there, and sat down upon them for sake of 
being protected by the French from the Incursions of their Enemies, who 
had drove them from their own Country, and they never claimed or 
Received from the French any acknowledgment from them. You will 
therefore reconcile them, either to our Erecting Forts (if they shall be 
found necessary) or making Establishments upon any of these Lands, 
and Check in them any expectation of their ever being bought from them. 
You will likewise be pleased to Enquire into the conduct of Mr. Sinnott 
and La Gauterais, during their residence at the Ilinois, and upon what 
accot. and for what reasons the former was induced to fly away from it 
with so much precipitation. 

I can't recommend too strongly to you to Act with the greatest 
Occonomy possible in your departments, without disgusting or driving 
away the Indians. You know the large Sums that have been already 
expended on this and on the other side to procure a safe passage to the 
Troops, and this matter being now Effected, the Expences will be 
expected to be near at an end. 

In the matters pointed out to you, as well as everything else that 
may occur Regarding his Majesty's service in the Department entrusted 
to you. You will give me regular and constant information, advising 
me from time to time of every thing you shall think worthy of Observa- 
tion, keeping always an attentive Eye to the proceedings of our Oposite 
Neighbors, who may be but too well inclined to prejudice us in the Eyes 
of the Indians, and to incite them to molest and disturb us. 

Given under my Hand at Head Quarters, New York, April i6th, 
1766. 
(Duplicate or Copy.) Thos. Gage. 

Croghan left Fort Pitt June i8th, in company with Captain Harry 
Gordon, Ensign Thomas Hutchins (afterwards Geographer - General 
for the United Colonies), George Morgan, of Baynton, Wharton & 
Morgan, of Philadelphia, the largest firm then in the Indian trade, a few 
other white men, and a large number of Six Nations, Shawnee, and 



40 The Wilderness Trail 

Delaware Indians. ^ On the 6th of July, Croghan wrote Gage from the 
mouth of the Scioto: "I have been obliged to give those Indians [Shaw- 
nees] some presents, and to gratify them by sending a Trader with a few 
goods to their Town for the present : as they complained of the distance to 
Fort Pitt in transporting their peltry, and are not suffering any French 
Traders to come amongst them. " 

The party reached the mouth of the Ohio on August 7th, and Fort 
Chartres on the 20th. 

While Croghan's Journal of this expedition has not come down to 
us, so far as known, another Journal of the voyage has been preserved, 
which was kept by Captain Harry Gordon. A manuscript copy of 
this Journal is to be found among the Hutchins Manuscripts, in the 
Library of the Pennsylvania Historical Society. Thomas Pownall, in 
his Topographical Description (London, 1776), published an abridged 
and inaccurate version of that portion of the Journal describing the trip 
to Fort Chartres. This version is now exceedingly rare, and practically 
inaccessible outside of a few of our largest libraries. The original 
Journal, of which the following is a transcript, also describes the voyage 
from Fort Chartres, down the Mississippi, to New Orleans, and beyond. 
It reads as follows : 

" Having received His Excellency, the Commander in Cheif's, Orders 
and Instructions the 9th. of May, I proceeded to Philadelphia with 
Ensign Hutchins, Assist. Engineer, the 13 of same Mon[th]. Having 
purchased at that Place the necessary Store[s] for our further Journey 
and hired Carriage for them to Fort Pitt, we left Philadelphia the 23d, 
and got [to] the Ohio the 14th. June, having been delayed by Sickn[ess] 
several Days on the Road; of which I acquainted Mr. Croghan, Depy. 
Indian Agent, by Express, as I had Orders to accompany Him. 

"I found the Road over the Allegheny Mountains extremely bad, 
and will be most probably impassable for Carriages by next Summer. 

"The Fort at Ligonier, near the western Foot of the Mountains, is 
much Shattered, by the Timbers and Stockades being almost rotten. 
The Country near the Fort is very fine, healthy, and Soil rich, producing 
plentifully all Kinds of Grain, Hemp, or Flax. Therie are some Inhabi- 
tants now, and many more would assemble there was any Right of 
Possession or Property secured to them. 

" I described to the Commander in Cheif the Condition of Fort Pitt 
by Letter i6th. of June. The i8th. Mr. Croghan having finished his 
Business with the Indians, the Battoes being fitted, and having engaged 
the sufficient Number of Battoemen, we embarked on the Ohio at i p.m. 

^ See Captain John Montressor's Journal in N. Y. Hist. Soc. Coll., xiv., 380. Mon- 
tressor says there were one hundred Six Nation Indians with the party. 



George Croghan, the King of the Traders 41 

By the Rains that fell this and the preceeding Day, the River Ohio had 
risen between 2 and three Feet, so That the largest Battoes of the Mer- 
chants [Baynton, Wharton & Morgan], that were sent under our Escort, 
which consisted of Indians, never touched, altho 7 Tons Burthen. 

"The 19th we arrived at the Mingo Town, which by our Reckoning 
is 71 Miles below Fort Pitt. The Country between broken with very 
high Ridges; the Valleys narrow, and the Course of the River plunged 
from many high Grounds which compose its Banks. At This Village, 
Indian Business detained Us A Day, but Altho the Rains abated the 19th 
in the Morning, the River rose for several Days ; and run so rapid as to 
carry us with moderate rowing from 6 to 7 Miles P. Hour. 

"The 23rd, we came to the Mouth of the Muskingum before Noon, 
observed and found the Lat: to be 39° 19'. The Muskingum is a large 
River, 250 Yards wide at its confluence with the Ohio, it is said to be 
navigable 150 Miles upwards for Battoes, and runs thro a pleasant 
Country, as that near its Junction appeared to be. Many small Creeks 
and Streams run into the Main River, a Mark of the Lands near it 
being plentifully watered. Our Indians killed several Buffaloe between 
the Mingo Town and the Muskingum. We first met with a herd of 
this Kind of Animal about 100 Miles below Fort Pitt, but they are not so 
common untill we pass the Sioto. 

"At This Place [Scioto] we arrived the 29th June, 366 Miles below 
Fort Pitt. The Navigation we found uninterrupted to our largest 
Battoes. The Flood indeed was with us, but at any Time there will be 
no Obstacle from the Mingo Town, which is 71 Miles from Fort Pitt, 
nor much from the Big Beaver Creek. 

"The River Ohio, from 50 M. above Muskingum to Sioto is most 
beautifuU, a number of Islands are to be seen of different Sizes, but all 
covered with the tallest of Timber. The long Reaches, among which is 
one of 16 Miles and a J^, inclosed with the finest Trees of different Kinds, 
of various Verdures, and Leaves of the largest Sorts, afford a ,noble and 
enchanting Prospect. The Stillness of the Current and a calm Sunshine 
put a Face on the Water from which was reflected the most beautifull 
Objects of simple Nature that I ever beheld. The glorious Vista was 
terminated by two small sugar Loaf Hills, of an easy Ascent, from which 
can be discovered all this magnificent Variety. The Rivers Hockhoking 
and Canawha fall in to the Ohio in this Space, besides others of a smaller 
Size. Up the big Canawha the northern Indians penetrate into the Chero- 
kee Nations, and is a large fine stream by Report, navigable 100 Miles 
towards the Southward. The Country is every where pleasant. In the 
Bends of the river's Course, are large, level Spots of the richest Land; 
and on the whole is remarkably healthy, by the Accounts of Traders 
who have been some Time with the Indians hunting in those Parts. 



42 The Wilderness Trail 

One Remark of this Nature may serve for the whole Tract of the Globe 
comprehended between the western Skirts of the Allegheny Mountains, 
beginning at the Post of Ligonier, thence bearing S. Westerly to the 
Distance of 500 Miles opposite the Ohio Falls, then crossing them North- 
erly to the Heads of the Rivers that empty into the Ohio — thence East 
along the Ridg[e] that separates the Lakes and Ohio Streams, to French 
Creek, which is opposite the Post of Ligonier northerly — It may be from 
proper Knowledge affirmed, that it is the healthiest (as no sort of chron- 
icle Disorder ever prevails on it) , most pleasant, and most commodious 
Spot of the Earth known to European People (supposing a State of 
Nature) . 

"We remained near the Sioto untill the 8th July; observed and 
found the Lat 3 8 ° [22 ' scratched out] . The greatest Part of the Shawnese 
Nation were assembled here, at the Desire of Mr. Croghan. This 
Nation is composed of a few, but choice Men. Their Influence over the 
Ouabache Indians is great, which, joined to their Situation and other 
Circumstance, make them an Object worthy our Attention. Matters 
being setled with them (altho' with DifiEictilty) , we pursued our Route 
the 8th July. 

"The 16 we encamped opposite the great Lick, and next Day I 
went with a Party of Indians and Battoemen to view this much talk'd 
of place. The beaten Roads from all Quarters to it easily conducted us ; 
they resemble those to an inland Village where Cattle go to and fro a 
large common. The Pastiirage near it seems of the finest Kind, mix'd 
with Grass and Herbage, and well watered. On our Arrival at the Lick, 
which is 5 Miles distance S. of the River, we discovered laying ab' many 
large Bones, some of which the exact Patterns of Elephants Tusks, and 
others of different Parts of a large Animal. The Extent of the mudy 
Part of the Lick is % of an Acre. This mud, being of a Salt Quality, 
is greedily lick'd by Buffaloe, Elk, and Deer, who come from distant 
Parts, in great Numbers, for this Purpose. We pick'd up several of the 
Bones, some out of the Mud, others off the firm Ground, and returned; 
proceeded next Day and arrived at the Falls 19th July. 

"The Ohio continues to be narrow the whole Distance from Fort 
Pitt to within 100 Miles of the Falls. Its Breadth seldom exceeds 500 
Yards, and is confined by rising Grounds, which causes many Windings, 
altho the Reaches are sometimes from 2 to 4 Mile long. The longest of 
them and most beautifull, are (as has been said) above Sioto. The River, 
100 Miles above the Falls, widens to 700 Yds. in many Places. A num- 
ber of Islands appear, the Grounds dimenish generally in Height, and 
the Country is not so much broken; some few of the Banks are over- 
flowed in high Freshes, but this is but seldom, and there is hardly any 
Place, from Fort Pitt to the Falls, where a good Road may not be made 



George Croghan, the King of the Traders 43 

along the Banks, and Horses be employed in drawing up Bilanders 
against the Stream, which is gentle, if no rain Flood is in the River. 
The Height of the Banks permits their being every where inhabited, 
nor do they seem Subjected to crumble much away. The little and big 
Mineami Rivers fall in below the Sioto, on the N. Side, and The Licking 
Creek and Kentucke on the S. side. There are many good Encamp- 
ments on the Islands and a very remarkable and safe one opposite the 
Big [Bone] Lick. 

"The Flood that accompanied us many Days, left us at Sioto, and 
we found the Water at the Falls low. The Falls ought not to be called 
so, as the Stream on the North Side has no Sudden Pitch, but only runs 
rapid over the Ledge of a fiat Limestone Rock, which the Author of 
Nature has put there to keep up the Waters of the higher Ohio ; and to be 
the Cause of that beautifull Stillness of the River's Course above it. That 
this bed or Dam should not wear, it is made almost fiat and Smooth, to 
resist less the current, which would sooner get the better of greater 
Resistances, but as it is still subject to wear, there is made enough of it, 
being two Miles wide, and its Length into the Country on each Side, as 
covered with Soil, unknown. Mr. [George] Morgan unloaded one third, 
and with the assistance of the Indians who knew the Channel best and 
were usefull and willing, got his Boats safe down and raised on the N. 
side. The carrying Place is 3 Qrtrs. of a Mile on this Side, and half as 
much on the S. E. This last is safer for those that are unacquainted, but 
more Tedious, as during Part of the Summer and fall they must drag 
their Boats over the flat Rock. Had we continued with the Flood we 
should have had no carrying at all. The Company's [Baynton, Wharton 
& Morgan's] Boats that passed in April [John Jennings's party], were not 
sensible of any Falls, neither knew the Place where they are. In the 
course of Communication a Serj't's Post will be necessary and useftill 
here. The Situation of it will be mark'd on the Plan. The Water was 
reckoned low at the Falls. It could not be other wise, as since the Rain 
that fell at Fort Pitt when we set out, we have had only two small Gusts 
of abt. an Hour's Continuance each. The Heats of the Day have been 
by no Means intolerable, and the Coolness of the Nights have required a 
thick Blanket for covering in our Tents. Not withstand 'g of our Dis- 
tance from the Fort being 682 Miles, our Lat. is not much Southerly. 
At the Falls we make it 38° 8'. Another Observation before I leave this 
Place, which is, that the Westerly and S. W. Winds generally blow up the 
River, And will assist that Navigation. Several Pieces of Spar and Oar 
were brought in by our Indians while we remained here. 

"We left The Falls the 23rd and encampt the 31st on a large Island 
opposite the Mouth of the Wabash, which we make 317^ Miles below 
the Falls. From the Falls to about half this Distance the Country is 



44 The Wilderness Trail 

very hilly, the Course of the River very winding and narrow, and but 
very few Spots of level Land on the Sides of the River. The Hills are 
mostly Stoney and Steep, but from the great Herds of BufEaloe we 
observed on the beaches of the Islands and River, into which they come 
for Air and Coolness in the midle of the Day, it may be imagined good 
Pasturage is not very distant. Eight hundred and thirty-seven Miles 
below Fort Pitt, we leave the ridgy ground behind, the Country grows 
flat, and the River, whose Bed widens, is often divided by Islands. The 
Navigation is good from the Falls, but where the low Country begins, 
Attention must be had to keep the principall Chanel, which is in general 
to the Right, coming down. 

"The Wabash is markt by a large Island, round which Boats may 
go most Times of the Year. The End of the Fork of the two Rivers is 
narrow and overflowed: ii)^ Miles upwards it is higher Ground. The 
Party of Indians we had two Days before sent to view the Country, 
joined us, and reported they could only discover Tracts of some small 
hunting or War Parties, but none of any Number together — The Herds 
of Buffaloe are hereabouts extraordinary large and frequent to be seen. 

"The River Wabash at its Confluence is 306 Yards wide, and 
issues in with a considerable Quantity of Water of a muddy kind — 
It is navigable between 3 and 400 Miles upward, but should be used 
by small Boats, as those of the Company's sent up it were obliged to 
be lightened in order to proceed. Indeed, the Dryness of the Weather 
had caused a lowness of Water in both Rivers. Observed the Lat. at 
Wabash, 37° 41' — The Country between the Course of this River and 
that of the Mississippi is in general Flat, open, and of a Rich, luxuriant 
Soil. That on the Banks of the Ohio is level and in many Places 
overflowed hereabouts. r : ||^i 

"The 2nd, we left The Wabash in the Evening. Next Morning 
we halted near the Saline, or Salt Run, Of which any Quantity of 
good Salt may be made. From this Place the Deputies from the 
northern Nations were sent across the Country by Mr. Croghan to the 
Illinois, to acquaint the Commandant and Indians' People there of our 
Arrival in those Parts. 

"The 6th, in the Morning, we halted at Fort Massiac, formerly a 
French Post, 120 miles below the Mouth of the Wabash, and 11 
below that of the Cherokee River. The Country, 25 Miles from the 
Wabash, begins again to be Mountainous, being the N, W. End 
of the Appalachian Mountains, which entirely terminate a small Distance 
from the River, northerly. |They are here between 50 and 60 Miles 
across, and are scarpt, rocky Precipices. Below them no more high 
Lands are to be seen to W'*^. as far ias those that border the Mexican 
Provinces. 



George Croghan, the King of the Traders 45 

"The Reason of the French's sending a Garrison to this Place was, 
to be a check on the Cherokee Parties that came down the River of 
that Name, which is navigable for Canoes From their upper Towns, and 
who harassed extremely the French Traders intending to go among 
the Wabash and Shawnese Nations. The situation of this Fort is a 
good one, jetting with a Point a little into the River, the Reach of 
which up and down it discovers to a considerable Distance. A 
Garrison here will protect the Traders that come down the Ohio, untill 
they have Accounts from the Illinois. It will prevent those of the French 
going up the Ohio or among the Wabash Indians. Hunters from this 
Post may be sent amongst the Buff aloe, any Quantity of whose Beef they 
can procure in proper Season, and the Salt may be got from the above- 
mentioned Saline, at an easy Rate, to cure it for the Use of the Troops 
at the Illinois and the other Posts on the Mississippi. The Situation 
is a good one, no where commanded from, nor can the Retreat of the 
Garrison (a Consideration in the Indian Countries) ever be cut off; 
The River being, from the Entrance of that called the Cherokee, from 
7 to 800 Yds wide. It will, in a political Light, hold the Ballance 
between the Cherokee and Wabash Indians, as it favors the 
Entrance of the former, across the Ohio, into the later's Country, and 
covers their Retreat from it. There is no proper Spot for a Post 
nearer The Cherokee River above, or the Mississippi below, but This, as 
the Grounds on the Banks of the Ohio begin to be very low. The Current 
of the River towards the Mississippi is very still and may be easily 
ascended if affairs are any Way doubtfull at or near the Illinois. 

"7th, We got to ye Fork of the Ohio in Lat. 36° 43', about 
40 Miles below Massiac. We took a survey of the River in coming 
down. Our Bearings and Distance, from the Method we imagined and 
careftdly pursued, have a considerable Right to be exact, and have been 
corrected with Observations on the Lat. that are to be depended 
on. The gentle Ohio is push'd back by the impetuous Stream of the 
Mississippi, whose muddy, white Water is to be seen above 200 
yds. up the former. We examined the Ground for several Miles within 
the Fork. It is an Aggregation of Mud and Dirt, interspersed w"" Marsh 
and some Ponds of Water, and is in high Times of the Mississippi over- 
flowed; which is the Case with the other Sides of both Rivers. 

"9th & loth, repaired the Boats, and fitted them strongly with 
every Thing in our Power, to encounter the Stream of the Mississippi, 
which we thought hardly possible, having been so long used to the 
much gentler One of the Pleasant Ohio. 

"nth Augt. having been joined by a Party of the 34 Regt. 
from F. Chartres, we began to ascend the Mississippi, whose 
rapid Stream has broke through the Country, and divided it every- 



46 The Wilderness Trail 

where into a Number of Islands. The low Lands on each Side 
continue 8 Leagues upwards, when it becomes broken, and small 
Ridges appear for the Rest of the Way to Kaskaskias. There are many 
Islands in this Distance, some of which entirely of Rock. That called 
by the French, La Tour, which it much resembles, is ii Leagues 
below the Kasksakias River. The Distance of This River from the 
Forks is 31 Leagues. 

"The Mississippi's principal Stream is from 5 to 700 yds. 
wide, but it is scarcely ever to be seen together, and some small 
parts are above a mile distant from one another ; the Principall Stream 
likewise often shifts, & |the deep Chanels also, which makes the 
Pilotage of the River extremely difficult; & Boats often get a Ground 
in ascending, chiefly when endeavoring to avoid the rapid Current. 

"The 19th, we got in the morning to the small River of the Kas- 
kaskias, 80 Yds. wide at the Mouth, but Deep, 5 Feet, which it carries 
up to the village, and is said to be navigable 50 Leagues further 
A Detachment of i Offr. & 30 Men are Quartered here, where we 
arrived the same Day, distant from the Mouth of the River of that 
Name 2 Leagues. The high Grounds mentioned skirt along the South 
Side of the Kaskaskias River, come opposite the Village, and continue 
along Northerly, in a Chain nearly paralel to the East Bank of the Missis- 
sippi, at the Distance from it of 2 to 3 Miles. This Space between is 
level, mostly open, & of the richest Kinds of Soil, in which the Inhabi- 
tants of the Illinois raise their Grain, &ca. 

"The Kaskaskias Village is on the Plain. It consists of 80 
Houses, well built, mostly of stone, with Gardens and large Lots to each, 
whose Inhabitants live generally well, & some of them have large 
Stocks of Cattle & Hogs. There was a new Fort begun by the French, 
of Logs, opposite the Village on the rising Ground, t' other side of the 
River, but entirely commanding it. Ensign Hutchins I sent by Water 
to compleat the Survey to Fort Chartres. That I might see the Country, 
I went by Land. 

"The Road to Fort Chartres is along the Plain, passing in some 
Places near the Chain of rocky Heights above mentioned. The Distance 
to the Fort is 18 Miles. The Road passes thro' the Village of the 
Kaskaskia Indians, of 15 Cabbins, and afterwards thro' a French one, 
called Prairie de Roche, in which are 14 Families. This last is distant 
3 Mile from Fort Chartres; between is the Village called V EtaUisment, 
mostly deserted, and the Inhabitants gonetoMisere on the West Bank 
of the River, a little higher than the Kaskaskias. 

"20th, arrived at Fort Chartres, where I found one of a well 
imagined and finished Fort of 4 Bast", of Stone Masonry, designed 
defensible agt. Musquetry. The Barracks are also of Masonry, 



George Croghan, the King of the Traders 47 

commodious and elegant. This Place is large enough to contain 
400 Men, but may defend itself with a Third of the Number against 
Indians, if Care is taken to mow the Weeds near it, which grow to 10 
and II F'' Height, and very rank. It is now in Danger of being 
undermined by the Mississippi, whose Eastern Bord is already within 
26 Yards of the Point of the S. W. Bastion. The Bank I found 
thirty Feet high, Sandy, with small Gravel (very uncommon Soil for 
the Banks of this River, that are mostly Mud or flat Clay), and per- 
pendicular; so that the crumbling occasion'd by Frost would demolish 
in a little Time this small Space before the Bastion. When we took 
Possession of this Fort the River was above 100 Yds. Distance, and 
before that, the French, who foresaw its Approach, had expended 
much Labour and Money to try to prevent it. They fascined and piled 
the Banks, but the Torrent soon got Passage behind them. Had they 
brought the Banks to a large Slope, retired those of a gravelly Kind so 
as to have an Eddy on them in Flood Time ; drove a Number of Button- 
Wood short Stakes in the Slope, which immediately take Root, and got 
together floating Trees and any Thing else of that Kind the Floods bring 
down, made those fast at the Point where the Stream divides to come 
by the Fort and round the Island opposite to it ; This last might have 
averted the Strength of the Current towards the western Bank, and by 
stopping the Rubbish that comes along with the Floods, have formed a 
Bar at the Point. The gravelly Banks would not have resisted the Flood 
an Eddy would have laid upon them; nor would there have been any 
Ressistances to the Current at Bottom, whose Effect would have thereby 
been diminished. Upon these Principles I gave Instructions to Lieu' 
Pitman, Assis'. Engineer at this Post, to proceed. The Ruin of the 
Fort was inevitable next Spring without doing something. But a Part 
at least may be saved at a small Expense, to lodge the Garrison till 
other Measures are resolved on. 

"The Sickly State of the Troops did not allow of getting any Number 
to work during my Stay, nor was the Water low enough, or the Heats 
abated, to make much Work otherwise advisable. This being the Case, 
I proceeded the 28th to view the Country upwards; our own Boatmen 
being sickley and much fatigued, I went by Land, accompanied with 
Lieu'. Pitman and Ensign Hutchins, to Kyahokie [Cahokia], 45 Miles 
distant from the Fort, and the upper most Settlement on our Side. 

"In the Route we pass le Petit Village, 5 Miles from the Fort, a 
Place formerly inhabited by 12 Families, now only one since our 
Possession. The abandoned Houses are most' of them well built and 
left in good Order. The grounds are favourable near the Village for Grain, 
particularly Wheat ; and extensive cleared Land, sufficient for the Labour 
of 100 Men to cultivate. 



48 The Wilderness Trail 

"We turn off here to the Eastward, and in 2 Miles come on the 
high Ground, when we keep on till within 3 Miles of Kyahokie, when 
we return to the Plain to get to that Village. Here are 43 Families 
of French, who live well, and so might three Times the Number, 
as there is a great Quantity of arable clear Land of the best Soil near it. 
There is likewise 20 Cabbins of Peoiria Indians left here. The Rest 
and best Part are moved to the French Side, 2 Miles below Pain Court. 
It is reckoned the Wheat thrives better here than at Kaskaskias, owing, 
probably, to its being more Northerly by almost a Degree. 

"At This Place we endeavoured to hire 3 men and a Canoe, as we 
said, to view the Missouri; but our Intention was as far as the Illinois 
River. We could not prevail by Intreaty or Money to get such a Number, 
or even a Canoe, to go with us. An Invitation came from Mr. S'. Ange, 
the French Commandant in the Illinois, to go to Pain Court,|with Promise 
to be assisted in our Progress upwards. We went to Pain Court the 
30th, where we staid next Day; were civilly treated by Mr. S'. Ange 
and the other Gentlemen, but, thro a little Jelousy, were disappointed 
in going upwards, and returned to Kyahokie the 31st in the Evening. 

" The Village of Pain Court [now St. Louis], is pleasantly situated on 
a high Ground which forms the W. Bank of the Mississippi; it is 3 
Miles higher up than Kyakokie; has already fifty Families, supported 
chiefly from thence; and seems to flourish very quick. 

"At This Place, Mr. Le Clef [Laclede] the principal Indian Trader 
resides, who takes so good Measures, that the whole Trade of the Mis- 
souri, That of the Mississippi Northwards, and that of the Nations near 
la Baye, Lake Michigan, and St. Josephs, by the Illionos River, is 
entirely brought to Him. He appears to be sensible, clever, and has been 
very well educated ; is very active, and will give us some Trouble before 
we get the Parts of this Trade that belong to us out of His Hands. 

"We found it impracticable to go further upwards, without waiting 
for a Boat from y^ Fort, which would have been a long Time of coming, 
and otherwise might have given Jealousies that would have occasioned 
greater Dissappointment, as Mr. le Clef is readily served by the Indians 
he has planted within 2 Miles of Him. 

"We returned to Fort Chartres the 2"*^ of Sept', by the same 
Route we came. Some Days were employed in visiting and directing 
Lieu'. Pitman in the Work he was set about, and Composing Instruc- 
tions regarding his viewing the Country towards the Illinois River, and 
likewise, that on the other Hand to the Ohio and the old Post of Massiac. 
I found myself no longer usefull at Fort Chartres, and returned to 
Kaskaskias the 6"'. 

"The next Day viewed the Country round this Village, in order to 
fix a Situation for the principal Post in Case of the Demolition of Fort 



George Croghan, the King of the Traders 49 

Chartres by the Curr. of the Mississippi, which most probably will 
hapen in 3 Years' Time, perhaps in less. Viewed that part to the 
Nor'w"^ of the small River, as also along the Bank of the great one 
upwards, to search for a rising Ground, and a Shelter for Craft; which 
now lays at the Village, thro want of such at the Fort. We dis- 
covered nothing to Purpose. The Afternoon, we cross'd the small River, 
with much fatigue, and, a Foot, visited the Situation of the Fort Begun 
by the French as mentioned already. We found it a very good one, 
accessible only on the East Side; the West by which we went up, narrow, 
steep, and easily defended. It commands the Town, the River below, 
overlooks the Plain towards the Mississippi, which does not seem 3 
Miles across in a straight Line, and has a fair chance of being a healthy 
Spot, at least an airy one, as it is high Placed, on dry Ground, and near 
good Water. 

"Our Possession of the Illinois is only usefull at present in one 
Respect. It shows the Indian Nations our Superiority over the French, 
to whom, they can thence perceive, we give Law. This is dearly bought 
by the Expense it is to us, and the Inconvenience of supporting it. The 
French carry on the Trade all round us by Land and by Water; ist. Up 
the Mississippi, and to the Lakes by the Ouiascoasin, Foxes, Chicagou, 
and Illinois Rivers; 2ndly, Up the Ohio to the Wabash Indians; and 
even the small Quantity of Skins or Furs that the Kaskaskias and Peoirias 
(who are on our side) get by hunting is carried under our Nose to Misere 
and Pain Court. A Garrison at the Illinois River and a Post at La 
Baye will partly prevent the first; and one at Massiac will, as has been 
said, stop their Intercourse with the People on the Wabash, who consist 
of several Nations. Coop'd up at Fort Chartres only, we make a foolish 
Figure; hardly have the Dominion of the Country, or as much Credit 
with the Inhabitants as induce them to give us any Thing for Money, 
while our neighbours have Plenty on Trust." 

On the 226. of August, Baynton, Wharton & Morgan issued a 
receipt to George Croghan at Fort Chartres for £1 13. This was probably 
for a payment made by him for Indian goods. George Morgan, a mem- 
ber of the firm, and John Jennings, an employe, were then at Fort 
Chartres with the cargo which Jennings had taken down the river in 
the spring, and the goods which Morgan took down under escort of 
Croghan's Indians. On September loth, Croghan wrote to Sir William 
Johnson, as follows : 

Fort Chartres, Sept. 10th, 1766. 

Sir: — After a long & fatiguing Passage from Sioto, (from which 
place I wrote your Honour last) we arrived here the 20th of August, 

VOL. II. — 4 



50 The Wilderness Trail 

where I found the Several Nations of Indians residing in this Country 
was Collected together at the Kaskaskias, a large Indian Village near 

, a French Town. After delivering my dispatches to Colonel Reed 

& consulting with him about the Conference to be held with the Indians, 
I set out for the Kaskaskias & had a meeting with the several Nations, 
where the Deputys of the Six Nations, Shawanese, Dellaweres, & 
Hurons, delivered the Speeches sent by them from their Nations to 
those Nations, in a very Spirited Manner. 

And in the afternoon the Several Nations Returned those Deputys 
answers to their Speeches ; after which I fixed a day for them to assemble 
at Fort Chartres in Order to hold the Conference. 

The Conference begun at Fort Chartres the 25th of Augt., where was 
Assembled the Chiefs & principle Warriors of Eight Nations, divided into 
Twenty-two tribes or bands, which made it very deficult to do business 
with them ; however, after two days meeting with them, we finished the 
business to the Satisfaction of the Several Nations, who all seemed Con- 
vinced that the French had imposed upon them in every thing they 
had told them. A General Peace & Reconciliation was then declared in 
PubHc between his Majesty's Subjects, the Northern Nations, & all 
those Western Nations, except three Tribes which the French had 
influence enough to keep back from attending the Conference. But 
those, the Chiefs which attended the Conference brought them to me at 
Fort Chartres the 5th of this Month, when I settled every thing with 
them, & Received them into the Covenant Chain of friendship; The 
spirited Conduct & Steadiness of the Deputys of the Nations that 
attended me from Fort Pitt was of great service to bring about this 
General union, as those Nations in this Country stand in great Awe of 
the Northern Nations. 

At present, Indian Affairs ware a different Face in this Country, & 
the Indians seem quite reconciled to the English, & the French in their 
turn begin to fear the Consequences, since the Conference. The Indians 
has brought in all the Horses they had formerly stolen from the Garrison, 
& I flatter my self, with a Httle good Usage, they will soon become a 
very quiet & Peacable People, as they are Naturally well disposed, had 
not the French influenced them to mischief. 

The unavoidable Necessaty I was under of making a Present to the 
Indians that met me at Sioto has obliged Col! Reed & my self to pur- 
chase a Quantity of Presents here, & to accrue some other expences for 
maintaining the Indians, as they could not be supported by the Garrison 
without distressing the Troops, which will greatly increase the 
expence of my Journey, more than I cod. Wish, or indeed could 
have expected, But here has been above One Thousand Indian Men, 
besides Women & Children, & there was an absolute necessaty of 
Convincing them at this time that ithe English were as able to Support 
them as the French, which I think they are, & I can assure your Honour 
that the greatest frugallity has been observed. Coll. Reed has given 
me all the assistance in his power, but has been very ill, as is all 
the Garrison; there is not above three Officers fit for Duty & about 50 
Men. 

I have been so ill this fortnight past that I have not been able to 
write, or would have sent your Honour a Coppy of my Transactions with 
those Nations. As I am so Reduced with Sickness, I shall be obliged 



George Croghan, the King of the Traders 51 

to go round by New Orleans, as I 'm not able to ride aCross the Country 
to Fort Pitt. 

I am, with great respect, your 

Honour's most obedient & most 

Humble Servant 

Geo: Croghan. 

To THE Honourable 

Sir William Johnson, Baronet. 

Croghan and his party, with Gordon and Hutchins, proceeded from 
Fort Chartres to New Orleans, September i8th, and reached their des- 
tination on October 14th. ' 

Following is Captain Harry Gordon's original Journal of the voyage 
down the Mississippi, which has not heretofore been published: 

"8th Sept^ We were prepared to descend the Mississippi, but 
that Night I was seized with a Fever, which continued with unremitting 
Violence untill the i6th. at Night. 17th, being much better, I pursued 
my Route down the Mississippi the iSth, tho' but in a Weakly State of 
Body. 

"Lieut. Pitman had made a Plan of the River in coming up, which, 
upon examining, we found to be exacter than any thing we could do, in 
tumbling down this rapid Torrent. We therefore continued to descend 
the River untill we came to the Natchez. To give an Idea of the Mis- 
sissippi at this Season, when the Water is low, one must suppose a large 
Hollow in which you are, and a low Country into which you must de- 
scend. Where you are, on one Side, is a Bank, from 25 to 30 Feet high, 
whence very often you see and hear great Pieces of Mud or Clay, on 
which are growing Trees, tumbling into the Torrent; round you is the 
Stream, running from 3 to 5 Knots an Hour, in which are huge Trees 
in the Ciirrent, fast to the Bottom but bent by the impetuous Stream, 
and some of them only bobbing up their Heads, when their own Elasticity 
gets the better of the Strength with which the Water bends them down. 
On the other Hand is a large Beach of Mud, spread over sometimes 
with Sand, in which one or more Spots are seen covered with Trees. 
Before you is a quick Descent of Country, appearing much under you. 
This you see divided, sometimes with sandy Beaches, and at others with 
Streams of Water, interspersed with a thousand Logs, and thro' which 
to direct your Course is a very great Incertainty. When you land and, 
with much Difficulty, scramble up the Banks of falling Mud, you find 
Traces of the Floods and Stuff that hinders your going far, or you find 
yourself on Mudy Sands, where you may wander among pieces of 
broken Land for a Mile, at least, without reaching the firm Ground. 
Indeed it has little Tittle to be called so anywhere to the Westward, as 

' Hutchins's Description of Louisiana, p. 61. 



52 The Wilderness Trail 

there is no Height to be seen, nor any sort of Soil to tread on but soft 
Mud, or among Canes. On the Eastern Bank there are the following 
high Lands after we pass'd the Ohio, before we reached the Natchez, 
vizt., 

"Mine au Fer; those on Artaguet and Margot Rivers; That on 
the Yazous; The Small and great Gulf where Stone is to be seen — These 
are the only habitable Grounds above Natchez. 

"It may be thought next to impossible to navigate against this 
Stream, yet such is the Force of Oars, that large Boats of 20 Tons Are 
brought by them to the Illinois in 70 odd Days, which is in some Parts 
500 Leagues by Water from New Orleans when the River is low. At 
that Season there are many large Bends; along the inward Side of These 
the Boats get on, as there the Current is not att all strong. When the 
River is high and overflows its Banks, the Distance is lessened, and the 
Water does not run with such Rapidity as when lower and narrower. 
In those high Times there must be Tracts of Country thirty miles wide, 
overflowed. 

"Those Boats go to the Illinois twice a Year, and are not half 
loaded in their Return; was there any Produce there worth sending to 
Market, they could fetch it at no great Cost. They bring, however, 
Lead, the Produce of a Mine on the French side; But it comes in but 
small Quantities; they have not skill in working of it, neither have 
sufiicient Numbers of Hands to carry it on. The Boats in Time of 
Floods, which happen only in May & June, go down to N. Orleans from 
the Illinois in 14 and 16 Days. 

"The 6th Octr. we visited the Fort at the Natchez. A Detachment 
of sixty Men of the 21st Regiment had come up to this Place six Days 
before. They found the Fort in a repairable State. The Parapet, 
made of Cypress hewn Timber, was only deficient in one Side of Five, 
which is its Figure — several of the Walls of the Houses and some of the 
Roofs were entire, and the Bridge, altho not very sound, served, by 
being a little supported. It was lucky this Condition was such; had 
it been otherwise, the Want of either Artificers, materials, or Tools 
would have put the Detachment to great Inconvenience. The situation 
of this Place is high and pleasant, commanding a Prospect of a very 
large & Handsome Country, in many Places cleared, diversified with 
gentle Risings, which are covered with Grass and other Herbs of a fine 
Verdure. It is M of a Mile from the River, and cannot command the 
Craft that lays under the Bank; a Look out for a Serj't's or Corporal's 
Guard must be built for that Purpose. 

"The Natchez was among the first setled Spots in Louisiana, and 
had not the Catastrophe befell the Inhabitants of being masacred by the 
Indians who lived among them, It would have now been thick peopled, 



George Croghan, the King of the Traders 53 

and a very flourishing Colony. The soil is good on the highest Grounds, 
black & light, & properly exposed for the Growth of the Vine. Indigo 
will prosper on the Flat Parts, or even on the Ridges for some Time. 
The Number of Mulberries and the Climate are favorable for Silk; & 
Tobacco would be a mere Drug there. The Place, from the Goodness 
of the Water & Soil, must have good Air. It is in Lat. 32° 20'. Yet the 
Winter's cold is considerable. The Distance from New Orleans is 94 
leagues, and 50 of them above their highest Setlement at Point Coupee 
(the few Banditti at Arkansas don't deserve the name of Setlement), 
which most probably will be the highest for many Years. This is a 
proper Distance to attack from, but not easily to be attackt up such a 
Stream. The common Communication to the Natchez is up the Missis- 
sippi. But it may be supported down the Ohio, and a Force sent from 
thence that will be truly formidable to our Neighbours below. 

"Such is the Natchez. Its only Dissadvantage is a Port to the Sea. 
The free Navigation of the Mississippi is a Joke; no Vessel will come to 
Ibberville from Sea. It was once done and found merely possible at the 
King's Expense. Neither is there any Restriction by the Treaty from 
building what Forts they Please at the Bar or on the River, as will cer- 
tainly be done when the Spaniards get the Dominion. In Time of War 
they probably will make Use of these Forts to keep us out of the Missis- 
sippi; which may be possible to do, as Vessels must warp up to N. 
Orleans. Had this Place been given to us, We would have had on the 
Mississippi in a short Time the most valuable Colony to the Crown in 
N. America; without it we have only the Land of the Country. I fancy 
this was not well understood by the Peace Makers. 

"The 8th we pass'd the River Rouge. 50 Leagues up it the French 
have a Fort at Natchitoche. The Spanish Govr. went up to visit this 
Post, as it is the nearest Place to Mexico, and not very distant from 
the Out Post of the Spaniards. 

" The 9th. We went ashore on the French Setlement of Point Coupee. 
It consists of no Families, who live much at Ease. Their Produce is at 
present only Tobacco & Corn. They likewise cut some Lumber. They 
are not strong enough in Negroes to attempt making Indigo, which is 
the only Reason they don't. Their Situation is low, and are obliged 
to have Levies of Earth to keep off the Floods. These People are much 
displeased at the Approach of Spanish Government. There is here a 
small, ruinous Stockade, with i Officer and 10 Men in it. 

"loth, In the Morning we visited Fort Bute which is 12 Leagues 
below Coupee. This is a Square, with half Bastions (they had better 
been whole ones) of 600 Stockades. There are Huts in the inside for 
Officers & Men of 100 in Number. The Intention of this Post is to cover 
our Communication to the Mississippi by Pontchratrain and Maure- 



54 The Wilderness Trail 

pas Lakes, and thro the Gulley or Ditch of the Ibberville when there is 
any Water in it, which is only the case when the Floods come down the 
River. The Bed of this was now 24 Feet under that of the Ibberville. 
We endeavoured to view the clearing of this last, but were only able to 
go along it for 3 Miles, on Account of the Rankness of the Weeds, thro 
which there is no Path. The Bottom of the Ditch in that Space was 
pretty clear, only some Logs cut up that are not hauled away. Had 
there been any Craft at the other End I would have endeavoured to 
penetrate to it, & viewed the obstructions between the Amit and Lake 
Maurepas. Those are now the principal, and by Mr. Robertson, 
Engineer's, Report of them, they will require a great Deal of Labour to 
remove. It is now to determine whether that is to be done ; or continue 
at the Option of the French or Spaniards for otir Communication by 
Boats up the Mississippi. While they indulge us they make us pay 
for it, as I fancy the Expence of our Equipments at New Orleans will 
confirm. 

"The 13th we were within 2 miles of New Orleans — we did not make 
this Day above 10 Miles with all our Strength of Oars, of which we 
rowed 8, otir People having mostly recovered, so strong the Easterly 
Wind blew. The Colony of New Orleans is inhabited 20 Leagues above 
the Town on each side the River, which is to within 10 Leagues of the 
Ibberville. A little below this last Place The Mississippi Stream is less 
rapid. The River widens. The Banks are lower, and the whole appears 
more pleasant. The upper Setlers of the Colony are just planted, 
consisting of poor Acadians for the most Part; but 40 Miles above the 
Town you see well built Houses, many Negroes, and several Indigo 
Works in good order. Of this last there is a quantity made and is 
reckoned good of its Kind. The Plantations continue well improved 
towards the Town — whither we arrived the 14th, in the Morning. 

"There are no Nations of Indians below the Illinois on the Missis- 
sippi till you come to the Arkansas. They live up the Branches of the 
Arkansa River near the French Post, which is half way to N. Orleans. 
They consist of 150 Men. The Mississippi in Floods runs round the 
Island formed by the two Branches of this River. The next Nation of 
Indians is the Tonicas, below the Natchez, a small Nation of about 30 
Men. Then the Oumas & Alibamous, of 150 both. The last has setled 
here lately, having withdrawn from the River of that Name when we 
took possession of West Florida. 

"Neither the French nor Spanish Governor were in Town. The 
great Aversion the Inhabitants had shewed to be under the Spanish 
Dominion [and] Their Remonstrances against the Ordinances he pub- 
lished, had chagrined Him so much as to be the Principal Reason of his 
Stay so long at the Balise. 



George Croghan, the King of the Traders 55 

"New Orleans is but a small Town, not many good Houses in it, 
but m general healthy and the Inhabitants well look'd. Its principal 
staple is the Trade of Furrs and Skins from the Illinois — their Want of 
Negroes keep back the Indigo making. They have attempted Sugar, 
and there are now 5 Plantations that produce it; but they do not make 
it turn out to great Account. There is only a Stockade round the Place, 
with a large Banquet; their Dependance for Deffence is the Difficulty 
of approach. That up the River is tedious & easily opposed, particularly 
at the Detour d' Anglois and there is only 12 Ft. Water on the Bar. 

"The Military Force at this Place is at present Small, not above 80 
Spaniards remain of those brought with their Governor. He, it was 
said, expected a 1000 Men, 300 of which would be sent to the Illinois; 
whether that reinforcement was to come from Old Spain or the Havannah 
[we could not] learn with Certainty. 

"Our Boat and Baggage being carried to the Bayoue, for which we 
paid 20 Dollars for the Boat alone, and is only 2 Miles distance, we 
left New Orleans the 15th, in the Evening, and lay that Night at the 
Bayoue. To this Place the Trade from Mobille comes, and all manner 
of smugling: There are three Schooners constantly ply between the 
East Side of Lake Pontchartrain and here, employ 'd in bringing Tar. 
There is a good Harbour for Craft here." 

Gordon and Hutchins continued on to Pensacola, and from thence 
to Havana, leaving Croghan and his party at New Orleans. 

Among the Johnson Papers is found a receipt issued by Felix Sicard 
at New Orleans, November 13th, to George Croghan, for eighty-seven 
dollars, for the board and lodging of Croghan and servants. Another 
receipt, dated New York, January 15, 1767, issued by Pieter Dobson to 
George Croghan for £48, "for transportation of Croghan and others from 
New Orleans" indicates the time of his return to New York. Croghan 
arrived there before January 12th, as he wrote General Gage on that 
date, while in New York, concerning the best way of supplying pro- 
visions for the garrison at Fort Chartres, the necessity of cash trans- 
actions with the French farmers, and the advisability of depending on 
those people for supplies rather than on New Orleans, Pensacola. Mobile, 
or Fort Pitt. On the 17th, Croghan wrote Johnson, enclosing a report of 
his transactions among the Illinois, and speaking of his ill-health and his 
intention of resigning because of ill-treatment by General Gage, The 
latter wrote Johnson on the 25th, " Mr. Croghan is here, and just setting 
out for Philadelphia." Johnson, on receiving Croghan's letter, wrote 
Gage, telling him of the former's very solicitous desire to resign and have 
somebody put in his place. He adds: " I have for the last time advised 
him to think farther about it, and indeed I should be at some loss if he 
pursued his inclinations; from his long acquaintance and influence amongst 



56 The Wilderness Trail 

the Indians in his Deputation; for it is such people only who are best 
calculated for that service; but he seems very uneasy, and without 
assigning more than I formerly mentioned, appears determined. I 
know he was greatly affected at the slanders of some persons in Penn- 
sylvania sometime ago, when he declared his inclination to resign as soon 
as he returned from the Illinois. I must do him the justice to say that 
he has ever been ready to offer his service wherever it was necessary, and 
that he has formerly suffered many losses on these occasions ; neither have 
I ever been able to find out that he was interested." 

On February 22 d, Croghan complains to Johnson of the attacks of 
Traders on his reputation. 

Sir William wrote to Gage on April ist: "Mr. Croghan is now 
here and is to continue in his office. He will set out in a few days, and 
wait upon you, to receive your commands for Fort Pitt, whither he 
proceeds immediately." 

Croghan wrote Johnson from Fort Pitt, June 3d, informing him of 
some injuries done against the Six Nations and Delawares on the frontiers 
of Virginia, and repeating the Indians' complaint regarding settlements 
west of the Alleghany Mountains. 

On August 2 1st, Johnson wrote Gage, advising that Mr. Croghan 
be sent from Fort Pitt to Detroit, to arrange for the restoring of Indian 
prisoners to the different tribes to which they belonged: "I judge its 
best that Mr. Croghan do proceed from Fort Pitt to Detroit, which is a 
journey of only six days; as he is not only better acquainted with the 
steps to be taken, but also can there examine into the abuses and disputes 
concerning the Traders, in which he apprehends he can do good service." 
On September 6th he wrote again, sending the letter by Croghan. Gage 
wrote from New York on the 21st: "Mr. Croghan set out yesterday 
for Philadelphia, in his way to the Detroit." On the loth of October, 
Croghan was at Bedford; on the i8th he wrote Johnson from Fort 
Pitt. His journey to Detroit seems to have been made soon after; and 
his return, in the latter part of November. One of Johnson's corre- 
spondents wrote him from Detroit on the 24th of that month about pistols 
he was sending as a present, in care of Col. Craughan. In the middle 
of December Croghan held a conference with the Indians at Fort Pitt, 
regarding the unauthorized settlements of the whites west of the Moun- 
tains; and on the i8th of the same month the Traders at Fort Pitt 
presented a petition to him, complaining of Trade violations, a settle- 
ment of lawless persons at Redstone Creek, and the machinations of 
Colonel Cresap among the Indians. Croghan was in Philadelphia in 
January, 1768. 

At Middle Creek, in what is now Snyder County, on January 10 
and II, 1768, one, Frederick Stump and his servant, John Ironcutter, 



George Croghan, the King of the Traders 57 

had killed a Seneca Indian, called John Cook, or the White Mingo, his 
wife, two other Mohickon Indians and their Delaware and Shawnee wives, 
and three children. This was not the ' ' White Mingo," a Six Nations chief 
who lived at Fort Pitt from 1759 until 1777, or later, whose Indian 
name was Conengayote,^ or Kanaghragait,^ or Canigaatt,^ and who is 
said to have married Mary Montour, the daughter of French Margaret. 
Captain William Patterson, the son-in-law of John Finley, the Indian 
Trader, lived on Tuscarora Creek at this time. He was a bold, resource- 
ful frontiersman and noted Indian fighter, whose exploits, with those of 
his father, furnished much of the material for the legendary history of the 
fictitious "Captain Jack, the Wild Hunter of the Juniata." At this time 
he was thirty years of age. On his own initiative and without authority 
from the Government, he raised a party of nineteen men, marched them^ 
to George Gabriel's house at the mouth of Penn's Creek, and after being 
"exposed to great danger by the desperate resistance made by Stump 
and his friends, who sided with him," arrested the murderers and 
delivered them to the sheriff at Carlisle on January 23d. Six days 
later, when the news was spread that the prisoners were to be taken to 
Philadelphia for trial, some of Stump's friends and sympathizers, to 
the number of seventy or eighty, surrounded the jail, overpowered the 
sheriff, and released the two men, carrying them off to a secluded place 
in one of the mountain valleys. Colonel John Armstrong wrote of 
this proceeding to Governor Penn: "Even the ignorant and giddy 
crowd who have committed this hasty, flagrant violation of the 
established course of justice, have done it under the influence of 
a mistaken apprehension of the intentions of carrying Stump to 
Philadelphia, together with a few particular matters that the more 
orderly and sedate among them, as well as their young people, deeply 
lament, and complain of, as bearing hard on them in their exposed 
situation. 

"They tell us that the Government always manifested a greater 
concern at the killing or death of an Indian than at the death or killing 
of any of them; that the Indians first break the peace, and have, since 
the last establishment thereof, killed a considerable number of Pennsyl- 
vanians, at different times and places, and that no lamentation has been 
made, nor exertion of the powers of Government, to bring those savage 
butchers (as they call them) to account for this dangerous and bloody 
conduct, whereby, they say, that some of the frontier people wiU always 
be exposed to suffer the same fate, and that their wives and children 
must be threatened and insulted by Indians, and that a number of them 

' Darlington's Gist, p. 214. 
' Old Tioga Point, p. 1 09. 
3 Penna. Col. Rec, viii., 293. 



58 The Wilderness Trail 

must receive the fatal blow before they dare say it is war, with sundry 
other complaints of this sort." 

This indictment of the continued inefficiency of the Proprietary^ and 
Quaker Government, while in no way a justification for Frederick 
Stump's crime, was unfortunately true. Henry O'Brien, Peter Brown, 
and eight other men, in proceeding down the Ohio in August, 1767, with 
two large batteaux, loaded with goods, were murdered by the Indians, 
and part of the goods taken away, near the Falls of that River. Thomas 
Mitchell, a Trader, was likewise murdered in one of the Shawnee Vil- 
lages in the Fall of the same year; and John McDonald was killed near 
Fort Pitt by a Delaware Indian in December. 

On February 2, 1768, Croghan wrote Johnson from New York, 
concerning the murder of the nine Indians on the Susquehanna above 
Harris's Ferry by Frederick Stump and his servant, and of General Gage's 
fear of an Indian uprising. He returned to Philadelphia, and was there 
from the 7th of that month until the i8th of March, when he wrote 
Johnson that he was about to set out for Fort Pitt to meet the Indians, 
During his stay in Philadelphia in January, he appeared before the 
General Assembly and was examined in regard to Indian Affairs; that 
body having placed on its records, in a message to the Governor, delivered 
January 28th, its high opinion of Deputy Indian Agent Croghan, in 
these words: "We cannot presume that Mr. Croghan would do any 
act whatever that might give the least umbrage or uneasiness to the 
natives under his immediate superintendence; the commission he holds, 
the address and fidelity with which he has always executed that com- 
mission, and the eminent services he has rendered the Nation and its 
Colonies in conciliating the affections of the Indians to the British Interest, 
forbid the suspicion." 

Croghan proceeded to Fort Pitt before the end of March, and in 
company with John Allen and Joseph Shippen, Jr., Commissioners 
appointed by the Governor, held an important Council and Condolence 
Meeting with some iioo chiefs and warriors of the Six Nations, Dela- 
wares, Shawnees, and Wyandots. The meetings began on the 26th 
of April and lasted until the 9th of May. Through the efforts of Croghan 
and the Commissioners, together with the influence of a Provincial 
present of goods to the value of more than a thousand pounds, the breach 
of peace was patched up without a war. 

In the early part of September Croghan travelled to Johnson Hall, 
and on the 19th of that month, in company with Sir William Johnson, 
his chief, arrived at Fort Stanwix, for the purpose of arranging a new 
boundary Hne with the Six Nations. Here they remained for nearly 

' The Assembly threw the entire blame on Governor John Penn. See Penna. 
Col. Rec, ix., 473-480. 



George Croghan, the King of the Traders 59 

two months, the first few weeks of which were spent in waiting for and 
accelerating the coming of the chiefs and warriors of the Six Nations, 
Delawares, Shawnees, and other Indians, to attend a Great Council. 
This Council finally opened on the 24th of October, and lasted until 
November 6th. The principal object of the meeting was to purchase 
the title from the Six Nations to all that part of their territories lying 
east and south of portions of the Susquehanna north and west branches, 
and of the Ohio, from Kittanning to the mouth of the Cherokee (now 
Tennessee) River. During the conferences held at Fort Stanwix, 
Croghan received (November 4th) a confirmation of the grants which 
he claimed the Ohio chiefs of the Six Nations had made to him in 1749. 
One of these grants was for 100,000 acres of land on the west side of the 
Monongahela and south side of the Ohio, beginning at a point opposite 
the mouth of Turtle Creek, thence west along the rivers to the mouth 
of Raccoon Creek, up that creek ten miles, and, in a straight line, to the 
place of beginning. A second tract, "ten miles in breadth," was for 
60,000 acres, extending "fifteen miles," along both sides of the Youghio- 
gheny River, to be located so as to include the Sewickley Old Town, which 
site was probably on Big or Little Sewickley creeks in what is now West- 
moreland County. A third tract, to contain 40,000 acres, was to be 
located on the east side of the Ohio (Allegheny) to the northward of the 
site of Shanoppin's Town, extending from the mouth of Two Mile Run 
southward along the Allegheny to the Monongahela, thence to and up 
Turtle Creek to the head waters of Plum Creek, down that stream to 
the Allegheny, and thence to the place of beginning. ' The last mentioned 
tract included the 1352 acres on which Croghan had settled in 1762. It 
was provided in this deed that if any of the land granted should, there- 
after, be found to lie within the limits of the charter grant to William 
Penn, that then, Croghan should have the right to locate the same 
number of acres on other ungranted lands which were at this time ceded 
by the Indian chiefs to Great Britain. It was no doubt in accordance 
with this provision that Croghan claimed and took up 100,000 acres of 
land in New York Province, lying between Lake Otsego and Unadilla 
River, for which he obtained a survey in the following year^; although 
he continued to sell his rights to tracts from the land between Raccoon 
Creek and the Youghiogheny until after 1773, to whoever would pur- 
chase them. 3 Another grant of land obtained from the Six Nations 
chiefs at the Fort Stanwix Conference was that conveyed to William 
Trent (Croghan's former partner), Robert Callender, David Franks, 
Joseph Simon, Levy Andrew Levy, Philip Boyle, John Baynton, Samuel 

' A copy of this deed is printed in Peyton's Augusta County, Virginia, 74-77. 
' Shown on Sauthier's Map of New York, 1779. 
J See Washington- Crawford Letters. 



6o The Wilderness Trail 

Wharton, George Morgan, Joseph Spear, Thomas Smallman, John 
Welch Estate, Edmund Moran, Evan Shelby, Samuel Postlethwait, John 
Gibson, Richard Winston, Dennis Crohon, William Thompson, Abraham 
Mitchell, James Dundas, Thomas Dundas, and John Ormsby, twenty- 
three Pennsylvania Indian Traders who had suffered very large losses 
through the war of 1763. This grant included all that part of the 
present State of West Virginia lying between the Ohio, the Little Ka- 
nawha, and the Monongahela rivers, the Laurel Ridge, and the south 
line of Pennsylvania extended to the Ohio. It was afterwards given 
the name of Indiana by the grantees, and attempts were made to erect 
a new Colony, but the grant failed of confirmation by the Crown. 
Trent and Wharton went to England to endeavor to obtain a confirma- 
tion, but while there were induced to throw in their interests with 
Thomas Walpole, Benjamin Franklin, and others, in securing the grant 
of Vandalia, which included the grants to the Ohio Company and to 
William Trent and associates, and extended to the mouth of Scioto. 

So early as June 27, 1767, George Croghan, with his kinsmen^ 
Edward Ward and Thomas Smallman, had petitioned the New York 
Council in behalf of themselves and others, to purchase 40,000 acres 
of land lying between Otsego Lake and Caniadcuagy Lake, and between 
the head branches of the Susquehanna River. He was given license to 
purchase Indian lands by the Council on July 6th. February 2, 1768, 
Croghan and his associates petitioned for a warrant for survey of the 
lands which he was entitled to purchase from the Indians. This petition 
was granted on the loth. On November 25, 1769, a return of a survey 
was made for George Croghan and his associates, for a tract of 100,000 
acres of land on the south side of the Mohawk River, in what are now 
Otsego, Burlington, and New Lisbon townships, Otsego County. On 
February 14, 1770, the township of Belvidere was granted to Croghan 
by the Council, and on March 5, 1770, a return of survey for George 
Croghan was made, for two tracts, containing together 18,000 acres in 
Cherry Valley. ' This land in Cherry Valley afterwards seems to have 
passed to his daughter, the wife of Lieutenant Prevost. 

Lord Hillsborough wrote Johnson from Whitehall in May, 1769, 
that the King would accept the cession of lands made by the Six Nations 
at Fort Stanwix, six months before, but deferred action on the Indian 
grants to Mr. Croghan and the Traders. 

During the next five years Croghan was chiefly engaged in his land 
operations, at Otsego Lake and Fort Pitt. An interesting account of the 
pioneer settlements at Otsego at this time is given by Mr. Halsey in his 
Old New York Frontier. It is possible that Sir William Johnson himself 
may have been interested with Croghan in some of the Susquehanna 
• See De Witt's map of these surveys in Halsey's Old New York Frontier. 



George Croghan, the King of the Traders 6i 

purchases, as Johnson had written Captain Harry Gordon in September, 
1767, about the prospective purchase near the head waters of the Dela- 
ware and Susquehanna, and Gordon's chance of obtaining an interest 
therein. He wrote to Lord Hillsborough September 20, 1769, after 
receiving word from him that the King would not for the present approve 
the grants made by the Indians to Croghan and the Traders: "The 
one to Mr. Croghan was only a confirmation of two former grants which 
the Indians particularly desired to make, and believe they did without 
any influence; I am certain it was without mine." Another large tract 
of land adjoining Croghan's on the south was bought from the Indians 
and patented in 1769 to Charles Reade, Thomas Wharton, William 
Trent, and others. This was known as the Otsego Patent. Richard 
Smith was sent from Burlington, New Jersey, to survey this land in the 
spring of 1769. He visited Croghan's house at the foot of Otsego Lake 
in May, and his JournaU gives a contemporary account of the activities 
of Colonel Croghan in his new venture. Some extracts from this Journal 
read as follows : 

"13th May, 1769. At Scramlin's [now Canajoharie] we turned off 
from the [Mohawk] River, pursuing a S.W. course for Cherry Valley. 
We met, on their return, four waggons, which had carried some of Col. 
Croghan's goods to his Seat at the foot of Lake Otsego. The carriers 
tell us they were paid 305. a load each for carrying from Scramlin's to 
Capt. Prevost's, who is now improving his estate at the head of the Lake; 
the Capt. married Croghan's daughter. 

"In the afternoon we arrived at Major Wells', one of the principal 
freeholders of Cherry Valley, called 12 miles from Scramlin's and 50 
from Schenectady. ... In Cherry Valley there are about 40 or 50 
families, mostly of those called Scotch-Irish, and as many more in the 
vicinity, consisting of Germans and others. . . . 

"14th. . . . The distance from Cherry Valley to Capt. Prevost's, 
on the Head of Susquehanna, is 9 miles. 

"15th. . . . We arrived at Capt. Prevost's in 4 hours, the road 
not well cleared, but full of stumps and rugged, thro' a deep black mould 
all the way. . . , Mr. Prevost has built a log house, lined with rough 
boards, of one story, on a cove, which forms the head of Lake Otsego. 
He has cleared 16 or 18 acres around his house and erected a saw-mill, 
with one saw, the carpenter's bill of which came to £30. He began to 
settle only in May last. . . . The Capt. treated us elegantly. . . . He 
has several families seated near him, and gives wages from 555. to £3 a 
month. In this part of our journey we passed thro' Springfield, in 
Waggoner's Patent, a German settlement of 10 families, where one 

' Published in Halsey's Four Great Rivers 



62 The Wilderness Trail 

Myers, from Philada., keeps a tavern and has established a pottery. . . . 
His house is about 5 miles from Capt. Prevost's. . . . 

"i6th. Our Company was retarded yesterday for want of craft, 
but this morning we proceeded in Col. Croghan's batteau, large and 
sharp at each end, down the Lake, which is estimated to be 8 or 9 miles 
long, and from one to 2 miles broad, the water of greenish cast, denoting 
probably a limestone bottom. . . . Very little low land is to be seen 
around the Lake. 

"Mr. Croghan, Deputy to Sir William Johnson, the Superintendent 
for Indian Affairs, is now here and has carpenters and other men at work 
preparing to build two dwelling-houses and 5 or 6 out-houses. His 
situation [now the site of Cooperstown] commands a view of the whole 
Lake, and is in that respect superior to Prevost's. The site is a gravelly, 
stiff clay, covered with towering white pines, just where the River Sus- 
quehannah, no more than 10 or 12 yards broad, runs downwards out of 
the Lake with a strong current. ' 

"Here we found a body of Indians, mostly from Ahquahga, come 
to pay their devoirs to the Col.; some of them speak a little 
English. 

"The Colonel's low grounds, intended for meadow, lie at some dis- 
tance [west] ; he talks of opening a waggon road to the Kaatskill. We 
lodged at Col. Croghan's, and next morning get all ready to go on the 
survey, Robt. Picken, our other surveyor, being gone down to wait upon 
the Duchess of Gordon and Col. Morris (whose Tract adjoins to our 
Patent), and not expected back in 10 days. . . . 

[Smith then spent nearly a week in surveying his lands]. 

"22d. Wm. Ridgway and myself went up to the Colonel's, with 
the men and one pack-horse, leaving R. Wells, Jos. Biddle, and John 
Hicks at the corner tent. . . . The land from our upper corner to 
Croghan's house, along the Susquehannah, is, in general, but indif- 
ferent. . . . 

"23d. Mr. Wells, Biddle, and Hicks came to us at Col. Croghan's 
. . . being rainy, we stayed here all day. 

"24th. It rained again. . . . After dinner, Mr. Picken and another 
went out on a scout after our lost men. Muscetoesand Gnats ["called 
here Punkies"] are now troublesome. We observed a natural strawberry 
patch before Croghan's door, which is at present in bloom. . . . 

"25th. We finished and launched our canoe into the Lake. . . . 

"26th. Our lost party returned, having been 4 days and nights 

' At this point in the lake, and almost in the stream itself, stands a large, round, 
smooth boulder, known as "Council Rock." The lake and rock are described by 
Cooper in The Deerslayer. They are shown in the photograph reproduced on the 
opposite page. 




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George Croghan, the King of the Traders 63 

in the wilderness without food; they abandoned the pack-horse and 
goods in the woods. 

"27th. We are waiting for our goods. Picken was dispatched to 
Cherry Valley to hasten some hands hired there. We engaged Joseph 
Brant, the Mohawk, to go down with us to Aquahga. 

"Last night a drunken Indian came and kissed Col. Croghan and 
me very joyously. Here are natives of different nations almost con- 
tinually. They visit the Deputy Superintendent as dogs to the bone, 
for what they can get. John Davies, a young Mohawk, one of the 
retinue who has been educated at Dr. Wheelock's school in Connecticut, 
now quitted our service to march against the Catawbas in company with 
a few of his countrymen who take this long tour merely to gratify revenge 
or satiate pride. 

"We found many petrified shells in these parts, and sometimes on 
the tops of high hills. . . . Col. Croghan says he once found oyster shells 
on the Allegheny Mountains. He showed us a piece of copper ore, as 
supposed. The Indian who gave it to him said he found it on our 
tract. . . . Col. C. says that some of his cows were out in the woods all 
last winter without hay, and they now look well. . . . The Colonel says 
he has sold his land back of Hardwick's Patent to sixty New England 
families at 6s. an acre, and that some of them will settle on the Tract 
this Fall. 

"The Col. had a cargo of goods arrived to-day, such as hogs, poul- 
try, crockery-ware, and glass. The settled Indian wages here are 4s. 
a day, York currency, being half a dollar. 

"28th. Sunday. . . . Col. C. says that Capt. Prevoost has sold A 
some of his lands at £20, and some at £40 p. hundred acres. The Col. 
talks of building a saw-mill and grist-mill here on the Susquehannah, near ! 
his house, and has had a mill-wright to view the spot. 

"29th. Myself, with Joseph Brant, his wife and child, and another L 
young Mohawk named James, went down in the new canoe to our upper ii 
corner. . . . This River, from the Lake Otsego hither, is full of logs and 
trees, and short, crooked turns, and the navigation for canoes and bat- 
teaux requires dexterity. Ed. Croghan [Edward Ward?] is about to 
employ the Indians in the useful service of removing the logs next 
summer." 

On June 21, 1769, Croghan wrote Thomas Wharton from Lake 
Otsego : "I have been out in the woods these |;wenty days past, setting 
the surveyors to work on running the Boundary Line between this Gov- 
ernment and the Indian Hunting Ground. . . . The time is over, I assure 
you, in this part of the Country, for making cheap purchases [of land], 
for there is nobody now that will sell except myself, on any reasonable 
terms, and it's necessity only that obliges me to offer mine as I do." 



64 The Wilderness Trail 

He wrote again on July i8th: "Eight days ago I was favored with 
yours. ... I should have answered it before now, but was then lying 
in a violent fit of the gout, for ye first time, wh. has confin'd me to 
bed for i8 days, & now am only able to sit up on ye bedside." In 
letters to Johnson a few weeks later, Croghan mentions his gout, and 
lameness from a hurt which he had received. On the i8th of September, 
he was still at Lake Otsego, where Alexander McKee visited him, and 
y brought an account of Indian affairs at Fort Pitt. On November 2d 
Johnson wrote Governor Golden: "Mr. Groghan, my deputy, now going 
to Fort Pitt to inquire into the state of Indian affairs, begs to have the 
honor of an introduction to you, having some land matters to settle 
and patents to take out at New York." 

Groghan wrote Johnson from New York November i6th, and from 
Philadelphia, December 22d. Lieutenant B. Roberts, in a letter dated 
New York, February 7, 1770, mentions a visit to Gol. Groghan, and 
the latter 's illness. 

He wrote Johnson from Otsego March loth and 17th, 1770, asking 
assistance in obtaining a loan at Schenectady, with the property near 
Gherry Valley as security ; mentioning his inability to obtain large sums 
due him in Pennsylvania; and speaking of visits by Messrs. Fitch, Ghew, 
and;Pomery at his "Hutt." He wrote again about a month later, of 
his failure to borrow; and again on May nth, mentioning a journey 
which he would make southward for his health and business interests. 

Johnson wrote him on the same day, making suggestions for Groghan's 
guidance in his Indian transactions at Fort Pitt. Groghan wrote from 
the latter place August 24th, enclosing John GampbeU's bill of £61 45. for 
wampum furnished him. 

Groghan mortgaged his Otsego tract of land to William Franklin, 
son of Benjamin, and lost it under foreclosures in 1773. The title later 
passed to William Gooper and Andrew Graig, both of Burlington, N. J., 
which was also the home of Richard Smith, who had stopped at Groghan's 
house on his way to visit his own family's land, adjoining Groghan's, in 
1769. Mr. Gooper later visited the place in the interest of Groghan's 
mortgagees. He afterwards decided to settle the tract, and by 1786 had 
succeeded in getting several families located upon it. In 1790 he brought 
his own family to the lake (including the infant, James Fenimore 
Gooper, who was afterwards to write the Leather Stocking Tales), and 
founded the town of Otsego, the name of which was later changed to 
Cooperstown. These facts led Mr. Halsey to remark, in his Old New 
York Frontier, that "had Groghan succeeded in his enterprise, the world, 
probably, never would have heard of 'Leather Stocking.' " Mr. Halsey 
might have gone further, and said that the career and experiences of 
Croghan probably furnished or might well have furnished Gooper with 



George Croghan, the King of the Traders 65 

some of the material not only for his character of Leather Stocking, 
but for a number of his other characters and for many of the incidents 
of his frontier stories. 

Fenimore Cooper, whose father built his house near the site of 
Croghan's "Hutt," at the foot of Lake Otsego in 1789, writes of this 
location in the introduction to his story of The Pioneers: "There is a 
tradition which says that the neighboring tribes were accustomed to 
meet on the banks of the Lake to make their treaties, and otherwise to 
strengthen their alliances, and which refers the name to this practice. 
As the Indian Agent of New York [Croghan] had a log dwelling at the 
foot of the Lake, however, it is not impossible that the appellation grew 
out of the meetings that were held at his Council fires s the War drove 
oflE the Agent [Croghan left there several years before the war], in common 
with the other officers of the Crown; and his rude dwelling was soon 
abandoned. The Author remembers it a few years later, reduced to the 
humble office of a smoke-house." 

In 1 77 1 the New York Government patented to General John 
Bradstreet some 20,000 acres of land lying on the south side of the Sus- 
quehanna, opposite to and above the mouth of Unadilla River. Brad- 
street died in 1774. In the winter of 1776-77, complaints were made 
by the Oghquaga Indians to the New York Provincial Congress that 
they had not been paid for certain lands sold by them to George Croghan 
for the benefit of "the late General Bridgeport [Bradstreet]." The 
Indians had deeded the land to Bradstreet October 29, 1768, and accepted 
Croghan's note, and "the said lands had since been patented to others 
under the great seal of the State of New York." These complaints had 
previously been carried to England by Brant, when he sailed in Novem- 
ber, 1775, and had been laid before the King's Ministers by him in March, 
1776. In February, 1777, the Provincial Congress sent a friendly message 
to Brant at Oghquaga, by John Harper, who had been a schoolmate of 
his at Wheelock's school, and was "very intimately acquainted at the 
Oghquaga Castle." The letter which Harper carried read in part as 
follows : 

It gives us real concern that George Croghan has abused your con- 
fidence and defrauded you of money due on his note at hand. He has 
treated many other subjects of this State in the same manner, first run- 

^ ' ' Otsego , . . was mentioned in 1 753 by the Rev. Gideon Hawley , and written as 
now. . . . More than a century since, Ostenha was one name for the Lake, and Cooper 
said the large stone at the outlet still retained the name of Otsego Rock when he wrote 
The Deer slayer. Father Bruyas gives ostenra as "a rock"; Schoolcraft has otsteaha 
for "rock" in Mohawk, and otsta in Oneida, Adding the locative [go] and making due 
allowances, it is reasonable to interpret this, "place of the Rock." — Beauchamp, 
Aboriginal Place Names of New York, p. 174. 

VOL. II. — s 



66 The Wilderness Trail 

ning greatly in debt, and then privately removing out of its jurisdiction. 
The Great Council [the Continental Congress] will, however, when the 
important business which at present engages all its attention shall admit, 
endeavor to secure your debt. 

Brothers, the Great Council never will suffer you to be defrauded of 
your lands; but will severely punish all who attempt it, and you may 
safely depend on our protection. If a settlement should be attempted, 
the Great Council will order the intruders to be removed. 

The boundary controversy between Pennsylvania and Virginia, 
which had been discussed by Dinwiddle and Hamilton before the Brad- 
dock Campaign, became acute again after 1768; Virginia claiming that 
the western line of Pennsylvania was east of the Forks of Ohio, and that 
Fort Pitt was within the chartered limits of Virginia. It will be seen 
from the terms of Croghan's deed from the Indians that it was to his 
advantage to have the western boundary line of Penn's grant limited to 
a point east of Fort Pitt ; as otherwise his Indian grant would be void by 
its own terms. Owing to this fact, it is reasonable to believe, as the 
Pennsylvania authorities often suspected, that Croghan was the chief 
person to stir up the boundary war between the Virginians and Penn- 
sylvanians on the western frontier, in 1771 and 1772. Washington 
visited and dined with Col. Croghan "four miles above Fort Pitt," 
on his way down the Ohio River to examine lands on the Kanawha in 
October, 1770. On his return up the river, he rode overland from the 
Mingo Town (now Mingo, Ohio), to Fort Pitt, crossing the branches of 
Raccoon and Shurtee's (Chartier's) creeks, and examining the land on 
what was a portion of Croghan's claim. He arrived at Fort Pitt on the 
2 1st of November and the next day "invited the officers and some other 
gentlemen to dinner" with !him at his tavern, "among whom was one, 
Dr. [John] Connolly, nephew to Col. Croghan, a very sensible, intel- 
ligent man, who had travelled over a good deal of this western country." 
Connolly was afterwards the representative of Lord Dunmore, and leader 
of the Virginians at Fort Pitt during the boundary disputes. 

Washington, as has here been stated, visited Fort Pitt in October 
and November. Captain William Crawford, at that time a resident 
of what is now Fayette County, Pennsylvania, and engaged by Wash- 
ington to survey for him some lands on Raccoon and Chartier's creeks, 
wrote the latter December 6th: "Colonel Croghan is at Fort Pitt still, 
and I understand is to stay the chief part of the winter." He wrote 
again, April 20, 1771 : "Agreeable to your request, I went to view 
Colonel Croghan's land; but before it could be done the line was to be 
run, which I attended. . . . What land is worth anything is already 
taken by somebody, whose survey comes within the line we run. But 
the Colonel is not content with that line, as he thinks it does not include 



George Croghan, the King of the Traders 67 

land enough. I am afraid he has not proper title to what he is now- 
claiming; but I will avoid giving him any certain answer about the land 
as long as I can possibly do so. I have found some good tracts of land 
on the head of Chartier's Creek and the head of Raccoon Creek. ... I 
have not told him where the land lies, and I am afraid to tell him till he 
runs the line, for I think if he knew of it he would run it in on purpose to 
have the selling of it to you; as he prides himself much upon it, and makes 
it a handle to all bargains he is making with other people." Crawford 
writes to Washington again on August 2d: "I saw a letter from Mr. 
Tilghman in regard to Colonel Croghan. He says the latter has no right 
to any land as yet, nor cannot tell whether he ever will have from the 
Crown. Croghan claims it from an Indian deed, and is making out 
patents to such as will buy of him ; but Mr. Tilghman says in his letter, 
'I hope persons will ask themselves how they will come by their money 
again, if, in a few years, his title should be found not good.' "' 

On the 9th of August, Crawford wrote James Tilghman, Secretary 
of the Pennsylvania Land Office: "I understand . . . that there is an 
agreement entered into by a number of the inhabitants of Monongahela 
and Redstone ... to join, and keep off all officers of the law. . . . This 
was set on foot by a set of people who have made a breach of the law. . . 
together with a notion propogated by Colonel Croghan that they had no 
right to obey any precept issued from Pennsylvania. He has run a line 
from the mouth of Raccoon up the Ohio to Fort Pitt, and thence up 
Monongahela, above Pigeon Creek; thence across, till it strikes Raccoon, 
ten miles up it; and says he has one more grant of 100,000 acres to lay 
off in a parallel with that. Many surveys he has cut to pieces and sold 
to sundry people. . . . He has done so with one of mine and many 
others." 

Washington wrote Crawford from Mt. Vernon December 6, 177 1 : 
"I cannot hear of any reserve in favor of Colonel Croghan; for which 
reason I do not care to say anything more to him on the subject of a 
purchase until matters are upon a more permanent footing, since no dis- 
advantage can follow to him, after leaving him at liberty in my last letter 
to sell the tract he made me an offer of, to anybody he pleased." 

On March 15, 1772, Crawford writes Washington that "Croghan 
claims and is selling any land that any person will buy of him, inside or 

' Some of Croghan's grantees, as disclosed by the deed-book of the old Augusta 
County Court (which soon after exercised jurisdiction over southwestern Pennsylvania), 
were as follows: Bernard Gratz, of Philadelphia, 55,627 acres on Chartier's and Raccoon 
creeks and Robinson's Run; Joseph Simon, of Lancaster, 10,580 acres on Raccoon 
Creek; Edward Ward, of Fort Pitt, 3,863 acres; Thomas Lawrence, of Philadelphia, 
18,580 acres on the southwest sideof the Ohio; and smaller tracts to Jacob Bausman and 
Benjamin Tate, of Fort Pitt. Gratz, Simon, and Lawrence were merchants, and had 
probably furnished Croghan with goods or moneys. 



68 The Wilderness Trail 

outside of his line, and offers his bond to make title for it and have no 
money till then, at ten pounds sterling per hundred acres. He has his 
surveyors running out land now constantly; and he has taken and run 
out land for himself ten miles clear of his line." On December 29, 1773, 
Crawford wrote Washington: "Some people, about ten or twelve in 
number, have gone on your Chartier's land within these few days; and 
there is no getting them off except by force of arms. They are encouraged 
by Major Ward, brother to Colonel Croghan, who claims the land and says 
^ he has a grant of it from the Crown. ... He further adds that Colonel 
Croghan says you and I have used his brother very ill, in pretending to 
buy his land and did not, but went and took the best of it, and would 
not agree to pay him. That was the reason offered for selling the land 
to any person who should choose to buy." 

The following receipt (original now in the Emmet Manuscript Col- 
lection of the New York Public Library), issued by George Croghan, 
gives some light on the nature and extent of his land operations at this 
time: 

Pittsburgh, Octr. 9th, 1773. 

Reed, of Mr. Alex. Ross, Three hundred & eighty-eight pounds three 

shillings and three pence, for Two thousand eight hundred & seventeen 

acres of Land on Raccoon Creek — and Two hundred & fifty pounds, for 

Two thousand one hundred & seventy acres of Land on the Ohio River, 

about three miles below Logs Town; making in all the [sum of] Six 

hundred & thirty-eight pounds, three shillings & three pence, Pennsylva. 

Curry.; having signed two Receipts of the same Tenor & Date. £630: 

3: 3d- 

Geo. Croghan. 

Leaving Croghan's land operations and returning to his transactions 
with the western Indians, we find that on March 7, 1771, he received 
and transmitted to his superior officer certain information given by 
Mohikin John, and by Joseph, another Indian, concerning a confederation 
forming at the instance of the Six Nations to strike the English. On 
September 19th, in the same year, Johnson wrote Gage, mentioning 
Croghan's desire to quit the service; followed by a second letter on the 
same subject three months later. On May 20, 1772, Johnson wrote the 
r Lieutenant-General again, to say that Alexander McKee was best quali- 
V , fied to succeed Mr. Croghan in charge of the Indians on the Ohio. On 
December 24th Croghan wrote the baronet from Fort Pitt, speaking of 
the satisfaction of the Indians at the abandonment of the post by the 
British garrison, and the demolition of the fort. The day before he had 
written to Thomas Wharton of Philadelphia: "With respect to the 
demolishing this Post, I believe that meastire has been through Lord 
Hillsborough, and the last stroke of his resentment [at the granting of the 



George Croghan, the King of the Traders 69 

charter by the King for the new colony of Vandalia]. Sir W. J. was 
never consulted on it. ... I believe that the measure, wh. I believe 
was designed to hurt the new colonies, will serve only to promote its 
settlement." 

On May 11, 1773, Croghan wrote Thomas Wharton from Fort Pitt: 
" Most of the people in this country is now in great confusion, on account 
of the Governour and Council of Virginia granting patents to Col. 
Washingtonfor 200,000 acrs. of Land on Ohio & the great Kanawha. . . , 
It has been very unfortunate for me that ye proprietors of the New 
Colony [Vandalia] has never published their success in obtaining it. 
Had they done that, it would have made people hereabouts very easy." 
Again, on October 15th, he writes: "I wrote you a long letter ye begin- 
ning of last month, informing you the situation of the Indians & how 
uneasy they began to be on account of the Governour of the New Colony 
not coming to treat with them, and requesting you & the other Gentle- 
men concerned in ye Colony to send up some goods for presents to appease 
them, & some money to purchase provisions ... 14 days ago a 
number of the Chiefs of ye Hurons, Ottaways, & Chipaways from ye 
other side the Lakes, with some Chiefs of ye Delawares, came here, in ye 
whole a hundred, to attend ye Intended meeting with the New Governour, 
and are eating up everything I had provided for the use of my family 
this winter. The whole of the Delawares, Shawnose and Six Nations in 
this Country are much alarm'd at Capt. Bullett & Capt. Thompson 
going down ye River with numbers of people to Settle a Country wh. 
they were Informed by the King's Messages was not to be settled — 
this with ye intire Neglect shown to them by ye Commander in Chief & 
Superintendent for some years past & their withdrawing ye former 
favours wh. was usual to give them, has led all those Nations to believe 
that we are favouring some Designs against them. This Neglect took 
place as soon as Lord Hillsborough opposed ye New Colony. I clearly 
saw it was intended to throw this Country into Confusion, so as to pro- 
duce a broil with ye Indians & Inhabitants, by wh. his Lordship would 
have gained his point. On that occasion I Resigned my appointment 
[he was succeeded as Indian Agent by Alexander McKee], that I might v 
oppose the measure, & have hitherto Luckily succeeded, with a consider- 
able expense." 

Croghan wrote Thomas Wharton again from Fort Pitt on December 
9th, as follows: 

My last letter to you was after some Chiefs of ye Indian Nations 
from over the Lakes arriv'd here, and requesting your assistance with 
ye other Gentlemen concern'd in ye New Colony, to wh. I have had no 
answer. From the conduct of Capts. Bullot, Thompson, and a number 



70 The Wilderness Trail 

of other Land Jobbers last Summer, I had reason to suspect that the 
publick peace of this Country was in great danger. . . , 

There met here about 400 Indians of seven different Nations, in 
consequence of the messages sent me by several noblemen and others of 
the proprietors, and nothing prepared for them; so that I had my choice 
of difficulties to encounter. If I refused to meet them or supply them 
with provisions, it threatened a disgust, wh. might produce mischief. 
At length, I chose the other method, and tho. I was in some doubts of 
gaining credit for presents, yet I was lucky in obtaining credit from Mr. 
Simons and Mr. Campbell for what I wanted, and for provisions. I was 
reduced to the necessity of pawning what little Plate I had and some 
other valuable things, to raise money to purchase of them to supply ye 
Indians; so you can judge what strates I have been put to on those 
Gentlemen's account. ... 'T is currently reported here that there will 
be no New Colony and that it 's all lay'd aside since General Gage went 
home. 

In the beginning of 1774 the boundary troubles between Pennsyl- 
vania and Virginia broke out in violent form on the western border ; but 
this time Croghan does not seem to have been a very active partisan on 
either side. The delay in the confirmation of the grants of land by the 
king, and the doubt of his ever confirming Croghan's grant, together with 
the action of the Virginia legislature in granting Washington and his 
fellow officers in the French war large tracts of land on the Ohio and 
Kanawha, probably led Croghan to believe that his own interests would 
be served best by siding with Virginia, and this he seems to have done 
through most of the difficulties which ensued in the first half of the year. 
Captain Arthur St. Clair had written Joseph Shippen in the summer of 
1772, that the associations forming west of Laurel Hill to oppose the 
jurisdiction of Pennsylvania were apparently the work of Colonel Cresap, 
"and Mr. Croghan is strongly suspected of giving it much encourage- 
ment privately," and that "there is still a number of people, abetted 
chiefly by Mr. Croghan, that refuse to submit to the jurisdiction of this 
Province." But the letter from which the last sentence was quoted 
also gave the probable reason for Croghan's action in then declining to 
recognize the Pennsylvania Government's claim to authority over the 
lands to which he was trying to complete his Indian title. St. Clair 
added: "I have said these people are chiefly abetted by Mr. Croghan, 
and I think I have reason to say so; for no longer ago than Friday last, 
the collector, and constable whom he had called to his assistance to levy 
his (Mr. Croghan's) taxes, were drove off by his people, and that Mr. 
Croghan himself threatened to put any or all of them to death if they 
attempted to touch any of his effects, for that he was not within the 
Province by thirty miles." 

Croghan had written St. Clair on the 2d of June, 1772: "Pray, 
why did not the Proprietors prevent all those disputes by ascertaining 



George Croghan, the King of the Traders 71 

their bounds. . . . They must well remember it's not a great number 
of years since the Assembly refused to build a Trading House or Fort 
here, alleging it to be out of Mr. Penn's grant; and after that, ye same 
Assembly refused granting money for the King's use, to assist in the 
reduction of Fort Duquesne. ... I can truly say that I have never 
advised any person to use [ill] a sheriff or civil officer of the Province . . . 
but with respect to lands or taxes, I will give you my opinion, which is, 
that I think the people are fools if they don't keep their money till they 
are ftilly satisfied that their property is sure and that they are under the 
jurisdiction of Pennsylvania." 

January 6, 1774, Dr. John Connolly, Croghan's nephew, and a 
much travelled soldier of fortune, bold and unscrupulous, posted some 
advertisements in the village of Pittsburgh, announcing that Lord Dun- 
more, Governor of Virginia, had appointed him Captain and Command- 
ant of the Militia of Pittsburgh and its dependencies, and that Dunmore 
proposed moving to the House of Burgesses the necessity of erecting 
a new [Virginia] County, to include Pittsburgh. The proclamation con- 
cluded with a command that all persons in the dependency of Pittsburgh 
should assemble themselves there as a militia on the 25th of the month. 
Connolly appointed six or seven magistrates, among them being Major 
Thomas Smallman (Croghan's cousin), John Campbell (Croghan's stu"- 
veyor and clerk), and John Gibson. They refused to accept the com- 
missions, however, at that time, but accepted them later. Captain St. 
Clair, who was then one of Penn's justices and land agents, living at 
Fort Ligonier, assembled the other justices of Westmoreland County at 
Pittsburgh on the date advertised for Connolly's muster, caused the 
Doctor to be arrested, and commited him to jail at Hannastown. He 
was soon afterwards released, on agreeing to appear before the Westmor- 
land Court. 

St. Clair wrote Joseph Shippen, February 25th: "As much the 
greatest part of the inhabitants near the line [in what are now Washing- 
ton and Fayette Counties] have removed from Virginia, they are inex- 
pressibly fond of anything that comes from that quarter, and their minds 
are never suffered to be at rest. Mr. Croghan's emissaries (and it is aston- 
ishing how many he has either duped or seduced to embrace his measures) 
are continually irritating them against Pennsylvania, and assuring them 
they are not within its limits." On April 4th, Croghan wrote to his 
attorney, David Sample, as follows : 

I have been long convinced that Fort Pitt and its dependencies was 
without the limits of Pennsylvania, and no less convinced that the laws 
of that Province could have no force or power beyond its limits; yet as 
I have always considered any law better than no law, I have counte- 
nanced the law of that Province hitherto by pleading to some actions 



7? The Wilderness Trail 

brought against me, and being bail to others; tho' at the same time I 
have always denied the jurisdiction by not paying the taxes, as in that 
case my liberty and property was in as much danger as all the rest of my 
fellow subjects in the Colonies have thought theirs, by submitting to a 
tax laid on them by the British Parliament, and which they have always 
withstood. Now, Sir, as the Colony of Virginia has this Winter extended 
the laws of that Government to this part of the Country, by raising the 
militia and appointing civil officers, I shall no longer countenance the 
laws of your Province by pleading to any actions brought against me, 
unless brought by the Colony of Virginia; for it must be granted that 
if any Colony has a right to extend their laws to this Country, Virginia 
must, till his Majesty's pleasure be known therein. 

Since this change has happened, two actions have been brought 
against me from your Court, one at the suit of Richard and William But- 
ler [Traders], the other at the suit of Joseph Spear ; as you are my attorney 
I desire, when those actions are caUed in court, you won't appear to 
them. ... 

These instructions were probably given by Croghan for the sake of 
gaining time, and to escape the suits of his creditors ; and it was probably 
a similar reason (i.e., that he was financially unable to pay) that led 
him to decline to pay taxes on his lands to Pennsylvania, on the pretext 
that the lands were outside the limits of that Province. 

Doctor Connolly, on the 6th of April, redeemed his pledge to appear 
before the Westmoreland County Court and answer to the charge for 
which he had been committed to jail by St. Clair and his fellow magis- 
trates in January, and released on parole. The surprising manner of his 
appearance is best told in the words of Thomas Smith, who wrote to 
Joseph Shippen from the Westmoreland Court at Hannastown, April 7, 
1774: 

After Connolly was committed to Gaol in the manner you have been 
informed, the Sheriff let him at large on his giving his word of Honour 
to return at the Court. He did return, indeed, and in such a manner as 
might have been expected from his preceding conduct. We heard when 
we came up to this Court that he was mustering a large party, in order 
to prevent the Court from sitting. We thought that there could not be 
any foundation for such a report ; but at the same time we thought it 
prudent to order the Sheriff to raise as many men as he could collect, to 
prevent us from being insulted by a lawless set of men, acting under the 
colour of authority. The time was so short that but few men were 
collected on our side and those few were ill armed, so that we found 
ourselves in a very disagreeable situation, when we received certain intel- 
leigence that Connolly was coming down with 200 armed men. When we 
found they were at hand, the Magistrates thought it prudent to adjourn 
the Court, as it was near the time. 

They soon after came down to the number of 150 or 180, with 
Colours flying, and their Captains, &c., had their Swords drawn. The 
first thing that they did was to place centinels at the Court House door, 



George Croghan, the King of the Traders 73 

and then Connolly sent word that he would wait on the Magistrate and 
communicate the reasons of his appearance. The Bench and Bar were 
then assembled in Mr. Hanna's house, where we sent him word we would 
hear him. He and Penticost soon came down, and he read the paper 
which will be sent down to his Honour the Governor with the bearer of 
this; and then he read a dupHcate of Ld. Dunmore to our Governor, 
together with the letter mentioned before. 

The Court told him they would soon return an answer to what he 
had said. . . . We soon agreed on the terms of the answer ; . . . one in 
any other form might have been the occasion of altercations; which he 
might have produced under concessions, or been attended with the most 
fatal consequences ; for I have reason to believe the greatest part of them 
were wishing for some colourable reason to quarrel. 

The Bench proposed to deliver their answer in the Court House. 
However, in that particular, they counted without their host; for they 
were refused admittance, and Connolly waited for them at the Court 
House door, where Mr. Wilson, at the request of the Court, delivered it; 
and after exchanging copies, they departed, more peaceably than might 
have;;,been expected. , 

Doctor Connolly returned to Pittsburgh with his militia, and twa 
days later placed under arrest Messrs. ^neas Mackay, Devereux Smith, 
and Andrew McFarlane, three of the Westmoreland County magistrates, 
who resided in Pittsburgh. He sent them under guard to Staunton 
for trial; where they were released by Dunmore some four weeks, 
later. 

The murder of Logan's relatives opposite the mouth of Yellow Creek 
by Daniel Greathouse and his party at about this time, brought on the 
disturbance with the Mingo and Shawnee Indians known as Lord Dun- 
more's War. St. Clair wrote Governor Penn, May 29th: "The mischief 
done by Cresap and Greathouse had been much exaggerated when I 
wrote to Mr. Shippen, but the number of Indians killed is exactly as I 
informed Mr. Allen, viz., thirteen . . . Mr. Mackay, Mr. Smith, Colonel 
Croghan, Mr. Butler, and myself, entered into an association to raise 
victuals and pay a ranging company of one hundred men for one 
month." 

St. Clair wrote Governor Penn again on June 22 d: "Logan has 
returned, with thirteen scalps and a prisoner, and says he will now Hsten 
to the chiefs." 

John Montgomery also wrote Penn from Carlisle, June 30th: 
"Our accounts from Fort Pitt are favorable . . . Logan's party was 
returned, and had thirteen scalps and one prisoner; Logan says he is 
now satisfied for the loss of his relations, and wiU sit still untill he hears 
what the Long Knife [the Virginians] will say." 

On the 4th of June, Croghan wrote St. Clair that "the frequent 
reports brought from Hanna's Town, of two hundred men [the ranging 



74 The Wilderness Trail 

company] being raised there, has alarmed Captain Conolly very much, 
and though I told Mr. J. Campbell the whole reason . . . now, as 
both Conolly and Campbell know this measure is the only one to stay 
the people from flying, and see that the country will condemn Conolly 
and his officers for not pursuing the same measure, they want to make it 
appear in another light, and that the intention is to invade the rights of 
Virginia . . . since Mr. Jo[hn] Campbell came up, I see the design is 
to create a fresh difference between Governor Penn and Lord Dun- 
more. . . . He has made two attacks on me, by letters sent by a sergeant 
and twelve men, which letters I answered, but would not gratify him to 
send them by his party . . . the truth is, they found this difference 
likely to be made up by the Indians, and find that nothing but misrepre- 
senting our measures, and drawing on a fresh dispute between the Gov- 
ernment of Pennsylvania and Virginia, can keep this man in command; 
wherefore I have determined to go to Williamsburg myself, and represent 
the state of the country, as soon as I hear the event of our last messages 
to the Indians." Before receiving this letter, St. Clair had written to 
Penn: "Mr. Croghan's views I do not pretend to see, but this you may 
be assured of, he is at present a friend to this country, and if it depends 
on him we shall have no war." He wrote again the next day: "Since 
I wrote to you yesterday I have received two letters from Mr. Croghan, 
which I now inclose. Though he seems to say that peace may be con- 
tinued, I believe it is not his sentiments; and the circumstance of his 
going to Williamsburg, whatever design he may avow, is to be out of the 
way of danger; for he dare neither trust the white people nor the Indians." 
Six days later, Justice ^neas Mackay wrote Governor Penn from Pitts- 
burgh: "Mr. Croghan, who has been grossly abused by our Bashaw 
[Connolly] lately, is gone to Williamsburgh to represent every part of 
his conduct to the Gover'r and Council in it's true light. Altho' others 
doubts, I am very certain Mr. Croghan is earnest and sincere respecting 
that intention, for he joins the rest of the inhabitants in charging all 
our present calamity to the Doctor's act." 

St. Clair's letter to Penn of June 226., already mentioned, read in 
part as follows : 

In my last I informed you of Mr. Croghan setting out for Williams- 
burg; since which I had a letter from him from his own house. He 
therein informed me that he found the country so much alarmed at his 
going down, that he choose to return, and trust his business to letters, 
and desired to see me as soon as possible. Accordingly I set out for 
Pittsburgh the 17th inst., and had the happiness to find two of the prin- 
cipal Traders [Richard Butler and Robert George] arrived there [from 
the towns of the supposed hostile Shawnees] with a great quantity of 
peltry, and that they had been conducted there by some [three] of the 
Shawanese Chiefs ; and that the rest of the Traders with their horses and 



George Croghan, the King of the Traders 75 

skins, were got as far as the New Comer's Town, under the protection 
of another Shawanese party. 

,^ The Traders inform us that they have met with no ill-treatment 
from the Shawanese; but, on the contrary, they were at the greatest 
pains to protect them from the Mingoes, who had suffered most from 
the white people, and who came to their town several times with the 
intention to murder them. It seems they did not think it prudent to 
bring the Shawanese to Pittsburgh, but conducted them from some dis- 
tance below that place, through the woods to Colonel Croghan's [four 
miles up the Allegheny]. Mr. Conolly ordered out a party of forty 
men to make them prisoners, as he says. 

The people of the Town were alarmed at seeing a party march out 
the route they took, and suspected they were intended to attack a party 
of our people [Pennsylvania militia] stationed at the Bullock Pens, about 
seven miles from thence, which it seems has some time been threatened; 
and acquainted me with what they feared. I immediately waited on 
Mr. Conolly, and insisted, in direct terms, he should tell me if he had 
any such design. He assured me he had not, but that, as the Shawanese 
had committed depredations on his Majesty's subjects, he had ordered 
out that party to make those prisoners who had escorted the Traders ; 
and that might have been his real intention ; but I am convinced those 
who were to put it in execution would not have made them prisoners. 
We put it out of their power to do either, by sending them [the Shawnees] 
over the River. . . . 

Whatever may be Mr. Croghan's real views, I am certain he is 
hearty in promising the general tranquility of the country; indeed, he is 
indefatigable in endeavoring to make up the breaches, and does, I believe, 
see his mistake in opposing the interests of your Government; and I 
doubt not but a very little attention would render him as serviceable as 
ever. Real friendship you must not expect, for, by his interests alone he 
is regulated; yet he may be useful, as by and by you will probably want 
to make another purchase. 

St. Clair wrote the Governor again on July 17th: "The business 
Mr. Croghan had to communicate was this: That the Virginians are 
determined to put a stop to the Indian Trade with this Province, and 
that Messrs. Simons, Campbell, and Connolly have obtained an exclusive 
privilege of carrying it on on the frontiers of Virginia. He recommends 
the laying out of a town up the Allegheny at the Kittanning, to which 
the Traders might retire. . . . The Indians certainly will quit Pitts- 
burgh, as it is at the risk of their lives they come there, to which I was 
an eye-witness. Croghan further says, that unless somebody is sent up 
by the Government to speak to the Indians very soon, that we shall see 
no more of them, and that the Delawares, who are still friendly, will be 
debauched." 

Penn wrote St. Clair, August 6th, approving of Croghan's plan of 
laying out a town for the Pennsylvania Traders in the proprietary 
Manor of Kittanning, and sent him an order for that ptupose. This 



76 The Wilderness Trail 

town was soon afterwards started, and some of the Pittsburgh Traders, 
removed thither. 

On the 8th, St. Clair notified Governor Penn that some of the 
deputies from the Six Nations had arrived at Pittsburgh, bringing a 
very large belt to Croghan and McKee, to inform them of the death 
of Sir William Johnson, and of their intentions to remain at peace 
with the English and to endeavor to retain the other nations in 
peace. 

Croghan wrote Thomas Wharton, August loth: "I have done 
everything in my power to preserve the peace of this country, at an 
expense I am no longer able to support. The Delaware and Six Nation 
chiefs begin to suspect that unless some people of understanding from 
Philadelphia comes immediately to treat with their nations, that a 
general rupture will happen, as all their women begin to be very uneasy. 
... I wish you would send me 30,000 White Wampum and 20,000 Black, 
that I may try the utmost of my power and influence with ye nations 
for the public tranquility before I leave this; for here I can't stay long, 
as I can't support ye expense; nor have I money to purchase anything 
with to support them, and all the expense falls on me — no other person 
in this country seeming inclined to do anything." 

Esquire Mackay writes St. Clair from Pittsburgh, September 4th, 
to tell him that two friendly Delaware Indians had been mtu-dered by 
some white villains while on their way to Mr. Croghan's, 

There was a brief lull in the boundary strife during the progress of 
Dunmore's campaign against the Shawnees in the Summer and Fall of 
1774; but after the battle of Point Pleasant and the defeat of the Shaw- 
nees in October, it broke out afresh. 

St. Clair wrote Penn from Hannastown, the county seat of West- 
moreland County, December i8th: "Being this far on my way to 
Pittsburgh I found this morning a constable from Virginia here, who 
had made two men prisoners by virtue of a warrant from Major Small- 
man. The offence they had been guilty of, it seems, was assisting the 
[Pennsylvania] constable in executing a judicial warrant. Mr. Hanna 
had committed the [Virginia] constable, which I could not help approv- 
ing of; but as there is some danger of his being rescued by force, I have 
advised the sending of him to Bedford." 

Before daybreak on the 7th of February, 1775, fifteen armed Vir- 
ginians, under the lead of Benjamin Harrison, rode into Hannastown 
and broke open the doors of the jail, releasing three prisoners. They 
were acting under an order from Major William Crawford, formerly one 
of the Pennsylvania justices, but now holding a commission from Vir- 
ginia. Later in February, Connolly's soldiers arrested James Cavet 
and Robert Hanna, two of the Westmoreland County justices, and 



George Croghan, the King of the Traders 77 

placed them under confinement in Pittsburgh, where they remained for 
more than three months. 

On December 6, 1774, Lord Dunmore had issued a new commission 
appointing magistrates for the county of West Augusta, including the 
district around Pittsburgh, and on the 21st of the following February 
a number of the new justices west of the mountains met at Fort Dunmore 
(the name which Connolly had given to Fort Pitt) , and held their first 
Court. They were George Croghan, President, John Campbell (Crogh- 
an's surveyor), John Connolly (Croghan's nephew), Thomas Smallman 
(Croghan's cousin), Dorsey Pentecost, John Gibson, George Valland- 
ingham, and William Goe. Other justices, who were present at sub- 
sequent meetings of the Court, included Edward Ward (Croghan's 
Jialf -brother) , William Crawford (Washington's land agent), John Canon, 
John Stephenson, John McCullough, Silas Hedge, and David Shepherd. 
The records of the courts of West Augusta and of Yohogania (one of 
the counties into which West Augusta was subsequently divided by 
Virginia') have been printed in large part by Mr. Boyd Crumrine in his 
History of Washington County, Pennsylvania. These records, for Augusta 
County, extend from February 21, 1775, to November 20, 1776; and for 
Yohogania County, from December 23, 1776, to August 28, 1780. They 
are practically the only records of the civil government of the country 
around the Forks of Ohio during most of this time; as the jurisdiction 
of Westmoreland County, Pennsylvania, which nominally covered all 
of Southwestern Pennsylvania, did not actually, at that period, extend 
much farther west and south than the present limits of the county; 
although three or four of the Westmoreland justices continued to reside 
in Pittsburgh. 

George Croghan served as one of the Virginia magistrates for West 
Augusta at Pittsburgh during 1775; but his name does not appear as 
one of the justices present at any of the Courts held in 1776 or thereafter, 
so that we may conclude that he ceased to be a justice after 1775. 

On May 16, 1775, less than a month after the actions at Lexington 
and Concord, a "Meeting of the Inhabitants of that part of Augusta 
County which lies on the west side of the Laurel Hill" was held at Pitts- 
burgh, and a Committee of Safety for the District was chosen. Of this 
Committee, George Croghan was Chairman, and the other justices of 
Augusta County, with some of the justices of Westmoreland County, 
and other leading citizens, were members. The Committee adopted a 

' West Augusta included all that part of Pennsylvania east of the Allegheny 
and Ohio, south of the Indian boundary line at Kittanning and west of the Laurel 
Hill. Yohogania County included that part of West Augusta north of the mouth of 
Cross Creek and the point where Laurel Hill crosses the south line of Pennsylvania. 
See map in Crumrine's Washington County, p. 182. 



78 The Wilderness Trail 

set of resolutions, approving the spirited behavior of their brethren in 
New England in "opposing the invaders of American rights and privi- 
leges to the utmost extreme," and resolving that the recommendation of 
the Richmond Convention of March 20th, "relative to the embodying, 
arming, and disciplining of the militia, be immediately carried into 
execution." Similar resolutions were adopted at Hannastown. 

On May 13th, James Cavet, one of the Westmoreland justices who 
had been carried off from Hannastown by Connolly on the 226. of Feb- 
ruary, and was still confined in prison bounds at Fort Pitt with two of 
his fellow magistrates, wrote Arthur St. Clair, desiring that the latter 
should instruct the Westmoreland County sheriff to raise fifty men 
and come and release the three prisoners, as there were but eighteen of 
Connolly's men then in the Fort. On June 12th, Esquire Devereux 
Smith, one of the Pennsylvania magistrates, wrote from Pittsburgh to a 
correspondent in Philadelphia: "Mr. Connolly purposes to march 
from this place to-morrow with 200 men, to build a stockade fort at 
Welling Creek, and another at Hawkhawkin Creek. . . . Mr. Croghan 
has set off this morning to Williamsburgh, as he says, to represent the 
state of this country to Lord Dunmore and Council, as also to acquaint 
them with Dr. Connolly's rash conduct at this place, which he seems to 
disapprove of." Soon after this date, the sheriff of Westmoreland 
County, with Justice George Wilson, raised a posse of men about 
^ Hannastown and proceeded to Pittsburgh, where on June 22d' they 
released the imprisoned Pennsylvania magistrates, and retaliated 
on the Virginians by carrying off Connolly, whom they took to St. 
Clair's house at Ligonier. In a letter dated June 24th, which Valentine 
Crawford wrote to George Washington, we have an account of this final 
adventure of Connolly at Pittsburgh, which is as follows : 

We have chosen Committees out here, and are raising an inde- 
pendent Company, regulating matters the best we can; but an unhappy 
confusion happened the other day. The Pennsylvanians came to Fort 
Pitt with the Sheriff and about twenty men, and took Major Connolly 
about midnight, and carried him as far as Ligonier, the very night before 
we were to have the talk with the Indians. Several of the Pennsylvania 
Traders, by the Indians' story, were endeavoring to put ill intoftheir 
minds. On Major Connolly's being taken, the people of Chartier's 
came in a company and seized three of the Pennsylvania Magistrates 
who were concerned in taking off Connolly — George Wilson, Joseph 
Spear, and Devereux Smith. They were sent in an old leaky boat down 
to Fort Fincastle [Wheeling] under guard. Our Court, however, had 
no hand in this. It was done by a mob or set of Connolly's friends who 
live on Chartier's Creek. 

The members of our Committee wrote a very spirited letter to the 

^ Peyton's Augusta County, p. 126. 



George Croghan, the King of the Traders 79 

gentlemen of the Pennsylvania Committee, demanding Connolly back. 
All signed it and sent it with an express. On its receipt they immediately 
sent Major Connolly back. 

On the 25th of July, Connolly left Pittsburgh, on a visit to Lord 
Dunmore; and while on his return in November, he was seized and 
imprisoned at Hagerstown as an enemy to his country. 

At the Convention of the Virginia Delegates held at Richmond, it 
was resolved, on August 7, 1775, "That Captain John Neville be di- 
rected to march with his command of one hundred men and take 
possession of Fort Pitt, and that said Company be in the pay of the 
Colony from the time of its marching." 

Arthur St. Clair wrote Governor Penn from Pittsburgh, September 
15th: "Curiosity led me to this place, to be present at the Treaty with 
the Indians, which was appointed for the loth inst . . . the Treaty is 
not yet opened, as the Indians are not come in, but there are accounts 
of their being on the way, and well disposed. We have, however, been 
surprised with a manoeuvre of the people of Virginia that may have a 
tendency to alter their disposition. About one hundred men marched 
here from Winchester and took possession of the Fort on the nth, which 
has so much disturbed the Delegates from the [Continental] Congress 
[who had been sent to Fort Pitt to treat with the Indians], that they 
have thoughts of removing to some other place to hold the Treaty. 
They did everything in their power to prevent their coming to the Fort, 
but to no purpose ... if something is not soon done to prevent it, the 
dispute must end in open violence." 

Croghan, as we have seen from Esquire Smith's letter, left Fort Pitt 
for Williamsburg on June 12th. On June 3d the County Court had been 
adjourned from Fort Pitt to Staunton, the county seat of Augusta County; 
and it did not sit at Fort Pitt again until the following September. 
Croghan was back at Fort Pitt before September 2d, and presided at the 
second meeting of the Court, held on the 19th of that month. The last 
West Augusta Court in which Croghan took part was held at Fort Pitt, 
November 21, 1775, for the examination of Mr. Devereux Smith (one 
of the Pennsylvania Justices) at his house, "for the murder of Capt. 
George Aston, one of Connolly's militia officers," and the particular one 
who had made himself the most offensive to the Pennsylvania magis- 
trates at Pittsburgh. Smith was admitted to bail, on condition that he 
appear at the next General Court, if he were able at that time to attend, 
"from the situation of his wound and state of health." 

In the Haldimand Papers is to be found a "List of Persons Well- 
disposed to His Majesty's Government, Living on the Frontiers of 
Virginia," which was furnished to the British Government in 1775 by 



8o The Wilderness Trail 

Lord Dunmore, and had, no doubt, been prepared by Major Connolly. 
The nanies on this list were as follows, Croghan's not being among them: 
* ' At Fort Pitt : Alexander McKee, Deputy Agent of Indian Affairs, [James] 
McKee, brother to Alexander, Alexander Ross, a Scotchman [whose estate 
was later confiscated by the Revolutionary Government], John Camp- 
bell [afterwards proved to be a patriot]. Captain George Aston [killed 
by Esquire Smith at Fort Pitt in the summer of 1775], Lieut. William 
Christy, Lieut. Jacob Bousman. Indians to be heard of at Fort Pitt: 
White Eyes, White Mingo, Cornstalk, Kayashuta, John Montour, 
Logan. At the Allegheny Mountains, and to be heard of at Fort Pitt : 
Major William Crawford, Valentine Crawford, brother of William, John 
Stephenson [half-brother to the Crawfords], William Harrison [son-in- 
law of William Crawford], Thomas Gist and his brother." 

In July, 1775, the Continental Congress created three Indian 
Departments, of which the one west of the Alleghany Mountains was 
called the "Middle Department." Richard Butler, at that time the, 
most prominent Trader at Fort Pitt, was made Agent for this Depart- 
ment; and continued as such until April 10, 1776, when George Morgan, 
a member of the Philadelphia Indian trading firm of Baynton, Wharton 
& Morgan, succeeded him. 

On April 8, 1776, Richard Butler wrote James Wilson from Fort 
Pitt : 

I send this by express to inform you that Kiosota and two other 
Indians, messengers from Colonel [John] Butler, the King's Agent at 
Niagara and the Commandant of the Six Nations, with a letter to Cap- 
tain [Alexander] McKee [the Deputy Indian Agent at Fort Pitt] and a 
message to Kiosota, arrived here the 3d inst. ... 1 

I called on Mr. M'Kee the ist ultimo, and informed him that I had 
accounts of two messengers from Niagara, and that they had letters 
which I supposed must be for him; which I expected to be informed of 
on their arrival; . . . which he promised I should.. On their arrival, 
Mr. M'Kee went to Colonel Croghan's, and there received his letter and 
the other messages already mentioned. Mr. Croghan, being Chairman 
of the Committee [of Safety], wrote to Mr. Thomas Smallman and Mr. 
John Campbell, to call on Mr. M'Kee, to see his letter, and take his 
parole that he would not leave the neighborhod of Pittsburgh till the 
next meeting of the Committee, which is to be on the i6th instant. It 
was shown to me, and my attendance desired, with Captain Neville, to 
be present. We all attended, and Mr. Smallman gave Mr. M'Kee the 
letter from the Chairman. And on Mr. Smallman's demanding Mr. 
M'Kee's letter, he immediately complied and gave it. It was read by 
Mr. Smallman, Campbell, and myself. His parole was then demanded, 
as above, which he complied with; and I forbade his sending any dis- 
patches or doing any business with the Indians, without my knowledge, 
before Captain Neville, Messrs. Smallman and Grayson [misprint for 
Croghan?] ; which he promised also not to do. 



George Croghan, the King of the Traders 8i 

' ■'^^Colonel Butler's letter to McKee ordered him to attend a meeting 
with the Indians which was to be held at Niagara in May, and asked for 
information about the proceedings of the Rebels in McKee's vicinity. 
It closed with Butler's compliments to Colonel Croghan. 

On the following day the West Augusta Committee held a special 
meeting, at which Major Smallman acted as Chairman, and communi- 
cated to the Committee a letter which he had received from Colonel 
Croghan, the contents of which are not revealed in the report of the 
meeting. Alexander McKee was ordered not to transact any business 
with the Indians in behalf of the Crown or Ministry, nor to correspond {/ 
with any of the British officers; and he gave his parole that he would 
not do so. 

On June 13th, Captain John Neville wrote from Fort Pitt to the 
Virginia Committee of Safety : 

I am sorry to inform you that some of our leading men in this 
quarter are strongly suspected of dissatisfaction to the common Cause; 
as a certain Geo. Girty, who came to this place a few days ago, informs 
us that he met a certain Paul Long (who hath been long connected with 
Colo. Geo. Chroghan and Capt. Alex'r McKee) between Kuskuskie and 
Vinango, on his way to Niagra with ten letters. What the purport of 
them may be, or from whom, I cannot say; however certain it is he is 
gone to that place, and that in a very secret manner. But Mr. Jno. 
Campbell, Capt. Gibson, and myself, shall use every endeavor to inter- 
cept him on his return, and, by his answers, find out his business. » 

On the 4th of July, 1776, the Virginia Convention of Delegates 
appointed sixteen Commissioners, "to take and collect evidence in behalf 
of Virginia against persons pretending to have claims for lands within 
the territory thereof, under deeds and purchases from the Indians. 
Two of these Commissioners, James Wood, of Frederick County, and 
Abraham Hite, of Hampshire County, examined George Croghan on 
February 27, 1777, respecting the title to the lands on the Ohio and its 
branches, claimed by Richard Henderson and Company (who had 
obtained a deed from the Cherokees to much of the present State of 
Kentucky, in 1775). Croghan's deposition was to the effect that 
the Cherokees themselves, in Croghan's presence, had acknowledged to 
the Six Nations chiefs at the mouth of the Scioto in 1750-51, that they 
knew the country between the Ohio and the Mountains belonged to the 
Six Nations. It is printed in the first volume of the Virginia State Papers. 
The place where this deposition was taken is not given in the report of the 
same; so that it is not certain whether it was at Winchester, at Fort Pitt, 
or at some other point. From the fact that James Wood, with Charles 

' Va. Hist. Mag., xvi., 55. 
VOL. II. — 6 



82 The Wilderness Trail 

Simm, another Commissioner, were at Fort Pitt March loth, and took 
the depositions of Edward Ward, William Powell, Simon and Thomas 
Girty, William Crawford, and others, in the same inquisition, it is proba- 
ble that Croghan's deposition was also taken at Fort Pitt or Winchester, 
or some point between the two places, possibly at Bedford. 

Jasper Ewing wrote to his uncle, Jasper Yeates of Lancaster, from 
Fort Pitt, March 30, 1778: "Last Saturday night Mr. McKee, Matt. 
Elliott, and Simon Girty, together with one, Higgins, ran off. McKee's 
conduct on this occasion is of so infamous a nature that it will forever 
render him odious . . . his intimacy with Elliott has been very great, 
/ and 'tis conjectured that Elliott brought dispatches for McKee from 
Quebec. As he was reputed to be a Gentn. of the strictest honour and 
probity, nobody had the least idea of his being capable of acting in so 
base a manner. A man of his capacity, and so well acquainted with the 
situation of our affairs in this Department, will be no unwelcome guest 
at Detroit." 

On June 15, 1778, the Supreme Executive Council of the new State 
of Pennsylvania met at Lancaster and issued a Proclamation, naming 
some two hundred persons in the State, who "have severally adhered 
to and knowingly and willingly assisted the enemies of the State, and of 
the United States of America, by having joined their armies at Phila- 
delphia"; and declaring that under the authority given the Council by 
the Assembly, for the "attainder of divers traitors if they render not 
themselves by a certain day," they "hereby strictly charge" the parties 
named, that, "not rendering himself as aforesaid and abiding the trial 
aforesaid, shall, from and after the first day of August, stand and be 
attainted of High Treason." Among the persons warned by this Procla- 
mation were "George Croghan and Alexander McKee, formerly Indian 
Traders, Simon Girty, Indian Interpreter, James Girty, laborer, and 
Matthew Elliott, Indian Trader, all now or late of the County of 
Westmoreland . ' ' 

In an "Alphabetical List of all Persons attainted of High Treason 
in pursuance of the Treason Laws of the State of Pennsylvania," pre- 
pared by John Morris, Master of the Rolls for Pennsylvania, November 
28, 1783, the name 'of George Croghan appears, with the statement, 
"Surrendered and discharged." 

On December 24, 1778, Croghan wrote from Lancaster to Bernard 
Gratz, of Philadelphia, one of his friends and principal creditors at that 
time: "Inclosed I hand you all the papers necessary to setle Mr. 
Peters's acounts with me & fulfill my contract with Doctr. Smith [Doctor 
William Smith had bought from him the land on which is located the 
present city of Huntingdon, and perhaps other lands.] There is the 
two contracts, the list of locations and warrants, ye names of ye persons 



1 



V 



V 



George Croghan, the King of the Traders 83 

in whose names taken out, ye returns of ye survase made by Mr. Tod 
& certifyd by him, ye award of ye arbitreators on the second contract, 
with there returns of the quantity I was to be paid," etc. At the con- 
clusion of this letter, Croghan wishes his friend the compliments of the 
season, and adds: ''The mackerale, read herring, and oysters you sent 
me was very good. I wish I had a few more." 

In a sketch of Croghan's life, furnished by Isaac Craig and printed 
in the fourth volume of Egle's Notes and Queries, Mr. Craig states that 
"in April, 1780, he was a resident of Lancaster, and the following June, ^ 
of Passayunk, where he conveyed to Joseph Wharton his then remain- 
ing interests in his lands at Otsego County, N. Y." 

On June 3, 1780, Croghan wrote, probably from Passyunk, to 
Michael Gratz, of Philadelphia: 

Sir — A gentleman was with me yesterday to purchase them lots 
in Popler Lane, wh. I intended to give you a lase of; but as ye man you 
expected is not come, nor can't till after harvest, I hope it will be no 
disappointment to you. This gentleman has made me a generous ofer, 
& will take up the mordige, & the lands from me on the Ohio for ye bal- 
lance of what ever ye mordige will amount to more than ye lands will 
come to, which is a flatering circumstance. I will tell you ye ofer when 
I see you. ^ 

The will of George Croghan, "late of Pittsburgh," was dated at 
Passyunk, June 12, 1782; and proved in Albany County, New York, 
September 3, 1782. He mentions his nephew, John Ward; his kinsmen, 
William Powell and Thomas Smallman; his friend, "formerly my clerk," 
John Campbell of Pittsburgh (afterwards the founder of Louisville) ; ^/ 
and his daughter, Susannah, wife of Augustin Prevost; also, lands on 
Robinson Run and on Chartier Creek (both near Pittsburgh). The 
executors named in the will were Bernard and Michael Gratz, of Phila- 
delphia, merchants; Thomas Smallman, and William Powell, copper- 
smith, of Pittsburgh ; and James Innis, of Washington County, Pa. 

On May 3, 1785, a claim was presented at the New York Land Office, 
by "Aaron Burr, in behalf of Bernard Gratz, Michael Gratz, Thomas 
Smallman, William Powell, and James Innes, executors of Geo. Croghan, 
dec'd, Augustine Prevost and Susannah, his wife, sole devisee of said Geo. 
Croghan, for all that tract of land, beg. at mouth of Adiga Creek [in 
Otsego County], thence along line of purchase of Thomas Wharton and 
others till it joins the corner of Geo. Croghan's purchase," etc. On 
August 8th this claim was withdrawn from the Land Office. 

Mr. Edgar W. Hassler, in his Old Westmoreland, says that "the 
man of most influence in this community [Fort Pitt] was the fat old 

« Original in the Emmet Collection, N. Y. Public Library, 



V 



84 The Wilderness Trail 

Trader and Indian Agent, Colonel George Croghan, who lived on a pre- 
tentious plantation about four miles up the Allegheny River. He was 
an Irishman by birth and an Episcopalian by religion, when he permitted 
religion to trouble him." 

In the Sixth Series of the Pennsylvania Archives (xii., 1 1) is printed an 
inventory of the escheated estate of Alexander Ross of Fort Pitt, in 
Westmoreland County, made in February, 1784. Ross was a Loyalist, 
who had been found guilty of High Treason in 1778, and his estate con- 
fiscated. Among the effects were two promissory notes, one made by 
Thomas Smallman and George Croghan, August 12, 1774, for £224. 7s. 
2d; and the other made by George Croghan, Jtdy 15, 1775, for £280. 15s. 
id. The appraisers of the Ross Estate affixed the following notes of 
explanation after the record of these two items: after the first, "Sued 
for, and removed to Supreme Court"; and after the second, "Dead, and 
no Property." 

Gage had written of him: "Croghan is generous; gives all he has, 
and whilst he has anything to give, the Indians will flock about him." 

It has sometimes been stated that George Croghan and William 
Trent were brothers-in-law. How they became so is not clear. William 
Trent's only sister, Mary, married Nathaniel French, of Philadelphia. 
Trent himself married Sarah Wilkins, possibly a daughter of one of the 
Indian Traders of that name, Croghan's nephew, it will be remembered, 
was Doctor John Connolly, the Loyalist. Connolly was the son of John 
Connolly, Sr., a native of Ireland, and of Susanna Howard, sister of Gordon 
Howard, one of the early Indian Traders of Lancaster County. She 
first married James Patterson, the Trader, and after his death. Dr. 
Thomas Ewing, of Lancaster. John Connolly, Sr., was her third hus- 
band. Doctor Connolly, their son, married Susanna Semple, daughter 
of Samuel Semple, the innkeeper of Fort Pitt, who furnished Washing- 
ton such good entertainment in 1770. If Croghan's wife was a Wilkins, 
and sister to William Trent's wife, it is possible she also may have been 
a sister to Samuel Semple's wife, the mother of Susanna Connolly; and 
this would have made Connolly Croghan's nephew, by marriage. The 
name of Croghan's own daughter, as shown by his will, was Susanna; 
which was also the Christian name of Connolly's mother, as well as that 
of his wife. But it is difficult to see how Croghan could have been a 
brother-in-law to Trent, who married Sarah Wilkins, and also to John 
Connolly, Sr., who married Susanna Howard, the widow of Doctor 
Ewing, unless, indeed, Sarah Wilkins and Susanna Howard may have 
been half-sisters, and one of them Croghan's wife's sister. 

We have seen from what has been printed in the earlier part of this 
chapter, and from the abstract of Croghan's will, that he was a half- 
brother to Major Edward Ward, the man who surrendered the Virginia 



George Croghan, the King of the Traders 85 

Fort to the French in 1754; and that he was also a cousin to Major 
Thomas Smallman, another prominent Trader at Fort Pitt; and also a 
kinsman to William Powell. It is unHkely, though not impossible, that 
Croghan and John Connolly, Sr., were also half-brothers. 

George Croghan, the Indian Trader, has been many times confused 
by writers with another and yoimger man of the same name. Major 
George Croghan, nephew of George Rogers Clark, for whom he was named. 
The younger man took a prominent part in the War of 18 12. He was 
a son of Major WilHam Croghan, of Virginia. Mr. Walton, in his 
recent Life of Conrad Weiser, has gone so far as to print a picture of the 
younger George Croghan, taken in the regimentals of an American 
officer, and labelled it as George Croghan the Indian Trader, who, in 
1758, fought as a British officer under Sir William Johnson. , 

It is erroneously stated in Craig's sketch of Croghan, which Dr. 
Egle printed in his Notes and Queries, as well as by Darlington and 
other writers, that Croghan's daughter, Susanna, married the Augustine 
Prevost who was later a Major General in the British army. Her hus- 
band was Lieutenant Augustine Prevost, a son of the General of the same 
name. Darlington says that she died at MiUgrove, Montgomery 
Coimty, Penna., in March, 1791. 

Augustine Prevost, Jr., was born in Geneva, Switzerland, in 1744, 
and died at "Hush Hush Farm" at the foot of the Catskill Mountains in 
January, 1822. He married (first) Susanna Croghan, by whom he had 
six surviving children. After the death of his first wife. Major Prevost 
married a Miss Bogardus of New York, by whom he had a large family. ■ 

Mention has already been made of a Quaker letter, written from 
Easton in reference to the Treaty at that place in October, 1758, and 
printed as an appendix to Charles Thomson's Alienation of the Dela- 
wares. In this letter the writer speaks of the Mohawk Chief, Nichos 
(Nickas, or Karaghtadie, of Canajoharie), as the father-in-law of Croghan, 
thus showing that the latter, on settling in the Mohawk Valley, had 
followed the example set by Sir William Johnson in taking to wife an 
Indian maiden. By this woman Croghan seems to have had a second 
daughter, Catharine (i 759-1 837), who became the third wife of Joseph 
Brant, the celebrated Mohawk Chieftain of the Revolutionary period. 
In his Indian Biographies, Drake refers to this alliance as follows : 

Colonel Brant was married, in the Winter of 1779, to a daughter of 
Colonel Croghan by an Indian woman. He had lived with her some 
time ad libitum, according to the Indian manner, but at this time, being 

' See Penna. Mag., viii., 306, where Mr. G. D. Scull states that "this American 
branch of the Prevost Family is now [1884] represented by Mr. Theodore L. Prevost, of 
Greene County, New York. " 



V 



V 



86 The Wilderness Trail 

present at the wedding of a Miss Moore, at Niagara (one of the captives 
taken from Cherry Valley) insisted on being married himself ; and thus 
his consort's name was no longer Miss Croghan, but Mrs. Brant. The 
ceremony was performed by his companion-in-arms, Colonel John Butler, 
who, although he had left his country, carried so much of his magistrate's 
commission with him, as to solemnize marriages according to law. 

In quoting the foregoing passage, Mr. Isaac Craig states that this 
couple had seven children, named, Joseph, [the eldest, born 1783], Jacob, 
[who succeeded to the Tekarihoken, or first titular chieftainship of the 
Mohawks in right of his mother], Margaret, Catharine, Mary, and Eliza- 
beth (who married William Johnson Kerr'). Stone, in his Life of 
Brant, does not mention this marriage, although he states that Brant 
was married three times, his first and second wives being sisters, and 
daughters of an Oneida Chief. He also states that Brant's bosom friend 
and companion in Cherry Valley was Lieutenant John [Augustine] 
Prevost, of the British army, and that this friendship was interrupted, 
much to Brant's sorrow, only when Lieutenant Prevost was ordered to 
join his regiment [in Jamaica, in 1772-73]. As this Lieutenant Prevost 
was George Croghan's son-in-law. Brant's friendship for Prevost after- 
wards became relationship. 

Brant himself, who was born on the banks of the Ohio River in 
1742, and was probably the son of an Indian woman by one of the 
Pennsylvania or Virginia Traders, or by some other white man,^ thus 
in time became the uncle of Sir William Johnson's children, and the 
father of George Croghan's grandchildren. 

' A daughter of Sir William Johnson by Mary Brant married Dr. Robert Kerr 
(a surgeon in the British Army), and they were the parents of William Johnson Kerr. 

2 According to Drake, Jared Sparks thought he was the son of Sir William 
Johnson. See Book of the Indians, v., 81; also, Chapman's Wyoming, 121. 



CHAPTER III 

THE OHIO VALLEY BEFORE THE WHITE MAN CAME 

IN the introduction to his Christopher Gist's Journals, the late Mr. Wil- 
liam M. Darlington stated that, in 1729, Chaussegros de Lery, Sr., 
chief military engineer of Canada, with a detachment of troops, crossed 
from Lake Erie to Chautauqua Lake and thence by Conewango Creek 
to the Allegheny River, descending it and the Ohio, and making a care- 
ful topographical survey of the course of the rivers, with observations of 
the latitude, longitude, and distance, as far as the Great Miami. De 
Lery was a French military engineer who built the fortifications at 
Niagara in 1726-27.' Darlington was mistaken in saying that De Lery 
went only as far as to the Great Miami. 

The first white traveller in the Ohio Valley was probably Arnold 
Viele, the Dutch Trader, from Albany, who reached the Ohio in 1692 
and spent the year 1693 on its waters. 

The evidence as to La Salle having explored any other tributary 
of the Ohio than (possibly) the Wabash bears so many marks of having 
been fabricated after 1684, for the purpose of strengthening the French 
claims to the Ohio Valley, that it seems to the writer only a question of 
time when that evidence must be declared to be wholly false. 

Parkman and Margry based La Salle's purported discovery of the 
Upper Ohio upon four supposed pieces of documentary proof, which may 
be summarized as follows : 

First, the "Recital of a Friend of the Abbe Galinee" (printed in 
Vol. I., one of Margry's Collections), which asserts that La Salle dis- 
covered both the Ohio and the Mississippi in 1670-71, and descended the 
Mississippi to the 36th degree of latitude. Parkman himself proves this 
witness to be a false one so far as the discovery of the Mississippi goes, 
and asserts that the writer of the Recital was mistaken also in stating 

' For an account of De Lery at Niagara see Frank H. Severance's "Story of Jon- 
caire" in vol. ix., Publications Buffalo Historical Society; Calendar Canadian Archives, 
1887, clxxxiii. cxc. 

87 



88 The Wilderness Trail 

that La Salle's exploration of the Ohio carried him only as far south as to 
the 41st degree of latitude (which is that of the head of the Wabash).^ 

Second, the Memorial addressed to Count Frontenac in 1677, which 
Parkman ascribed to La Salle himself, although it speaks of him in the 
third person, and may have been written by another hand. The 
author of this paper states that La Salle followed the Ohio until he came 
to a point, in the 37th degree of latitude, where it fell from a great height 
into a vast marsh. Mr. Parkman intimates that this writer, too, was 
mistaken, in giving the latitude as 37 degrees (which is that of the mouth 
of the Ohio); also, in saying that the river there fell into a vast marsh; 
and indeed, in speaking of a, fort haul at all. Parkman thinks the Louis- 
ville Rapids were meant to be described. The reader can judge for 
himself whether or not the description given by Frontenac's memoralist 
fits them. They have a total fall of twenty-seven feet over a course of 
two and one-half miles. 

Third, purported contemporary copies of Joliet's maps of 1674-80, 
on some of which the Ohio River has been drawn in by later hands, with 
the inscription that this was the stream by which La Salle descended to 
go to Mexico. Joliet's earliest map and his so-called Carte Generate 
(really made by Franquelin, La Salle's geographer) do not show the 
Ohio River above its mouth. One contemporary copy, of which Winsor 
prints a reproduction and calls it Joliet's Larger Map, shows the mouth 
of the Ohio (called by Joliet, the Wabash), with the upper course of the 
stream interpolated by so clumsy a hand that the change is apparent even 
in the cheap printed copy — the lines of the later draughtsman crossing 
both the vignette and the lines indicating the mouth of the River on the 
original. In what Winsor calls Joliet's Smaller Map, the legend inserted 
above the Ohio recites that it was by this stream La Salle descended, 
after coming out from Lake Erie, in order to go to Mexico. As La Salle 
did not explore Lake Erie until after 1670, it is not probable that he 
went from there to the Ohio in 1669; and as he made no plans to go to 
Mexico until 1684, two years after he had explored the Mississippi, it is 
probable that these legends were not written until after that date. 
Even if they were genuine, they would seem to refer to a descent from 
Lake Erie to the Ohio by the Maumee- Wabash portage route. 

Parkman also lays great stress on the data contained in another 
map, anonymous and without date, a copy of which is Map No. 3 
of his collection. It is reproduced by Winsor, and called by him the 
"Map of the Basin of the Great Lakes." Parkman thought it was 
made in 1673, and before Joliet's descent of the Mississippi; but it 
bears internal evidence of having been made at least ten years later. 

' Major, Shea, and Winsor, have questioned the authenticity of this Recital and 
Winsor reflects on the honesty of M. Margry himself. 



The Ohio Valley before the White Man Came 89 

The Ohio is made to run into the Wabash at the source of the latter, and 
there are two legends written above the connected rivers. The upper 
part is named "Riviere Ohio, so-called because of its beauty," while the 
Wabash part is called "Riviere Ohio, so named by the Iroquois because 
of its beauty, by which le Sr. de la Salle descended." Dr. Shea rightly 
places this map after the time of La Salle's descent of the Mississippi in 
1682, "as the Ohio at its mouth was not recognized at that time [1673] 
as the Ohio of the Iroquois." It was supposed indeed, to be a source 
of the Wabash, or a tributary of the "Chucagoa," and is so shown on 
many of the French maps before and after 1682. 

Fourth, La Salle's papers and maps in the hands of his niece imme- 
diately before 1756 are said, by Margry, to have contained probable 
references to a journey down the Ohio River in 1669-70. In view of the 
bitter arguments and disputes which took place from 1750 to 1754 
between the Court of Great Britain and that of France over the western 
boundary line of the British Provinces in America, and which finally 
culminated in war, it is not to be believed that if any such genuine 
proofs were to be found among the papers of La Salle, they would not 
have been secured by the French Government and used in that crisis to 
support the pretensions of France to the disputed territory. For the 
same reason, it is easy to believe that much evidence was then manu- 
factured for the sole purpose of bolstering up the French claims. One 
instance of this kind of false evidence has just been cited, in the case of 
the alterations in the copies of Joliet's maps. If La Salle's niece had 
possession of all the copies of his letters and maps in 1756, she would 
then have had a copy of his letter and map, inscribed August 22, 1681 
(or 1682), and sent, probably, to the Abbe Bernou, in which La Salle him- 
self described the Maumee River as being "without doubt the passage 
into the Ohio or Allegheny."' If the explorer had descended the Ohio 
to the Louisville Rapids in 1669-70, it is hardly possible that he would 
have written those words in 1682, It is not improbable that some of La 
Salle's maps may have been known to the French Government, maps 
which revealed no direct knowledge of the Ohio. If such there were, 
it is easy to understand why they were not made known to the public. 

Finally, the writings of La Salle himself do not show that he had 
any first hand knowledge of the Ohio; nor do they contain any state- 
ment that he ever explored the Ohio; but they do contain several 
statements indicating that his knowledge of that river was indefinite 
and uncertain. 

The "Memoir on the Discoveries of La Salle to the south and west 
of the Great Lakes," presented to Seignelay by a friend of the explorer 
in 1 68 1, is cited by Parkman as containing a direct acknowledgement 
• Margry, ii., 243. 



90 The Wilderness Trail 

of Joliet's discovery of the Mississippi. Of this Memoir Parkman ob- 
serves that it was the writer's object to place La Salle and his achieve- 
ments in the most favorable light. This being undoubtedly the truth, 
it is quite significant that no claim is made in that paper of La Salle's 
discovery of the Ohio; although it does refer explicitly to his expedi- 
tion of 1669 (to the Seneca country) with Dollier and Galinee. 

In his letter of September 29, 1680, written, possibl}^ at Mackinac, 
La Salle speaks of the Ohio as affording a better means of communica- 
tion between the Illinois country and Fort Frontenac than the route by 
way of the Illinois portage and the Great Lakes. He refers to the Ohio 
as une riviere que j'ai trouvee. "This River," he proceeds, "which I 
call the Baudrane, the Iroquois name Ohio, and the Ottawas, Olighin- 
sipou. . . . This River Baudrane rises behind Oneida, and after flow- 
ing about four hundred and fifty leagues towards the West, almost 
always equally large, and more, than the Seine opposite Rouen, and 
much deeper, discharges itself into the River Colbert, twenty to twenty- 
five leagues south-south-west of the mouth by which the river of the 
Illinois flows into the same stream." ' 

There is nothing in this description which La Salle had not learned 
from the Senecas at La Chine, before he set off for their country in 1669, 
excepting the statement that the Ohio enters the Mississippi (Colbert) 
twenty to twenty-five leagues below the mouth of the Illinois. 

In the Relation desDecouvertes et des Voyages du Sieur de la Salle . . . 
1670-80-81, made by Colbert's order, which Parkman calls the official 
account of the explorer's operations in those years, the writer states that 
La Salle made divers voyages of discovery, "sometimes with French- 
men, sometimes with Indians; and likewise with M.M. Dollier and 
Galinee, priests of the seminary of St. Sulpice, in the year 1669; but a 
violent fever obHged him to quit them at the beginning." If La Salle 
had descended the Ohio at that time, as Parkman and Margry assert that 
he did, here was the one place where mention would certainly have been 
made of it; but the "official account" expressly states that he was 
obliged to abandon the expedition on account of his fever. 

Tonty, who accompanied La Salle to the mouth of the Mississippi 
in 1682, tells in his Relation, that, after having left the village of the 
Tamaroa, "we camped two leagues below, in order to hunt; we killed 
there some deer and then continued our journey and found, forty leagues 
from there, upon the left, a river called Oyo by the Iroquois and which, 
coming from the rear of the country of said Iroquois, must be from five 
to six hundred leagues in length." 

It is not credible that if La Salle had descended the Ohio in 1669-70, 

' Margry, ii., 80. 



The Ohio Valley before the White Man Came 91 

Tonty, his trusted lieutenant, would not have known of it in 1682,' at the 
time they passed its mouth. 

Nicholas de la Salle, who also accompanied the expedition to the 
mouth of the Mississippi in 1682, has left a narrative of the journey, in 
which he writes of the Ohio as follows: "On the following day, after 
having travelled eleven leagues, at one o'clock in the afternoon, on the 
left, we came upon the mouth of the River Saint Louis, or Ouabache, or 
Chicagoua. This river, coming from the land of the Iroquois, had led 
to the belief that by following its course, a way to China could be found." 

This belief had been held by La Salle in 1669, and it was probably 
from him that Nicholas de la Salle learned of the belief; but if La Salle 
had descended the river in 1669 or afterwards, it is likely that his 
namesake would have learned of that fact too, and mentioned it. 

In his letter of August 22, 1682, La Salle speaks of the Maumee 
(which he calls the Tiotontaraeton) as being without doubt the passage 
from Lake Erie to the Ohio or Olighin-sipou; thus confusing the Ohio 
with the Wabash. 

La Salle's proces-verbal, dated at the mouth of the Mississippi, 
April 9, 1682, describes Louisiana as extending from the mouth of "the 
grand river Saint Louis, from the coasts of the East, called otherwise 
Ohio, Olighinsipou, or Chukagoa." But in his description of the rivers 
and peoples of the countries he had discovered, written, within the two 
years following his descent of the Mississippi, La Salle says that the 
"Chucagoa, is the river which we call the River Saint Louis. The 
River Ohio is one of its branches, which receives the waters of two other 
large rivers before discharging into the River Saint Louis, namely, the 
Agouassake [a tributary of the Wabash] from the North and the River 
of the Chaouesnons from the South. . . . This River [the Saint Louis] 
is much wider in all that extent of country, than the Colbert [Mississippi] 
River. / have not yet been able to explore it.'' 

The reader of British history who is familiar with the story of the 
controversy which took place between England and Scotland for a few 
years after 1290, growing out of the claim of suzerainty which Edward I. 
asserted over Scotland, will remember that the English at that time 
did not hesitate to make changes in their original manuscript copies of 
the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle itself, for the purpose of strengthening the 
paper title which Edward set up to the land north of the Tweed. ' 

Franquelin's 1684 " Map of Louisiana, or the Voyages of La Salle . . . 
in 1679-80-81 , and '82 " (of which a reproduction is given on the following 
leaf), shows a very direct and minute knowledge of La Salle's settle- 
ments at Fort St. Louis, on the Illinois, most of which knowledge must 
have been obtained by Franquelin from La Salle himself. But it shows 

' See Robertson, Scotland Under Her Early Kings. 



92 The Wilderness Trail 

a confused and erroneous idea of the Ohio Valley, and one that would 
scarcely have been embodied in this map if La Salle had had any direct 
personal knowledge of the Ohio to communicate to Franquelin. What 
knowledge he had was probably obtained from Shawnee and other Indians 
who had lived in the Ohio Valley. The map does, however, differentiate 
between the Ohio and the Wabash, showing the two rivers as distinct 
and separate streams, although it makes both of them flow into the present 
Tennessee River, and makes the latter, under the name of the "River St. 
Louis, or Chucagoa, or Casquinampogamou," ^ to flow into the Mississippi. 

Two heads of the Wabash are shown, both rising near the south- 
western extremity of Lake Erie, the lower one bearing the name, " Agou- 
assake." South of the junction of these two streams, a tributary enters 
the Wabash from the east, called the " Oiapikaming" (i.e., W^hite River, 
still so called). 

Between the Upper Forks of the Casquinampogamou are located 
three Cherokee villages, bearing the names, "Tchalaka," "Cattogui," 
(Katowagi was the Shawnee name for the Cherokees) and "Taligui," — 
the last name being identical in sound with the Talligewi of Lenape tra- 
dition as given by Heckewelder. 

The first tributary entering the Casquinampogamou from the 
north, below its Upper Forks, is called the " Misseouecipi " (not the 
present Mississippi: that stream Franquelin called the Colbert); with 
an unnamed Indian village located on its north bank. Below this 
stream, a second tributary enters the main river, also coming from the 
north, which is called the " Skipaki-cipi, ou la Riviere Bleue."^ This is 
obviously a Shawnee word, and the river to which it was intended to be 
applied was undoubtedly the stream known later as the "Shawnee River," 
now the Cumberland. The Kispicotha or Kispokotha is one of the five 
divisions of the Shawnee tribe even down to the present day. The word 
is also spelled Kespicotha, Kiscapocoke, Kiscopokes, Kiskapocoke, Kis- 
pogogi, Kispoko, Kiskapookes, etc. The Shawnee town of Eskippaki- 
thiki (thiki means "place; dpi or theepee, river"), located on Lewis 
Evans's map of 1755 as being on the Great Warriors' Trail, between 
the mouth of the Scioto and the Red River branch of the Kentucky, 
thus bore a name practically identical with that by which the Cum- 
berland River was known to the Shawnees at the time of La Salle's 
descent of the Mississippi. 

Half-way between the two rivers, Misseouecipi and Skipakicipi, on 

^ On one of De I'Isle's maps the Tennessee River is called Riviere des Casquinam- 
baux ou Cheroquis. The name " Casquinampo " probably comes from the "Casqui" or 
" Casquin " Indians referred to by some of the chroniclers of De Soto's expedition. 

2 A similar name — Bluestone — is applied to one of the western heads of New 
River on Fry and Jefferson's map of 1751. 





r.f^'^^ 



■•:^Oi 



V 






■^•f-K 







— A Portion of Fraaauelin's 1684 Map 'of La Salle's Discoveries. 



The Ohio Valley before the White Man Came 93 

Franquelin's map, is located the Indian Town of "Cisca," and a path 
is shown leading from that town in a southeastern direction to St. 
Petro on the east coast of Florida (north of St. Augustine). Beneath 
this path is written the legend: Chemin par les Casquinampo et les 
Chaouenons vont en traite aux Espagnols^Path travelled by the 
Casquinampos and Shawnees, in trading with the Spaniards. "Cisca" 
may have been the name of a Shawnee town, and the seat of a Kisca- 
pocoke band of that tribe. The Ciscas and other Shawnees from the 
same vicinity joined La Salle at Fort St. Louis in 1683. 

On the north bank of the Skipakicipi River, FranqueHn locates 
another town, named "Meguatchaiki." This, also, was doubtless a 
Shawnee town of the Mequachake Clan (variants, ch guttural, Macha- 
chac, Machichac,'Mackacheck, Mackacheek, Maguck, Magueck, Magwa, 
Makostrake, Maquichees, Mequachake, Maqueechaick, etc.) 

A short distance west of Meguatchaiki, Franquelin locates the 
town of "Chaskepe."' This, too, may have been a town of the Shaw- 
nees, and the name another variant of the word Kiscapo (Ejspokotha). 
In the chapter on the Shawnees, attention has already been called to the 
letter written by La Salle to Governor La Barre from Fort St. Louis, 
April 2, 1693, stating, "that the Chouenons, Chaskpe, and Ouabans, 
have, at his solicitation, abandoned the Spanish trade, and also nine 
or ten villages they occupied, for the purpose of becoming French, and 
settling near Fort St. Louis. The Chaskpe, of course, were the same as 
the Chaskepe of the Cumberland River Valley. They were probably of 
the Kispoko or Kispogogi Clan of the Shawnee tribe. ^ The Ouabans, 
or Wabans, were doubtless a band of Mohicans or Eastern Lenape, 
whose generic name was Wabanaki (Wapaneu, easterly). 

' De Soto visited the village of Chisca in the Cherokee country in 1541. The word 
is used by La Salle as a synonym for Chaskepe. See Margry ii., 314, 318. Mr. James 
Mooney thinks the Chaskpe may possibly have been a minor clan of the Miami. 

' Gatschet writes of Tukabatchi, a town of the Upper Creeks, on the Tallapoosa 
River, one and one-half miles below its falls, whose original inhabitants were of an alien 
tribe, afterwards amalgamated with the Creeks: "The town anciently was known under 
two other names: Ispokogi, or Italua Ispokogi, said to mean 'town of survivors,' or 'sur- 
viving town, remnant of a town,' 0x16. Italua Fatcha-sige." Milfortsays (p. 265) that 
nearly about the same time that the Alibamons were admitted into the Creek Con- 
federacy, "an Indian tribewhich had just been destroyed [scattered] by the Iroquois and 
the Hurons came to ask protection of the Muskoquis, whom I shall now call Creeks. 
The Creeks received them, and gave them lands in the centre of the Nation. They 
built a town which is at this day [1802] of some importance, and which is called Tuket 
Batchet, from the name of the tribe." Judge Force, in commenting on this passage 
(Indians of Ohio) , suggests that it is within possibility that the Tukaubatchies were a 
surviving remnant of the Eries. The resemblance of Ispokogi, one of the names of their 
town, to Kispogogi, the name of one of the Shawnee clans, suggests the probability that 
the "Tuket Batchets" were Shawnees. 



94 The Wilderness Trail 

We have, therefore, set down on Franquelin's Map of 1684, from 
information furnished largely by La Salle himself, the exact localities 
from which the 200 Shawnee warriors and their families removed in 1683 
to join La Salle at Fort St. Louis. That is to say, this map shows that 
the Shawnees in 1682 lived north of the Cumberland River, within the 
limits of what is now the State of Kentucky. 

The next tributary shown on Franquelin's map as entering the 
Casquinampogamou River west of the Skipakicipi, is the "Ohio, als. 
Mosopelea-cipi, als. Olighin." These were the three names given to the 
true Ohio River by the Iroquois; by the Illinois, Miamis, and probably 
the Shawnees; and by the Ottawas. Its soiwceis given as southeast of 
the Oneida village, in the country of the Iroquois, and not far from the 
source of the Delaware. It flows south of the Onondaga, Cayuga, and 
Seneca villages, receiving affluents from the direction of the Oneidas and 
Onondagas. It runs from east to west, parallel with the eastern half 
of the south shore of Lake Erie, and then turns to the southwest, con- 
tinuing the latter course until it enters the Casquinampogamou some 
three degrees above the mouth of the Wabash. 

On the north bank of the Ohio, south of Lake Erie, Franquelin 
locates a number of village sites, which are all marked as having been 
destroyed. Directly south of the eastern shore of the lake is the first 
of these settlements, " Kentaienton-ga [ga, from haga? — Mohawk for 
"people"; or the locative for "place" ?] 19 v. detruits." The names of 
two of the villages of the Erie tribe, which was driven from the southern 
shore of Lake Erie by the Iroquois in 1656, were Rique (or Rigue') and 
Gentaienton. ^ The Kentaienton-ga of Franquelin's map is therefore 
the same as the Gentaienton of the Jesuit chroniclers. Kentaienton is an 
Iroquois term, meaning "many fields," or "prairies." 

West of the Kentaientonga village sites, and south of what may be 
intended for the present Cuyahoga Bay, Franquelin locates the "Onias- 
sont-ke, [ke, the Iroquois locative "at"; Mohawk, ge] 2 v. detruits." 
On most other early maps which have come under the notice of the 
writer, the Oniasontke people are located south of the Ohio River. 
This tribe will be considered in the next chapter. 

Some distance below the Oniassontke, and beyond the southwest 
bend of the river, Franquelin shows, on the north bank, "Casa, i v. 
detruit." Casa was an early Mohawk word for "mouth." It may be 
intended for the name of an Indian tribe; or, it may mean only, 
"cabins destroyed." 

About half-way between the southwest bend and the junction of 
the Ohio with the Chucagoa, and directly south of the western shore of 

' Jesuit Relations, xlii., 187. 

* Ibid., xlii., 197; Iviii., 75; Ixi., 195, 270. 



The Ohio Valley before the White Man Came 95 

Lake Erie, Franquelin locates the "Mosapelea,8vil.detmits" (destroyed). 
The territory in which these villages are placed is undoubtedly intended 
for that of the Muskingum, Scioto, and Miami valleys, where so many 
palisade embankments, earth fortifications, and burial, totem, so-called 
temple, and other mounds of the former Indian inhabitants are found 
at the present day. Mosapelea was therefore the name applied by the 
Indians to this district at and before the time when the Shawnees who 
lived near there first became known to La Salle and to recorded history. 
Much of his knowledge of the Ohio Valley was in all probability obtained 
by La Salle from these Shawnees from the Cumberland Valley who 
joined him at Fort St. Louis in 1683; and at the same time when they 
gave him the information about the Cumberland and Tennessee valleys 
of which more or less is embodied in Franquelin's map. 

This map also shows a vil. detruite of the "Antouaronons," located 
on the south shore of Lake Erie, between Sandusky Bay and the mouth 
of the Maumee, as now known. This was probably a village of the 
Aondironon, a tribe mentioned in the Jesuit Relation for 1640, being 
that part of the Neutral Nation living nearest the Hurons — which was 
destroyed or dispersed by the Iroquois in 1648, some of them being 
driven south of Lake Erie, where they probably met the fate of the 
Eries in 1655-56. » 

All these villages destroyed which are shown on Franquelin's map 
of 1684 were probably destroyed within the lifetime of the Shawnees 
and Ciscas who gave their history to La Salle, and doubtless we would 
be not far from the truth in believing that they were all destroyed by 
the Iroquois after 1654, the time of the beginning of their wars with 
the Eries. These wars against the Eries and the later wars against 
the Shawnees were finished within twenty years; as Charlevoix gives 
the date of the final conquest of the Shawnees as 1672. We are probably 
safe, therefore, in assuming that at least three groups of the villages 
destroyed north of the Ohio River in that period, as shown on this map, 
were the towns of the Eries, the Neutrals, and of the pre-historic inhabi- 
tants of southern Ohio; those of the latter comprising the nine villages 
of Casa and Mosopelea (or Mosapelea). 

In a letter written by La Salle to one of his friends in France, 
relating his operations from August 22, 1680, to the autumn of 1 681, he 
speaks of his efforts to induce the Illinois and Miami Indians to settle 
their villages near his station on the Illinois River, in January and 
February, 1681. "Meanwhile," he adds, "a Chaouenon captain, who 
commands five hundred warriors and lives on a great river which empties 
into the Ohio, and from there into the Mississippi, having learned of 
my arrival [at Fort Crevecoeur], sent to me to ask the protection of the 

^ See Howe's Ohio, ii., 522; Ohio Hist. Soc. Coll., xvii., 360. 



'96 The Wilderness Trail 

King. I gave him the same reply I had given the Islinois, that if he 
wished to join me that autumn, to go to the sea, I would after that assure 
him of the protection of the King; but that, his country not being 
accessible to us because of its great distance, I could not promise it to 
him in Canada. He agreed to my proposition, and ought to be at the 
entrance of the said river at the beginning of autumn, with as many 
men as possible."' 

La Salle wrote to Governor La Barre, from Fort St. Louis, April 
2, 1683, telling of his negotiations with the western tribes, and stating 
that he had "found near here the Chouanons, Chaskpe, and Ouabano, 
who have come with an Indian named Pepamany, whom I sent to 
invite them to leave the Spanish trade and to come and establish them- 
selves here. They inhabit there nine or ten villages, which they have 
abandoned in order to become French. ... I was obliged ... to do 
the same thing at Fort St. Louis [as at Fort Frontenac], and to give to 
the inhabitants the liberty of occupying the vicinity. I acquitted 
myself of this obligation in part by placing there the Chaouesnons, 
Chaskpe, and Ouabano; and I depart presently to go four hundred 
leagues from here, south by southwest, to seek nine villages of the 
Cicaca [Chickasaw], and to invite them to follow the example of their 
allies." 

Another letter of La Salle's, written, probably, to the Abbe Bernou, 
-and bearing date August 22, 1681 (or 1682), has already been referred 
to in a former chapter. This is the letter in which La Salle gives it as 
his opinion that the " Tiotontaraeton " River, emptying into the western 
extremity of Lake Erie, is "certainly the passage to go to the Ohio or 
Olighinsipou." He also speaks of the beaver trade at Fort Frontenac, 
and incidentally of the Ohio tribes which were destroyed or driven away 
by the Iroquois, in these words: 

"The trade of Fort Frontenac is carried on within the extent of the 
lake of the same name with the Iroquois, who live in the environs, and 
who never trade but with New England, formerly called New Holland, 
at Albany, formerly called Orange, a place distant about seventeen or 
eighteen leagues from the last canton of the Iroquois, called Agnie 
[Mohawks]. The reason for their not coming down into our habitations 
at all, is, that those who go to hunt the beaver, finding few on the north 
coast of the lake, where they are now rare, go to seek for them towards 
the South, at the west of Lake Erie, where they abound; because, before 
the destruction of the Islinois and of the Kentaienton-ga [inhabitants 
of the Erie village, Kentaienton] and Ganeiens-gaa ^ [Gachnawas-haga or 

' Margry, i., 529; ii., 142-43. 

2 Bruyas gives the definition of this Mohawk word: ganniense — as derober du hie, 
'"to shell corn"; gannien, "to yelp"; and ganniensera, batte feu, or "fire striker," 



The Ohio Valley before the White Man Came 97 

Gannaouens, i.e., the Kanawahas, later known as Conoys, Ganawese, 
etc.] whom the Iroquois subdued in a year; the Chaouanons, Ouabachi, 
Tiotontaraeton-ga [Totontaraton-ga?'], Gandostoge-ga [Susquehan- 
nocks], Mosopelea, Sounikae-ronons [Oniasontke-ronons], and Ochiat- 
agon-ga [Ochateguins, Champlain's name for the Hurons], whom they 
also overthrew in a few years, they did not dare to hunt in quarters 
over-run by so many enemies, who have the same apprehension of the 
Iroquois and are little accustomed to trading in the skins of these 
animals, only carrying on commerce with the English very rarely, 
because they are not able to go without much trouble, time, and risk." 

Perhaps the earliest reference to the Ohio Valley to be found on 
the English maps is that contained in one of the legends on Augustine 
Herrman's map of Virginia and Maryland, dated 1670, and published 
in 1673. The reference in the legend is to the mountain range now 
known as the AUeghanies. It reads as follows: "These mighty high 
and great mountains, trenching N.E. and S.W. and W.S.W., is sup- 
posed to be the very middle Ridge of Northern America, and the only 
naturall cause of the fierceness and extreame stormy cold winds that 
come from N.W., thence all over this Continent, and makes frost. 
And, as Indians reports, from the other side Westwards doe the rivers 
take their origin, all issuing out into the West Sea; especially, first dis- 
covered a very great River, called the Black Mincquas River, out of 
which, above the Sasquahana forte, meetes a branch some leagues dis- 
tance, opposit to one another out of the Sasquahana River [the West 
Branch, or the Juniata], where formerly those Black Mincquas came 
over and as far as Delaware to trade; but the Sasquahana and Sinnicus 
Indians went over and destroyed that very great Nation ; and whether 
the same River comes out into the Bay of Mexico of the West Sea, is 
not known. "^ 

Were the Black Mincquas identical with the Eries, the Oniasontke, 
or the Mosopelea? 

The eight destroyed villages of the Mosopelea, which Franquelin 
locates on the north bank of the Ohio or Mosopeleacipi, and which La 
Salle says were destroyed by the Iroquois, are of especial interest in 
connection with the present inquiry. 

The word with the last meaning was the tribal name of the Mohawks. It is probable 
that the Conoys were nothing more than " corn-shellers " to the Iroquois. Lamber- 
ville wrote from Onondaga August 25, 1682, that two Gannaouen women had been 
brought from Maryland while he was there, tortured with a slow fire, burned with 
hot irons, and afterwards eaten. 

'Mentioned as one of the sedentary tribes south of the Lakes by the Jesuit, 
Vimont, in the Relation for 1640. 

2 See Vol. I., pp. 16, 69, 76, etc. 

VOL. II. — 7 



98 The Wilderness Trail 

On Marquette's map of 1673-74, that traveller locates a "Mon- 
soupelea" village on the east bank of the Mississippi below the mouth 
of the " Ouabouskigou " (Ohio), and about one third of the distance 
between that stream and the mouth of the Arkansas. On Joliet's map 
of 1674, a " Mounsouperia " village is located on the same side of the 
Mississippi, but some distance below the mouth of the Arkansas, and 
opposite the "Tahensa." On Thevenot's map of a few years later, 
" Monsouperia " and "Monoupera" villages are indicated in both these 
locations. Of Joliet and his map, La Salle writes (in the Memoir 
transmitted to Paris by Frontenac, November 9, 1680)': "That 
gentleman has not considered that the Mosopelea, of whom he takes 
notice in his map, were altogether destroyed before he set out for his 
voyage." 

In his map of 1755, Lewis Evans gives the Shawnee name of the 
Ohio as Palawa-Thepiki {i.e., Palawa-sipi, or Palawa River). Accord- 
ing to Robert Vaugondy's French map, and John Mitchell's English 
map of the same year, this river was called the "Ohio, or Splawcipiki.'* 
In the Journal of the Rev. David Jones, it is stated of the Ohio that, 
"the Shawnees call it Pellewaa Theepee, i.e., Turkey River." Paleawa 
(Major Ebenezer Denny), or Palewa (John Johnston), is the Shawnee 
word for "turkey"; (Bloeu or Ploeu, in Delaware, as the Moravians 
wrote it.) Johnston, in his Shawnee and Wyandot vocabularies, states 
that the Shawnee name for the Ohio means Eagle River. "Eagle," 
however, in Shawnee, is Wapalaneathy (Denny), and in Lenape (Zeis- 
berger), Woapalanne ("bald eagle"). Mos, or Moas, is the Lenape word 
for "elk" (though in Shawnee, according to Johnston, "elk" is wabete'). 
In Cuoq's Algonquin Lexicon, Mose (Zeisberger, moochwe) is defined as 
"a worm which is found in wood, which gnaws the wood," and the com- 
bination, ilfo^e-wa&i/e, "to have wormy teeth, or decayed teeth." The 
meaning of Mosopelea, therefore, may be nothing more than "worm- 
eaten turkey," or "decayed turkey." However, the vocabularies of 
the Illinois and the Miami, as given by Gallatin, may better explain the 
meaning of the term "Mosopelea" (or "Monsouperia," as spelled by 
Joliet). The Illinois word for "deer" was mousoah (Miami, musuoh), 
and for "turkey," pireouah^ (pilauoh in Miami), — the "r" sound being 

^ Margry, ii., 95; Hennepin, Thwaites's edition, ii., 628. 

2 Wape-mashehawey, translated "White Elk," was the name of one of the Ohio 
Shawnee chiefs who attended the conference at Lancaster in August, 1762. 

3 James Logan wrote of the Cumberland or the Tennessee River in 1718: "Among 
divers other large streams, it [the Ohio River] receives the River Peresipi on the south 
side, not far from the mouth of Wabasha, which said River of Peresipi is said to rise 
in the mountains of Virginia or Carolina. " — Hazard's Penna. Reg., iii., 211. Peresipi, 
as shown above, is equivalent to Pellewaa Theepee, the Shawnee name for the Ohio 
meaning "Turkey River. " Pelesippi is also given as one of the names for Clinch's River 



The Ohio Valley before the White Man Came 99 

very rare, and equivalent to "1" in most .of the Algonquin languages. 
It is possible, therefore, that Mosopelea River meant to the western 
Algonquins the River of Deer and Turkeys ; though Mr. James Mooney 
has suggested to the writer that moso may be an adjective, and mean 
something other than "elk;" and this may be true, as we have seen in 
translating it as "wormy." The noun, moso, has been retained to the 
present day in the name of the Muskingum River, an important tribu- 
tary of the Ohio, at the mouth of which some of the most elaborate and 
important Indian mounds in existence are still to be seen. The meaning 
of the word Muskingum, as given by Zeisberger, Jones, and other 
eighteenth century travellers in Ohio, is "Elk's Eye River." The Scioto , 
too, it will be remembered, was known to the Indians of Ohio from the 
earliest historic period as a Deer River, the name "Scioto" itself being 
a modified form of Ooscanoto, the Wyandot word for "deer." It would 
appear to be probable, at least, that the name "Mosopelea " on Franq- 
uelin's map referred to the district bounded by the Ohio and its 
Muskingum and Scioto branches. 

Father Anastasius Douay, the Recollect priest who accompanied 
La Salle on his last expedition in search of the Mississippi and was with 
him when he was assassinated, gave, on his return to France in 1688, 
an account of the countries through which Douay travelled on his 
voyage up the Mississippi. He says that his party passed the mouth 
of the Ouabache (Ohio) on the 26th of August, 1688. "This famous 
river," Douay continues, "is full as large as the River Colbert [Missis- 
sippi], receiving a quantity of others by which you can enter it. The 
mouth, where it enters into the River Colbert, is two hundred leagues 
from the Akansa, according to the estimate of the Sieur de la Salle, as 
he often told me. . . . About six leagues above this mouth there is on 
the north-west the famous river of the Massourites, or Osages, at least 
as large as the river into which it empties ; it is formed by a number of 
other known rivers. . . . The Akansas were formerly stationed on the 
upper part of one of those rivers [the Ohio], but the Iroquois drove them 
out by cruel wars some years ago, so that they, with some Osage villages, 
were obliged to drop down and settle on the river which now bears their 
name [the Arkansas], and of which I have spoken. About midway 
between the River Ouabache [Ohio] and that of the Massourites [Mis- 
souri] is Cape St. Anthony. It was to this place only, and not further, 
that the Sieur Joliet descended in 1673; they were there taken, with 
their whole party, by the Mansopela [Mosopelea]. These Indians hav- 
ing told them that they would be killed if they went further, they 



on Fry and Jefferson's map of 1751; while on Bellin's map of 1744, reproduced in tliis 
volume, the name, Polesipi ("according to the English") is applied to the same stream. 



100 The Wilderness Trail 

turned back, not having descended lower than thirty or forty leagues 
below the mouth of the Illinois." 

In Marquette's Journal of Joliet's voyage down the Mississippi, he 
does not mention the Mosopelea by name, although he describes them. 
In his map accompanying the Journal, however, he does locate a village 
or encampment of the Monsoupelea on the east bank of the Mississippi, 
some distance below the mouth of the Wabash and a greater distance 
above the villages of the Metchigamea and Akansea, which he also de- 
scribes by name. After telling of the Wabash, Marquette proceeds: 
"We were compelled to erect a sort of cabin on the water with our sails 
as a protection against the mosquitoes and the rays of the sun. While 
drifting down with the current, in this condition, we perceived on land 
some savages, armed with guns, who awaited us. I at once offered them 
my plumed calumet, while our Frenchmen prepared for defence, but 
delayed firing, that the savages might be the first to discharge their 
guns. I spoke to them in Huron, but they answered me by a word 
which seemed to me a declaration of war against us. However, they 
were frightened as we were; and what we took for a signal for battle 
was an invitation that they gave us to draw near, that they might give 
us food. We therefore landed and entered their cabins, where they 
offered us meat from wild cattle and bear's grease, with white plums, 
which are very good. They have guns, hatchets, hoes, knives, beads, 
and flasks of double glass, in which they put their powder. They wear 
their hair long, and tattoo their bodies, after the Hiroquois fashion. 
The women wear head-dresses and garments like those of the Huron 
women. They assured us that we were no more than ten days' journey 
from the sea; that they bought cloth and all other goods from the 
Europeans who lived to the East ; that those Europeans had rosaries and 
pictures [the Spaniards of Florida] ; that they played upon instruments ; 
that some of them looked like me, and had been received by these sav- 
ages kindly. Nevertheless, I saw none who seemed to have received 
any instruction in the faith ; I gave them as much as I could, with some 
medals." 

In a note to this passage in Marquette, Dr. Shea remarks that this 
band of Indians may have been a Tuscarora party, who had traded 
with the Spaniards. "That they were not dwellers on the Mississippi," 
he adds, "seems probable, from the fact that they were spoken of, not 
by the next tribe [the Mitchigameas] , but by those lower down [the 
Akansea], whom they had doubtless reached on some other foray." 

Now, while we have seen that Marquette's map of this journey 
places a village of the Monsoupelea at the point where he met these 
Indians, the map of Thevenot, first published with Marquette's Journal 
in 1681, also locates a settlement of the Monsouperia (equivalent to 



The Ohio Valley before the White Man Came loi 

Monsoupelea) at this point, together with some of the Aganahali. 
Beneath the name " Monsouperia " on this map, Thevenot adds the 
significant words, Us ont des fuzils, "they have guns." 

This legend, taken with Marquette's map and Douay's inaccurate 
account, is sufficient, the writer submits, to establish the fact that the 
band met by Marquette at this point on the Mississippi in July, 1673, 
was a band of the Mosopelea Indians, whatever that name may mean. 
Marquette's description of these Indians likewise gives us our first and 
only account of the dress and trade of the Mosopelea. 

After Joliet and Marquette had reached the village of the Akansea, 
near the mouth of the present Arkansas River, they asked the Indians 
there what they knew about the sea. "They replied that we were only 
ten days' journey from it — we could have covered the distance in five 
days ; that they were not acquainted with the nations who dwelt there, 
because their enemies prevented them from trading with those Europeans ; 
that the hatchets, knives, and beads that we saw were sold to them 
partly by nations from the East and partly by an Illinois village 
situated at four days' journey from their village westward. They 
also told us that the savages with guns whom we had met [the 
Mosopelea] were their enemies, who barred their way to the sea, and 
prevented them from becoming acquainted with the Europeans, and 
from carrying on any trade with them; that moreover, we exposed our- 
selves to great dangers by going further, on account of the continual 
forays of their enemies along the River, — because, as they had guns and 
were very war-like, we could not without manifest danger proceed down 
the River, which they constantly occupy." 

The importance of these observations of Marquette to the subject 
of our present inquiry may seem to be doubtful, in view of the remark 
already quoted as printed by Hennepin, and which was taken by him 
or his publisher from a Memoir forwarded to France by Count Frontenac 
November 9, 1680, which is printed in Margry's second volume. The 
writer of this Memoir was La Salle himself, and in speaking of Joliet 
he says: "He has not reflected that the Mosopelea, whom he marks in 
his map, were entirely destroyed before his voyage." This remark, 
however, was not true, as La Salle himself found out on descending 
the Mississippi in 1682 ; and as will directly appear. 

The information which the Akansea gave to Joliet and Marquette, 
relating to the tribe with guns, which they had met above, being also 
located below the Akansea village, is no doubt the reason why Thevenot, 
in making his map for Marquette's Journal, placed one village of the 
Monsouperia above the Akansea, and another below. La Salle, as we 
shall see, found some of them below the Akansea. 

In Tonty's Relation of La Salle's voyage down and up the Missis- 



102 The Wilderness Trail 

sippi in 1682, he states that on the return of the expedition up the river, 
they arrived, on April 30th,' at the village of the Taensas. Here, "on 
the morrow," Tonty writes, "a chief of the Mosopelleas, who, after the 
overthrow of his village, had begged of the chief of the Taensas to live 
with him, and there dwelt, with five cabins, went to see M. de La Salle; 
and having said he was a Mosopellea, M. de la Salle gave him back a 
slave of his own tribe, and also gave him a pistol."^ 

The Taensa village, to which the Mosopelea Indians had fled, 
after the destruction of their town, was located near the west bank of the 
Mississippi, in what is now Tensas Parish, Louisiana. The Taensas 
spoke the same language and had the same customs as the Natchez, a 
tribe living about fifty miles farther down the river, a few miles east of the 
site of the present Natchez, Mississippi.^ Eighty leagues above, at the 
mouth of the Arkansas, dwelt the allies of the Taensas, the Akansea, of 
whom Father Gravier wrote in 1700 that they had migrated from the 
Ohio River, a stream to which the Miamis and Illinois gave the name 
"Akansea River," because the Akansea had formerly lived on its banks. 

Why the Mosopelea survivors should have fled so far down the 
Mississippi after the destruction of their towns in the Scioto and Mus- 
kingum valleys (prior to 1 673) would be interesting to know. Possibly, 
their adoption by the Taensas was merely an incidental result of their 
flight. Not improbably, however, they may have fled directly to the 
Taensas after the overthrow of their own villages in the North because 
the Taensas may have been of a kindred tribe and language with them- 
selves, the fugitives risking the trials and dangers of a twelve hundred 
mile trip down the Ohio and Mississippi, in order to find a safer refuge 
with a tribe of their own race, rather than to make their home with one 
of the numerous tribes of other races lying between the mouth of the 
Scioto and the Taensa village. 

If this were the true explanation of the presence of the survivors of 
the Ohio Valley tribe in the village of the Taensas, then we could learn 
something of the customs and manner of life of the Mosopelea by study- 
ing those of the Taensas and Natchez. And if such a study should show 
that the customs and manners of the Taensas differed in a marked 
degree from those of all the surrounding nations (excepting the kindred 
and neighboring tribe of the Natchez), as well as from those of all the 

' Membre says, May ist; Nicolas La Salle, June 1st. 

2 Margry, i.,6io. 

3 In a letter from Mr. F. S. Shaw, of Natchez, he states that the ancient seat of 
the Natchez tribe was " about ten miles [east] from the present city of Natchez, on 
the Woodville road, near the two Indian mounds on the banks of Second Creek [a 
head of Catherine Creek]. On one of these mounds the sacred fire was kept, the 
Natchez being fire worshippers. . . . They had another mound at Selsertown near 
Stanton station, where the sacred fire was also kept." 



The Ohio Valley before the White Man Came 103 

northern tribes whose history has been preserved; then, if we assume 
the Mosopelea to be a kindred tribe also, we may safely conclude that 
the customs and manner of life of the latter tribe in its original home in 
what is now southern Ohio, likewise differed widely from those of the 
tribes which surrounded them there. 

As a matter of fact, the institutions and customs of the Taensas and 
the Natchez were vastly different from those of all the other Indian 
nations in the North, and more or less different from those of the neigh- 
boring southern tribes. The testimony of Tonty and Membre (1682), 
Montigny (1699), La Source and Gravier (1700), Penicaut (1704), 
Du Poisson (1727), is uniform in regard to this, and while there are some 
variations in its details, the whole of it is of intense interest in connection 
with the study of the Indians of the Ohio Valley in pre-historic times. 
While we are not in a position to assert that the Ohio totem and so-called 
ceremonial mounds were built by the direct ancestors of the Nachesan 
tribes, it can be said with positiveness that their habits, the despotic 
power of their chiefs and medicine men, their customs, institutions, and 
the nature and extent of their civilization were such as we might reason- 
ably and naturally expect in the people who did build the Ohio mounds. 

The farthest point south reached by Joliet and Marquette when 
they descended the Mississippi in 1673 was at the mouth of the Arkansas 
River, where they found a tribe of Quapaw Indians living. The Qua- 
paws were of Siouan stock and were known to the Illinois and other 
Algonquin tribes as the Akansa. ' Father Membre, who accompanied 
La Salle's expedition down the Mississippi in 1682, after describing the 
manner in which La Salle was received and entertained by the Akansa, 
who lived at the mouth of the Arkansas River, goes on to relate that, 
''they finally gave us provisions and men, to conduct us and serve as 
interpreters with the Taensa, their allies, who are eighty leagues distant 
from their village. On the 17th we continued our route, and six leagues 
lower down we found another village of the same Akansa nation, and 
then another, three leagues lower, the people of which were of the same 
kind, and received us most hospitably. . . . On the 22d we reached 
the Taensa." When Father Gravier descended the Mississippi in 
1700, he wrote that on the 15th of October his party reached the mouth 
of the Ouabachi (the name then generally applied to the Ohio below 
the mouth of the Wabash proper). "We camped in sight of this river, 
which comes from the South, and empties into the Mississippi. At its 
mouth it makes a great basin, two arpents from its discharge. It is 
called by the Illinois and by the Oumiamis the River of the Akansea, 
because the Akansea formerly dwelt on it. Three branches are assigned 
to it; one that comes from the Northwest, passing behind the country 

» Margry, i., 598. 



104 , The Wilderness Trail 

of the Oumiamis, called the River St. Joseph, which the Indians call 
properly, Ouabachi; the second comes from the Iroquois, and it is that 
called by them Ohio; and the third from the S.S.W., on which are the 
Chaouanoua; and all three uniting to empty into the Mississippi, it is 
commonly called Ouabachi; but the Illinois and the other Indians call 
it the River of the Akansea."' 

The Ohio is shown as the Akansea River on Van Keulen's map of 
1720, reproduced on the opposite page. 

In his Relation of 1693^ Tonty writes that La Salle's expedition 
down the Mississippi arrived at the Taensas on March 22, 1682. 

"When we arrived opposite to the village of the Taensas, M. de la 
Salle desired me to go to it and inform the chief of his arrival. I went 
with our guides, and we had to carry a bark canoe for ten arpens, and 
to launch it on a small lake in which their village was placed. ^ I "was 
surprised to find their cabins of mud, and covered with cane mats. 
The cabin of the chief was forty feet square, the wall ten feet high, a 
foot thick, and the roof, which was of a dome shape, about fifteen feet 
high. I was not less surprised, when, on entering, I saw the chief seated 
on a camp bed, with three of his wives at his side, surrounded by more 
than sixty old men, clothed in large white cloaks, which are made by 
the women out of the bark of the mulberry tree, and are tolerably well 
worked. The women were clothed in the same manner, and every time 
the chief spoke to them, before answering him, they howled and cried 
out several times, 'O-o-o-o-o-o,' to show their respect for him; for 
their chiefs are held in as much consideration as our kings. No one 
drinks out of the chief's cup nor eats out of his plate, and no one passes 
before him; when he walks, they clean the path before him. When he 
dies, they sacrifice his youngest wife, his house steward, and a hundred 
men, to accompany him into the other world.'' 

' See Shea's Charlevoix, ii., 109, note. 

2 French, Hist. Coll. Louisiana, i., 61-63. 

3 Probably the present Lake St. Joseph. — Gatschet, Creek Migration Legend, 31. 

1 Tonty's 1683 account of the same visit, as given by Margry (i., 599-610) is as 
follows: "On the 22d we arrived at the Taensas, after having sailed eighty leagues. 
As this Nation lives on a small lake, we camped at three leagues from the village. . . . 
We arrived there by night. The Akansas began to sing; the Taensas recognized them as 
friends, and we entered their village safely. Never was I so surprised as when entering 
the hut of the Chief; because the other savages do not build in the same way. One finds 
in this nation some of the qualities possessed by civilized poeple. We were first led 
into a hut of forty feet front. The walls, built of a mixture of clay and mud, are two 
feet thick and twelve feet high. The roof is in the form of a dome, in cane matting, 
so well worked that the rain cannot pass through it. On entering, we saw the Chief, 
seated upon a kind of lounge. There were more than sixty elders opposite him; they 
were all covered with large white blankets, like those hammocks the savages of the 
American Islands fabricate. There was a torch of dry stricks in the centre of the hut. 




A Portion of Van Keulen's 1720 Map of New France. 
From Chatelain's Atlas, 1732. 



The Ohio Valley before the White Man Came 105 

"They have a form of worship, and adore the Sun. There is a 
temple opposite the house of the chief, and similar to it, except that 
three eagles are placed on this temple, who look towards the rising Sun. 
The temple is surrounded with strong mud walls, in which are fixed 
spikes, on which they place the heads of their enemies who are sacrificed 
to the Sun. At the door of the temple is a block of wood, on which is a 
great shell, and plaited around with the hair of their enemies, in a plait 
about as thick as an arm, and about twenty toises long. The inside of 
the temple is naked; there is an altar in the middle, and at the foot of 
the altar three logs of wood are placed on end, and a fire is kept up, day 
and night by two old priests [jongleurs], who are the masters of their 
worship. These old men showed me a small cabinet within the wall, 
made of mats of cane. Desiring to see what was inside, the old men 
prevented me, giving me to understand that their god was there. I 
have since learned that it is the place where they keep their treasure, 
such as fine pearls, which they fish up in the neighborhood, and European 
merchandise. At the last quarter of the moon, all the cabins make an 
offering of a dish of the best food they have, which is placed at the door 
of the temple. The old men take good care to carry it away, and to 
make a good feast of it with their families. 

"Every spring they make a clearing, which they name the 'field 
of the spirit,' when all the men work to the sound of the tambour. 
In the autumn, the Indian corn is harvested with much ceremony, and 
stored in magazines until the month of June in the following year, when 
all the village assemble and invite their neighbors to eat it. They do 
not leave the ground until they have eaten it all, making great rejoicings 
the whole time. This is all I learned of this nation. The three villages 
below have the same customs. . . . 

"A brother of the Great Chief of the Natchez conducted us to 
his brother's village. . . . We were well received there. This nation 
counts more than 300 warriors. Here the men cultivate the ground, 
hunt, and fish, as well as the Taensas, and their manners are the same." 

The Recollect Friar, Zenobius Membre, wrote of the same visit to 
the Taensas in these words: "On the 22d we reached the Taensa, who 

which was adorned with several copper shields made fast on the four sides of the 
walls, besides a quantity of pictures. There was also an alcove, where the Great Chief 
rests, and several field beds, upon which rest the chiefs of eight villages situated on the 
lake, which are dependencies of the Great Chief. All the elders who were with him in 
said hut, held their hands upon their heads, howling like wolves, crying, 'Ho! Ho! Ho! 
Ho!' ... I forgot to mention that the Taensas have a divinity; for we have seen a 
Temple opposite the Chief's hut. In this Temple there is a kind of altar, surmounted by 
three eagles, looking towards the rising sun. This Temple is encircled by a sort of fort, 
upon the walls of which they stick the heads of enemies killed in battle. This fort is not 
regular, but each angle is well defended; there are sentry-boxes of stout wood. " 



io6 The Wilderness Trail 

dwell around a little lake formed in the land by the River Mississippi. 
They have eight villages. The walls of their houses are made of earth, 
mixed with straw; the roof is of canes, which form a dome, adorned 
with paintings; they have wooden beds, and much other furniture, and 
even ornaments in their temples, where they inter the bones of their 
chiefs. They are dressed in white blankets, made of the bark of a tree 
which they spin; their chief is absolute, and disposes of all without con- 
sulting anybody. He is attended by slaves, as are all his family. . . . 
The Sieur de la Salle being fatigued and unable to go into the town, sent 
in the Sieur de Tonty and myself with presents. The chief of this 
nation, not content with sending him provisions and other presents 
wished also to see him. . . . The chief, who came some time after, was 
dressed in a fine white cloth or blanket. He was preceded by two men, 
carrying fans of white feathers. A third carried a copper plate, and a 
round one of the same metal, both highly polished. . . . Religion may 
be greatly advanced among them, as well as among the Akansas, both 
these nations being half civilized." 

Nicholas de la Salle, who also accompanied the explorer to the 
mouth of the Mississippi, describes in his Recital, the second visit paid 
to the Taensas on the return voyage up the river. His description is as 
follows : 

"On the first day of June [May], 1682, we arrived in the Taensa 
country; M. de la Salle sent four Frenchmen, of whom the Little La 
Salle was one, in order to bring back this Taensa [who had accompanied 
the party down the river]. Having come close, he sang out. It was 
during the night. Two old men with torches came upon the shore of 
the lake, to ascertain what the matter was. They led the Frenchmen 
to the cabin of the chief. The Little La Salle says, that the chief 
was by the side of the cabin on a platform, upon a mat of as fine work 
as those wicker baskets made by the nuns in France; that he had seen 
in this cabin an old Spanish sword and three old style shot guns. The 
chief had the Frenchmen tell him about their journey. He manifested 
pleasure in hearing that they had killed men. All who entered the hut 
greeted the chief, lifting their hands above the head and saying 'Hou! 
Hou! Hou!' The chief would answer: 'Negoudez! Negoudez!' 
The Frenchmen were given food and also mats to sleep on. These 
people are very grave and very respectful towards their chief. . . . This 
village extends for a league along the lake. The temple, the chief's 
cabin, and seven or eight cabins of the elders are surrounded with posts, 
forming a kind of fort; upon the posts human heads are stuck. The 
temple is dome-like, the door, daubed with red paint, is guarded night 
and day by two watchmen. 

"One of the Frenchmen entered it, very much against the will o 



The Ohio Valley before the White Man Came 107 

the guards, one of whom followed him, wiping with his hands the 
earth on which the Frenchman trod, and rubbing his body with 
the hands. 

"The Frenchman says this temple is oval in form, thirty feet long, 
with an inside width of twelve feet, decorated with works made of sticks, 
and all painted red. The dome is covered with beautiful mats, the 
sides with earth. The sticks which form the roofing stand out two feet 
from the centre, crossing one over the other. Every night there are 
two lit torches in it. We saw that the women held their children against 
the Sun and rubbed the little ones' bodies with their hands, which they 
had also held against the Sun. 

"We went to take leave from the chief. He had the canoe given 
back to us with a quantity of victuals. He paid a visit to M. de la Salle, 
accompanied by thirty canoes; brought him so many provisions that 
some of them had to be thrown away, the canoes being overladen. 
Natives swept the ground over which their chief had to pass. He spoke 
with M. de la Salle seated on a mat. M. de la Salle gave him an old 
dressing gown of painted canvas and a small Mosopolea slave, who had 
been given by the Acansa; the chief gave him his robe or blanket, a kind 
of cotton fabric." 

Montigny, who established a mission among the Taensas in the 
latter part of the year 1699, gives a description of the nation in a let- 
ter written by him from the Akansea country in the following January. 
"The first among whom we thought of establishing," he says, "are the 
Tonicas, who are sixty leagues lower down than the Akanseas. Mr. 
Davion has stationed himself there. The spot where he is is quite 
fine. With some small villages of some other nation who are with them, 
they made about 2000 souls. About one day's journey lower down 
(that is to say, 20 leagues), are the Taensas, who speak another 
language. They are only a short day's journey from the Natchez, who 
are of the same nation and speak the same language. For the present 
I reside among the Taensas, but am to go shortly to the Natchez. This 
nation is very great, and more numerous than the Tonicas. The Taensas 
are only about 700 souls. ... I often speak of the Tonicas and the 
Taensas, and of those who are on the banks of the Mississippi. . . . 
They have rather fine temples, the walls of which are of mats. That 
of the Taensas has walls seven or eight feet thick, on account of the 
great number of mats, one on another. They regard the serpent as one 
of their divinities, so far as I could see. They would not dare to accept 
or appropriate anything of the slightest consequence without taking it 
to the temple. When they receive anything, it is with a kind of venera- 
tion that they turn towards this temple. They do not seem to be 
debauched in their lives. On account of the great heat the men go 



io8 The Wilderness Trail 

naked, and the women and girls are not well covered, and the girls up to 
the age of twelve go entirely naked. . . . They have also another abuse. 
When their chiefs are dead, the more esteemed he has been, the more 
persons they kill, who offer themselves to die with him; and last year, 
when the chief of the Taensas died, there were twelve persons who 
offered to die, and whom they tomahawked." 

La Source accompanied Montigny on his voyage down the Mis- 
sissippi. In his Narrative of the journey he writes: "On the 21st we 
arrived at the Taensas. It is a league by land and two by water [from 
the river]. They are on the shore of a lake, three leagues from the 
Micissipi. They are very humane and docile people. Their chief 
died not long before we arrived. It is their custom to sacrifice on this 
account. They told us that they had put to death thirteen on the death 
of the one who died last. For this purpose they put a root in the fire to 
bum, and when it is consumed, they kill him with tomahawks. The 
Natchez, who are twelve leagues lower down, put men to death on the 
death of their chief. It must be avowed that they are very foolish to 
allow themselves to be killed in this way; yet it is a thing they esteem 
as great honor and noble-heartedness. They [the Taensas] have a 
pretty large temple, with three columns, well made, serpents, and other 
like superstitions. The temple is encircled by an enclosure made like a 
wall. It is almost covered with skulls. They would not let us enter, 
saying, that those who entered died. We entered, half by force, half 
by consent. The girls and women are dressed like those I have men- 
tioned before, and even worse, for we saw some, twenty-five and thirty 
years old, quite naked." 

Pierre Le Moyne d'Iberville, the founder of Louisiana, visited the 
Natchez and Taensa villages in March, 1700. He describes the Taensa 
natives in the Journal of his voyage as follows : 

"On the morning of the 14th we went to the lake, where we met 
four natives who had brought us canoes, having heard the reports from 
our guns. We travelled about two leagues upon the lake and at noon 
went to the village, where I found M. de Montigny, the missionary, 
having four Frenchmen with him. He had a house built there and is 
preparing to have a church built. In this nation there may be about 
one hundred and twenty cabins, spread over a space of two leagues on 
the shore of the lake. There is a rather fine temple in this place. For- 
merly this nation was numerous, but there are not more than three 
hundred men now. They have large barren lands and on the bank of 
this lake some very good soil, which is not subject to inundation and 
might be a quarter of a league in width, running around the lake for 
four and a half leagues from northeast to west. The main part of 
this village is at about two leagues from the end reaching towards the 



The Ohio Valley before the White Man Came 109 

Mississippi and opposite a smaller river of about one hundred feet in 
width, upon the shore of which are some cabins of natives. . . . 

"On the 15th I returned with M. de Montigny to the landing place, 
where I had left my canoe, in order to await my brother and all my men. 

"On the 1 6th and 17th it rained and thundered much. In the 
night of the i6th, lightning struck the Taensas' temple, setting it afire 
and entirely destroying it. These savages, in order to pacify the Spirit, 
whom they said to be angered, threw five infants into the burning temple. 
They would have thrown several others into the flames but for the inter- 
vention of three Frenchmen who prevented their doing it. An aged 
man, about sixty-five years old, who seemed to act as high priest, was 
standing near the fire shouting: 'Women, bring your infants to offer 
as a sacrifice to appease the Spirit.' Five of them did so, bringing their 
babies, whom he took and threw into the flames. The deed of these 
women was looked upon as one of the noblest that could be performed. 
They followed this old man, who led them with great ceremony to the 
cabin of him who was to be the chief of the nation, the last chief having 
but recently died. It was customary at the death of their chief to kill 
some twenty men or women, in order to accompany him, they say, into 
the other world, and attend upon him. Several, according to what they 
said, were delighted to be among the killed. I doubt this very much. 
The old man above mentioned, said that the Spirit was angered, because 
at the death of the last chief nobody had been killed ; that the chief him- 
self was angered; that he had had the temple destroyed; accusing the 
Frenchmen, who were the cause of this misfortune, because M. de 
Montigny having been at the village on the occasion of the chief's death 
had prevented anybody from being killed; of which the whole nation 
seemed to be glad, except this high priest. These women by the deed 
they had done, sanctified and consecrated to the Spirit, thus several of 
these savages called them, were led to the pretender to the crown, were 
made much of, were much praised by the elders, and ever}'- one of them 
was clothed with a white blanket made of mulberry-tree bark, and every 
one's head was decorated with a large feather. They remained the 
whole day in show at the entrance of the chief's cabin, seated upon cane 
mats, this cabin being intended to be used hereafter as the temple, where 
the fire was lighted, as it is customary for them to do." 

Father Gravier, who made a voyage down and up the Mississippi in 
1700, writes of the Taensas and Natchez : "On the 13th [of Novemberl 
we set out . . . and the next day reached the River of the Tounika. . . . 
They have only one small temple, raised on a mound of earth. They 
never enter it, Mr. Davion told me, except when going to or returning 
from war; and do not make all the bowlings of the Taensa and Natchez 
when they pass in front of their temples, where there is always an old 



no The Wilderness Trail 

man who maintains the fire. . . . The Natchez, Mr. de St. Cosme 
assured me, are far from being as docile as the Tounika. They practice 
polygamy, steal, and are very vicious, the girls and women more than 
the men and boys. . . . The Taensas, who speak the same language, 
have the same habits also ; their village is twenty leagues from the river 
of the Tounika. . . . Their temple having been reduced to ashes last 
year by lightning, which fell on a matter as combustible as the canes 
with which it is thatched, the old man who is its guardian, said that the 
spirit was incensed because no one was put to death on the decease of 
the last chief, and that it was necessary to appease him. Five women 
had the cruelty to cast their children into the fire, in sight of the French 
who recounted it to me; or rather, gave them to the old man, who cast 
them into the fire while making his invocations, and chanting ; and but for 
the French there woiild have been a great many more children burnt. 
The chief's cabin having been converted into a temple, the five unnatural 
mothers were borne to it in triumph as five heroines. 

"We had pretty fair weather to reach the Natchez, south of the 
Taensas, from whom they are only twenty leagues distant. After 
mounting a little bluff, you find a great beaten road leading to a rather 
steep hill, more than half of which is covered in the high waters. On 
top of this hill you discern a noble prairie. ^The most beaten road 
leads to the village where the Temple is ; the others, running off right and 
left, lead to different hamlets. There are only four cabins in that where 
the temple is. It is very spacious and covered with cane mats, which 
they renew every year with great ceremonies. . . . There is no window, 
no chimney in this Temple, and it is only by the light of the fire that you 
can see a little, and then the door, which is very low and narrow, must 
be open. I imagine that the obscurity of the place inspires them with 
respect. The old man who is the keeper, keeps the fire up and takes 
great care not to let it go out. It is in the centre of the Temple, in front 
of a sort of mausoleum after the Indian fashion. There are three, about 
eight or nine feet long, six feet broad, and nine or ten feet high. They 
are supported by four large posts covered with mats of canes in quite 
neat columns and surmounted by a platform of plaited canes. This 
would be rather graceful were it not all blackened with smoke and 
covered with soot. There is a large mat which serves as a curtain to 
cover a large table, covered with five or six cane mats, on which stands a 
large basket that it is unlawful to open, as the spirit of each nation of 
those quarters reposes there, they say, with that of the Natchez. . . . 
There are others in the other two mausoleums, where the bones of their 
chiefs are, they say, which they revere as divinities. . . . 

"The Frenchman whom M. d'Iberville left there to learn the 
language, told me, that on the death of the last chief, they put to death 



The Ohio Valley before the White Man Came in 

two women, three men and three children; they strangled them with 
a bow-string, and this cruel ceremony was performed with great pomp, 
these wretched victims deeming themselves greatly honored to accom- 
pany their chief by a violent death." 

The best account of the customs and religion of the Natchez, who 
were a kindred tribe to the Taensas, spoke the same language, and lived 
twelve leagues farther down the Mississippi, is that of the Jesuit Father, 
Le Petit, written from New Orleans, July 12, 1730. It is in part as 
follows, the translation being from Thwaites's edition of the Relations : 

"This nation of savages inhabits one of the most beautiful and fertile 
countries in the world, and is the only one on this continent which appears 
to have any regular worship. Their religion in certain points is very 
similar to that of the ancient Romans. They have a Temple filled with 
idols, which are different figures of men and of animals, and for which 
they have the most profound veneration. Their Temple in shape 
resembles an earthen oven, a hundred feet in circumference. They 
enter it by a little door about four feet high, and not more than three 
in breadth. No window is to be seen there. The arched roof of the 
edifice is covered with three rows of mats, placed one upon the other, 
to prevent the rain from injuring the masonry. Above, on the outside, 
are three figures of eagles, made of wood, and painted red, yellow, and 
white. Before the door is a kind of shed with folding-doors, where the 
guardian of the temple is lodged; all around it runs a circle of palisades, 
on which are seen exposed the skulls of all the heads which their warriors 
had brought back from the battles in which they had been engaged with 
the enemies of their Nation. 

" In the interior of the Temple are some shelves arranged at a certain 
distance from each other, on which are placed cane baskets of an oval 
shape, and in these are enclosed the bones of their ancient chiefs, while 
by their side are those of their victims who had caused themselves to be 
strangled, to follow their masters into the other world. Another separate 
shelf supports many flat baskets very gorgeously painted, in which they 
preserve their idols. These are figures of men and women, made of 
stone or baked clay, the heads and the tails of extraordinary serpents, 
some stuffed owls, some pieces of crystal, and some jaw-bones of large 
fish. In the year 1699, they had there a bottle and the foot of a glass, 
which they guarded as very precious. 

"In this Temple they take care to keep up a perpetual fire, and 
they are very particular to prevent its ever blazing; they do not use 
anything for it but dry wood of the walnut or oak. The old men are 
obliged to carry, each one in his turn, a large log of wood into the enclosure 
of the palisade. The number of Guardians of the Temple is fixed, and 
they serve by the quarter. He who is on duty is placed like a sentinel 



112 The Wilderness Trail 

under the shed, from whence he examines whether the fire is not in 
danger of going out He feeds it with two or three large logs, which do 
not burn except at the extremity, and which they never place one on the 
other, for fear of their getting into a blaze. ^ 

"Of the women, the sisters of the Great Chief alone have liberty 
to enter within the Temple. The entrance is forbidden to all the others, 
as well to the common people. . . . 

"The Sun is the principal object of veneration to these people; as 
they cannot conceive of anything which can be above this heavenly 
body, nothing else appears to them more worthy of homage. It is for 
the same reason that the Great Chief of this Nation, who knows nothing 
on the earth more dignified than himself, takes the title of Brother 
of the Sun, and the credulity of the people maintains him in the despotic 
authority which he claims. To enable them better to converse together [i.e., 
the Chief and the Sun!], they raise a mound of artificial soil, on which they 
build his cabin, which is of the same construction as the Temple. The 
door fronts the East, and every morning the Great Chief honors by his 
presence the rising of his Elder Brother, and salutes him with many 
bowlings as soon as he appears above the horizon. Then he gives orders 
that they shall light his calumet; he makes Him an offering of the first 
three pufis which he draws ; afterwards raising his hand above his head, 
and turning from the East to the West, he shows Him the direction 
which He must take in His course. . . . 

"When the Great Chief dies, they demolish his cabin, and then raise 
a new mound, on which they build the cabin of him who is to replace 
him in this dignity, for he never lodges in that of his predecessor. . . . 

"These people blindly obey the least wish of their Great Chief. 
They look upon him as absolute master, not only of their property but 
also of their lives, and not one of them would dare to refuse him his 
head if he should demand it; for whatever labors he commands them 
to execute, they are forbidden to exact any wages. . . . One of the 
principal articles of their religion, and particularly for the servants of 
the Great Chief, is that of honoring his funeral rites by dying with him, 
that they may go to serve him in the other world. . . . They first put 
on all their finery, and repair to the place opposite to the Temple, where 
all the people are assembled. After having danced and sung a suffi- 

»"If, from any cause, the fire became extinguished, it could only be relighted 
in one of two ways: from the Spirit, that is, from a tree set on fire by lightning: or 
^with blood;' the latter meant, that an attendant at the Temple where the fire had 
become extinguished, must journey to another Temple where the sacred fire was kept, 
and obtain some of it. Resistance was made, and blood had to be shed before a 
surrender of any of the fire was made." — Letter from Mr. F. S. Shaw, of Natchez, 
Miss. 




The Temple of the Natchez. 
.A Paris view, from Lafitau's Mceurs des Sauvages, 1724, where it is 
described as " Mortuary rites of a chief or chief tainess of the 
Nation of the Natchez, in Louisiana. The temple, all opened, 
permits a view of the interior, and shows the corpses of the 
chiefs which are there deposited. He to whom they render 
the last rites is exposed on one of the stones which are at the 
entrance of this temple. Two choirs, represented in the fore- 
ground, form a religious dance, during which they strangle 
those whose duty it is to keep company with the deceased, 
and who go to serve him in the other world." 



The Ohio Valley before the White Man Came 113 

ciently long time, they pass around their neck a cord of buffalo hair with 
a running knot, and immediately the ministers appointed for executions 
of this kind come forward to strangle them, recommending them to go to 
rejoin their master. . . . 

"The same ceremony is observed in like manner on the death of the 
brothers and sisters of the Great Chief. . . . 

"The Government is hereditary; it is not, however, the son of the 
reigning chief who succeeds his father, but the son of his sister, or the 
first Princess of the blood. This policy is founded on the knowledge 
they have of the licentiousness of their women. . . . 

"In former times the Nation of the Natchez was very large. It 
counted sixty villages and eight hundred Suns or Princes; now it is 
reduced to six little villages and eleven Suns. In each of these villages 
there is a Temple where the fire is always kept burning, as in that of the 
Great Chief, whom all the other Chiefs obey." 

These various relations regarding the Taensa and Natchez Indians 
reveal to us a barbarous race, living under a most despotic form of 
government, and in every way capable of having produced such works 
as those of the various mounds and fortifications to be found in the 
Ohio Valley. If they and their kindred tribes were not the direct de- 
scendants of the Indians who built those mounds, we may be sure that 
we will never have a more nearly accurate description of the manners 
and customs of the Indians who did build those works than is furnished 
in these various accounts of the Taensas and Natchez of the Mississippi. 

VOL. n. — 8 



CHAPTER IV 

THE OHIO VALLEY BEFORE THE WHITE MAN CAME (Continued) 

FRANQUELIN'S map of 1688, of which an incomplete copy is printed 
by Winsor, ' shows many variations from his map of 1684. A later 
edition, bearing the date of 1708, is printed in Marcel's Reproductions. 
On this map the "Ohoio, ou La Belle Riviere," takes the place of the 
River St. Louis or Casquinampogamou. Its source is given, however, 
as in the Tchalaque (Cherokee) country, directly east of its mouth. It 
appears to be formed by the junction of the "R. des Tchalaque" and 
another stream, not named. A short distance below this junction, is 
shown an island in the river, called "I[sle] des Tchalaque, ou des 
Casquinampo" (Muscle Shoals?). Three tributaries flow into the 
Ohoio from the north — the "Ouabache, " so named throughout its course, 
rising near the western extremity of Lake Erie; the "Riviere des Iroquois " ; 
and the "Riviere Tsonnontouans " (Senecas). Three tributaries also of 
the Wabash are named, all rising south of Lake Erie. These are given on 
the map, from north to south, as the "Riviere aux Raisins [grapes] 
ou des Vignes" [grape-vines]: "R. Teiocarontiong,^ ou de la Nation du 
Chat"; and "Riviere des Chatagniers" [chestnut- trees]. North of 
the Tchalaque River are indicated the countries of the "Catoughi, 
Thaligi, et Tchelaque," which appear under similar names on Franque- 
lin's map of 1684. 

La Salle's own description of the Ohio Valley, written in 1683 or 
1684, has been preserved to us in a "leaf detached, without beginning or 
end in the hand- writing of La Salle," which Margry prints under this 
sub-title in his Collections. ^ It may be observed that La Salle himself 

^ Nar. and Crit. Hist. Am., iv., 230. 

2 In the anonymous French map of 1682-90 (No. 3 of the Parkman collection) 
reproduced by Winsor and by him called the map of the Basin of the Great Lakes 
(also printed in Beauchamp's New York Iroquois, and erroneously labelled Coronelli's 
map of 1688), Lake Erie is called " Lake Teiocharontiong, or Erie." Sagard gives the 
Huron name for the " cat" (raccoon) from which the Eries took their tribal name, as 
tiron. 

3 Margry, ii., 196-203. 

114 



The Ohio Valley before the White Man Came 115 

did not in 1682, call the Ohio the Casquinampo, as it is named on Franque- 
lin's map of 1684. In his proces-verhal dated 13th and 14th March, 
1682, at the time he took possession in the King's name of the country 
of the Arkansas, La Salle speaks of the "mouth of the River Saint 
Louis, called Ohio, Olighinsipou, and Chukagoua"; and in his proces- 
verbal dated 9 April 1682, at the mouth of the Mississippi he refers to 
"the mouth of the grand River Saint Louis, from the coasts of the east, 
called otherwise Ohio, Olighinsipou, or Chukagoua. " 

In the fieulle detache, however, which Margry calls "Rivers and 
Inhabitants of the Countries Discovered," and which was written by La 
Salle between the time of his two attempts at the exploration of the Missis- 
sippi ( 1 682-1 684), La Salle does describe the Ohio as one of the tributaries 
of the Chucagoa, or River St. Louis, and does confuse the latter with 
the present Tennessee River. His "leaf detached" begins as follows: 
' ' neighbors of the Ciscas and their allies, as well as the Cicacas . Chucagoa , 
which means in their language^ the Grand River, as Mississippi in the 
Ottawa language and Masciccipi in the lUinoi, is the River which we 
call the St. Louis. The Ohio, which is one of its affluents, receives the 
waters of two other large rivers before discharging into the St. Louis, to- 
wit., Agouassake [shown as one of the heads of the Wabash on Franque- 
lin's map of 1684] from the North and Riviere des Chaouesnons from the 
South. The Takahaganes inhabit on the north bank of the Chucagoa, 
about latitude 32° North; the Qicaca [Chickasaws] in the interior of the 
country, about latitude 323^" North, on the south side of this River, in a 
southerly direction from the outlet of the Illinois River into the Colbert 
[Mississippi] River; that is to say, about longitude 39 west of Percee Island, 
seventeen days' journey up the river, estimating the journey at seven or 
eight leagues a day, on the average, the route being about east-northeast. 
The Kaskias [the Casquis of De Soto?] are to be found on their Island, 
but very few of them remain, the nation having been almost completely 
destroyed, or forced to flee, by the Iroquois. The Tchatakes [misprint or 
variant for Tchalakes, i.e., Cherokees] are on the north shore of the same 
River, about 34 degrees north. This river is much wider, in all that ex- 
tent of country than the Colbert River. I have not yet been able to explore 
it. The Apalatchites, a nation inhabiting British Florida, are not very 
far from some of its most easterly branches, because they are at war with 
the Tchatakes and the Ciscas, having once, with the aid of the English 
burnt one of their villages. The Ciscas then left their old villages, which 
were situated much more to the East than those from which they came 
[to Fort St. Louis in 1683]; although this River flows from East to West, 
and, consequently, it seems that it shotdd discharge into the Colbert 

I The name of the tribe is lost, with the missing first sheet of this account of 
La Salle's; but from the word, Chucagoa, its language may have been Iroquoian. ; 



ii6 The Wilderness Trail 

River, of which the Takahaganes, who Hve on the shore of the Chucagoa, 
are only three days distant from the Mississippi, where we have seen 
some when we were going down and on coming back, 

"I do not know whether these two rivers join; first, because Femand 
Soto's relation is assuredly not a chimera. The name of the River and of 
all the nations which inhabit its shores, according to what he says, as 
well as the large number of Mauvila [Mobile] Indians . . . moreover, the 
names of Quiqualthangi and Anilco are just as much unknown on the 
Colbert River as those of the Coroa, Natche, Omma, Taensa, Ikouera, 
Tounica, Yazou, Tiou, Ouasita, Mahehoualaima, Elinipissa, Tchou- 
chouma, and Tanjibao, who live there, were unknown to Soto's party. 
Moreover, the prodigious width which they attribute to the Chucagoa 
channel . . . has nothing to do with the width of the Mississippi, which 
[in some places near the delta] is no greater than that of the Loire, 
even at its mouth. . . . Moreover, all maps are worthless, or the mouth 
of Colbert River is near Mexico . . . and consequently not on the Chuca- 
goa River, whence the Spaniards were so long in reaching Mexico. 
. . . Moreover, what leads me to believe that Chucagoa is not the Missis- 
sippi, but that it parallels it, is, that on the east side of the Mississipi, 
no large river flows into it, while on the west side there are many 
large tributaries. ' This has always led me to conjecttu-e that there was, 
in the east side, some other large river into which all the waters of that 
side flow. . . . 

"I wrote without thinking this digression about this river; although 
many people have told me that the Chucagoa did flow into the Mississippi. 
This is possible, although we have not seen the confluence, because, above 
the Acansas village is a large island, or rather, many islands, which are 
from sixty to eighty leagues in extent; in going down, we took the western 
channel, and, as we had left all our baggage at the Acansas village, we 
were obliged to return by the same route. . . . 

"The arrival of the Ciscas [ Chaskepes?] and the Chaouenons was 
followed by the return of the Islinois, " etc. 

The Oniassontke Indians are represented on FranqueHn's map of 
1684 as having had two villages destroyed, which were situated on the 
north bank of the Ohio, south of the Erie villages. 

In the Abbe Galinee's description of La Salle's visit to the Seneca 
country in 1669, he states that the expedition was led by two canoes of 
Senecas who had come to Montreal in the summer of 1668 on a hunting 
and trading expedition. "These people while here had stayed quite a 
long time at M. de la Salle's, and had told him such marvels of the River 

^ Membre states that the expedition stopped at the mouth of theOuabache (Ohio). 
Shea, Discovery and Exploration of the Mississippi, p. 167. 



H 



The Ohio Valley before the White Man Came 117 

Ohio, which they said they knew perfectly, that they inflamed in him 
more than ever the desire to go to see it. They told him that this River 
took its rise only three days' journey from Sonnontouan, and that after 
one month of travelling one came upon the Honniasontkeronons and the 
Chiouanons, and that after having passed the latter and a great cataract 
or waterfall there is in this River, one found the Outagame and the country 
of the Iskousogos, and that in that country, deer and buffalo were as 
plentiftd as the trees of the woods, and so great a number of people that 
there could not be more." In a Council held with the Indians in the 
Seneca country on the 13th of August, 1669, La Salle declared that he 
"had come on the part of Onontio to see the people called by them 
'Toagenha' [Shawnee], living on the River Ohio, and that he asked of 
them a captive of that country, to conduct him thither. " 

On the anonymous French map referred to above (No. 3 of the 
Parkman Collection) which Winsor calls the Map of the Basin of the 
Great Lakes, made, probably soon after 1682, "Lake Oniasont"' and 
"The Oniasontkeronons " are located at the head of a small river that 
falls into the Ohio from the South, south of the middle line of Lake Erie, 
and near the head of another river, "which flows into Chesapeake 
Bay." Either the Kanawha, the Big Sandy, or the Kentucky, is the 
stream here meant, to be shown; probably the Kanawha. The New 
River branch of that stream rises not far from the head of the James 
River. The Indian name of the Big Sandy was the Totteroy, so-called 
from the Siouan tribes which went under the name of Toteri or Tutelo. 
In Lewis Evans's Analysis of his map of 1755, he describes Kentucky 
River as "having high clay banks; abounds in cane and buffaloes, and 
large salt springs; its navigation interrupted with some shoals, but 
passable with canoes to the Gap, where the War Path goes through the 
Ouasiota Mountains." Some writers spell the last name, "Onasiota," 
which is but a slight variation of " Oniasontke, " and may be synonymous 
with it. Moll names the lake, Ouiasont, in his map of 1720. Evans 
writes in 1755 of Lake Erie and the Sandusky River: "This river is an 
important pass, and the French have secured it as such. The northern 
Indians cross the Lake here, from island to island, land at Sanduski, and 
go by a direct path to the Lower Shawnee Town, and thence to the Gap 
of Ouasiota, on their way to the Cuttawas' [Cherokees' or Catawbas' 
country." The name "Ouasiota Mountains" was formerly given to 
the Cumberland Mountains. "Ouasiota Pass" is shown on Pownall's 
map^'of 1776, with trails converging to it from the Big Bone Lick, the 
Lower Shawnee Town, and the mouth of the Totteroy, or Big Sandy. 

' Oniasont Lake is shown on Dr. James Smith's map of 1720, on De I'lsle's map 
of 1 718, and on Homann's map of about 1730. 



ii8 The Wilderness Trail 

"Ouasiota Pass" was therefore the original Indian name of the pass 
leading to Cumberland Gap.' 

On Crevecoeur's map of the Scioto Plains, printed in his Letters 
from an American Farmer (Paris, 1787), of which a reproduction 
from the French edition is given in this volume, a trail is shown 
leading from the Chillicothe Town on Paint Creek to the mouth 
of the Great Kanawha, surmounted by the following legend: "Path 
of the Shawnese Warriors when they go to the Riviere de la Ronce 
Verte [Greenbriar] in the country of Ouasioto, at this time the 
western uUramonte part of Virginia. " This map was based on informa- 
tion furnished by the former Indian Trader, General Richard Butler; 
and would seem to indicate the Kanawha and Greenbriar as the route to 
the Ouasiota country, although there was no tribe of Indians living on 
the Kanawha or Greenbriar so late as 1787 which can be identified by that 
name. The meaning probably is, that the Shawnees took their way by 
the path up the Kanawha and Greenbriar Rivers when on their war raids 
against the Catawbas and other Siouan tribes of Virginia, Carolina, and 
the South, all of whom at one time, possibly, may have gone under the 
name of Oniasontkeronon as they did later, together with the Cherokees 
and Choctaws, under the common name of Flat-heads. 

John Johnston, in the Shawnee and Wyandot vocabularies published 
in Howe's Ohio, states that the Hurons (Wyandots) pronounce the name 
of Scioto, Sci-on-to; and he gives the Wyandot word for deer, Ough- 
scan-oto; of which "Scioto" is evidently a corruption. The Mohawk 
word for deer is Oskennonton or Scaenoto;^ and in the Onondaga, deer is 
Skanodo or Scaenonto. Early forms of the name applied to the Scioto 
River included Souyote, Sonnioto, Sonontio, Cenioteaux, St. Yotoc, 
Chianotho, and Sikader, besides the name by which it is designated on 
Bellin's maps of 1744, " Chianouske. " The last name may possibly be a 
variation or a French form of the Seneca word for "elk" — chinnoiindoh. 

The reader can decide for himself, therefore, whether or not the 
Ouasiota Mountains and the Ouasiota country meant to the Indians of 
the Ohio Valley in the seventeenth century anything more than a dis- 
trict where deer abounded; or whether Ouasiota was synonymous with 
Oniasont ; and whether both were early names of the Scioto River and of 
the Indians who lived there. 

In his writings on the Siouan Tribes of the East, Mr. James Mooney 
points out that the Catawbas' name for their own people was "Esaw" 
(Lawson, 1714) or "Issa" (Vandera, 1579) ; Ledereralso gives it as "Us- 

^ Ramsey states that the ancient Indian name for the Cumberland River was 
Wariota, a misprint for Wasiota. — Annals of Tennessee, p. 87. 
2 N. Y. Col. Doc, ix., 102; Darlington, Gist, 117. 



The Ohio Valley before the White Man Came 119 

hery" (in 1670), from the Catawba word, iswa meaning "river"; and 
denoting their residence on the principal stream of the region, Iswa 
being their only name for the Catawba and Wateree Rivers in South 
Carolina, where Vandera found them living in 1579. Mr. Mooney 
also, citing Horatio Hale's essay on the Tutelo language, states that 
"Yesah, " "Yesan," or "Yesang," was the name given to themselves 
by the last surviving Tutelo tribesmen, and that it seems to have been 
the generic term used by all the tribes of this connection to designate 
themselves as a people. 

At the time of John Lederer's explorations of the eastern Virginia 
mountains in 1670, he visited a tribe on the Upper Roanoke whom he 
called the Nahyssans. Mr. Hale and Mr. Mooney identify these Indians 
with the Monahassanugh or Monacans, located at the head of the James 
River on Smith's map of Virginia ; and Mooney classes them with the Ca- 
tawbas, Saponies, Tuteloes, and the other eastern Siouan tribes; stating 
that the prefix ma, mo, or mon, may be the same as the Siouan man, mean- 
ing ' ' land " or " country." While similarities of sound in Indian names are 
not necessarily conclusive, it will be observed that, if we drop the "M" 
in Monahassanugh, instead of the "Mon," as Mr. Mooney suggests, the 
root of " Onahassanugh " is even more nearly identical in sound with the 
^'Oniasont" of the French than with the "Nahyssan" of John Lederer's 
Latin; and by omitting the superfluous "O" in "Oniasont," we have 
"Niasont," a word nearly identical in sound with and possibly applied 
by the Iroquois to the same tribes which Lederer called "Nahyssan," 
and Smith "Monahassanugh." 

Hence it would seem that all those Siouan tribes, who were after- 
wards known to the Delawares as Tuteloes, and to the Iroquois as 
Toteroes, may have been the same against whom the Senecas warned La 
Salle in 1669, telling him that they infested the country above the rapids 
of the Ohio River, and giving to them the name of Honniasont- 
keronons. 

Both the Esaw (Catawbas) and the Yesah (Tuteloes) were the heredi- 
tary enemies of the Shawnees during most of the time the latter lived 
in the Ohio Valley; and if the early history of that Valley could be written, 
it would deal largely with the wars waged between the Shawnees and the 
Catawbas and Tuteloes. The Cuttawa (Kentucky) River, the Totteroy 
(Big Sandy), the Ouasiota Pass, the Kanawha route to the Ouasiota 
country, Catawba Creek in Botetourt County, Virginia, the Catawba, 
or Cuttawa, or Great Warriors' Trail, from the mouth of the Scioto to 
the Cumberland Gap, are all pregnant with significance, and form an 
index to prehistoric annals which will never be recovered — annals so 
tragic that we can well understand why the old Cherokee chief, Dragging 
Canoe, gave to Kentucky in 1775, the name of the "bloody ground," 



120 The Wilderness Trail 

at the time when he told Richard Henderson that it would be dark and 
diffictdt to settle. ' 

In his monograph on the Cherokees in Pre-Columbian Times, Dr. 
Cyrus Thomas advances the theory that the Cherokees (the Tallegewi 
of Heckewelder) reached the heads of the Tennessee River from the Ohio 
Valley by way of the Great Kanawha, and cites in proof the similarity 
between the great mound at Motmdsvilie, the burial mounds in the 
Kanawha Valley, near Charleston, and those constructed by the earliest 
Cherokees in Eastern Tennessee and Western North Carolina. In this 
connection, it is interesting to note that the name of the Kanawha on 
the Spanish map of Lopez y Cruz (1755), is given as "Tchalaquei" 
(the earliest Spanish form of "Cherokee,'' from the Choctaw, choluk, a 
hollow or cave) ; while' the Cherokee (now Tennessee) River itself is called 
"Rio de las Cherakis." 

At the great treaty at Lancaster in 1744 between the chiefs of the 
Six Nations and the Governor of Pennsylvania and Commissioners 
from Maryland and Virginia, Tachanoontia, an Onondaga counsellor, 
told the Virginia Commissioners on June 27th: "all the world knows we 
conquered the several nations living on Sasquahannah, Cohongoronta 
[Potomac], and on the back of the Great Mountains in Virginia. The 
Conoy-uch-such-roona, Coch-now-was-roonan, Tokoa-irough-roonan, and 
Connutskirr-ough-roonaw feel the effect of our conquests, being now a 
part of our nations, and their lands at our disposal." 

Of the tribes mentioned in this list, the Conoy-uch-such are supposed 
by most writers to have been the Conoys, or Piscataweese, or Ganawese, 
of the Potomac, who settled in Pennsylvania after 1700. They or the 
Coch-now-was are thought to have borne a name similar to and identified 
with the Kanawha River. In this connection, a passage from Washing- 
ton's Journal of 1770, may be cited, written while on his way down the 
Ohio to examine lands as far as to the Great Kanawha. Under date of 
October 24th, after leaving the mouth of Captina or Grape-vine Creek, 
Washington wrote: "About five miles from the Vine Creek comes in a 
very large creek to [from] the eastward, called by the Indians, Cut 
Creek [now Fish Creek, in Marshall County, West Virginia, about ten 
miles below Moundsville], from a town or tribe of Indians which, they 
say, was cut off entirely in a very bloody battle between them and the 
Six Nations. This creek empties just at the lower end of an island 
[Fish Creek Island]." 

Cut Creek, or Fish Creek, is but a few miles below Grave Creek, at 

the mouth of which stands the Great Mound, from which the city of 

Moundsville takes its name. The legend of the great battle told to 

Washington by his Indian companions on this voyage down the river, 

« Virginia State Papers, i., 283. 



The Ohio Valley before the White Man Came 121 

and applied by him to what is now Fish Creek, was in all probability- 
intended by them to apply to what is really Grave Creek, some five 
miles above Captina Creek ; and to account for the existence of the great 
mound then and now standing there. 

De risle's map of New France (1703) shows les Calicuas (Tchaliquis 
or Cherokees) settled on the south side of the Ohio River in what is 
now West Virginia, and some distance above the Tionontate-caga. His 
map of Louisiana locates the Calicuas south of the Tionontate-caga, and 
on the south side of the Chaouanon or Cumberland River. These loca- 
tions are copied from earlier maps of the seventeenth century and before^ 
the most ancient of which that have come under the observation of the 
writer being that of Ortelius, issued in 1570, followed by Blaeuw, 1642,, 
Merian, 1650 (?), etc. In the Narrative of De Soto's expedition of 
1540-41, the two "provinces" of Caluca and Chalaque are mentioned, 
both in the Cherokee country. One of them was probably intended by 
the early map-makers when they attempted to designate the country of 
the Calicuas. 

In Marquette's account of Joliet's discovery of the Mississippi, he 
writes that, about the first of July, 1673, the explorers arrived at the 
mouth of the Ohio, which Marquette calls the Ouabouskigou (Wabash). 
"This River," he says, "flows from the lands of the East, where dwell 
the people called Chaouanons, in so great numbers that in one district 
there are as many as twenty- three villages, and fifteen in another, quite 
near one another. They are not at all war-like, and are the nations whom 
the Iroquois go so far to seek, and war against without any reason ; and 
because these poor people cannot defend themselves, they allow them- 
selves to be captured and taken like flocks of sheep ; and, innocent though 
they are, they nevertheless sometimes experience the barbarity of the 
Iroquois, who cruelly burn them."' 

In the Memoir of the Marquis de Denonville on the French Limits 
in North America, presented to the King at Versailles, March 8, 1688, the 
writer refers to Fort St. Louis, "established," he says, "by said Sieur de 
la Salle, who had discovered the great River of Mississippi, and descended 
it as far as the South Sea. For the continuation of which trade, he caused 
a fort and buildings to be erected and a bark to be begun at a place called 
Crevecoeur, in order to proceed as far as the said South Sea, two-thirds of 
which bark only were built, the said Sieur de la Salle having afterwards 
employed canoes for his trade in said countries, as he had already done 
for several years in the rivers Oyo [i. e.,near the mouth of the Ohio], Oua- 
bache, and others in the surrounding neighborhood, which flow into the 

' Dr. Shea, in commenting on this passage in Marquette's Journal, argues that the 
Shawnees were identical with the Eries [Disc. Miss. Valley, 41). 



122 The Wilderness Trail 

said River Mississippi, whereof possession was taken by him in the King's 
name, as appears by the relations made thereof [in La Salle's proces- 
verhal at the mouth of the Mississippi]. The countries and rivers of 
Oyo or Abache and circumjacent territory were inhabited by our Indians, 
the Chaouanons, Miamis, and Illinois." 

The Reverend J. F. St. Cosme, who accompanied Tonty and Vin- 
cennes on a voyage down the Mississippi in 1699, writes in his Journal that 
the party left Cape St. Antoine on the 14th of December, 1699. "On 
the 15th," he continues, "we halted for the night one league below the 
Ouabache [Ohio], a large and beautiful river which is on the left of the 
Micissipi and comes from towards the north, and is, they say, five hun- 
dred leagues long, and rises near the Sonontuans [Senecas]. They go by 
this River to the Chaouanons, who trade with the English. " 

On the 25th of October, Gravier passed the mouth of the River 
Mayot, [Margot] , which French and Thwaites identify with the present 
Wolf River, falling into the Mississippi above Memphis. "A league or 
two lower," Gravier writes, "we found a pirogue of Taogria. These belong 
to the Loup nation, and carry on a considerable trade with the English. 
There were only six men in it, with a woman and a child. They were 
coming from the Akansea [Ohio]. He who seemed the most notable 
among them could say a few words of Illinois, and spoke the Chaouanoua 
tongue." These Taogria Indians were probably Shawnees. They were 
mentioned by La Harpe' as Taogarios, being "settled [in 1703] upon 
the Casquinambo [Tennessee] River, which flows into the Ouabacho 
[Ohio]." He states that these Indians had killed five Frenchmen, "at 
the instigation of some Englishmen, who were carrying on the trade 
which they had established with that nation." 

De risle's 1718 map of Louisiana shows a Tongoria Village (spelled 
Taogoria on Van Keulen's 1720 map of New France) located on the south 
side of the Ohio River, and another on the south side of the Tennessee, 
at the Forks. On Van Keulen's map of New France, the Tennessee 
settlement is called, Villages des Chaouenons. On Dr. James Smith's 
map of 1720 both Taogaria and Chaouenon villages are located on the 
Upper Tennessee, not far apart. 

In Colden's Five Nations, however, that gentleman gives Tongoria 
as the French name for the Eries. 

De risle's maps of Louisiana (1718 and later) also show a tribe liv- 
ing south of the Ohio, within the territory of the present states of West 
Virginia and Kentucky, which he calls the Tionontate-caga. This was the 
name of the Tobacco tribe of the Hurons, better known since 1748 as 
the Wyandots. In the Jesuit Relations the name is variously spelled 
Tionnontate, Tionontate, Kionontate, Dinondadie, etc. Conrad Weiser 

' Journ. Hist., p. 81. 



The Ohio Valley before the White Man Came 123 

called them the lonontady-Haga or Wondats in the Journal of his visit 
to Lpgstown; the Mohawk term, ^a|[a, being synonymous with the Huron 
ronon, and meaning people, nation, or tribe. De I'lsle states on his 
map that the Tionontate-caga, whom he locates south of the Ohio, 
"live in caves, to protect themselves from the great heat." He really 
described the Cherokees under the name of the Wyandots, as it is now 
supposed the name of the former tribe, properly Tsalagi or Tsaragi, may 
be from the Choctaw choluk or chiluk, a hollow or cave, and as applied 
to the Cherokees, meaning "cave country people. " 

There is a striking resemblance between Tsaragi, as the Cherokees 
commonly call themselves, and Tshoeragak, the Onondaga word (mean- 
ing "raccoon," and usually translated by the French, chat sauvage, or 
"wildcat") which was applied by the Five Nations to the Erigheks, or 
Eries, as their tribal name. 

The generic name of the tribes whom the French called Hurons, was 
Wondat, or Ouendat, which has since been corrupted to Vendat, Yendat, 
Junundat, Guyandotte, and, finally, to Wyandot, The name of the 
Guyandotte River in West Virginia, (spelled Guyandot on Evans's map 
of 1755) near the Kentucky line, confirms the accuracy of De I'lsle's 
map, by perpetuating the probable fact of the residence before 1755 of a 
portion of the Wyandot tribe, or the Tionontate-caga, south of the Ohio ; 
although it is possible the name may have been applied to that tributary 
merely because it was one of the routes taken by the Wyandot Hurons 
on their war expedition against the Southern Indians.^ 

Sabrevois's Memoir on the Indians of Canada in iyi8 relates that, 
"A hundred leagues from Niagara, on the south side, is a river called 
Sandosquet which the Indians of Detroit and Lake Huron take when 
going to war with the Flat-heads and other nations towards Carolina, 
such as the Cheraquis, (the Indians residing on the River Casquinampo 
[Tennessee]), and the Chaouanons. They ascend this Sandosquet River 
two or three days, after which they make a small portage, a fine road of 
about a quarter of a league. Some make canoes of elm bark and float 
down a small river [Scioto] that empties into the Ohio, which means 
Beautiful River. It is indeed beautiful, for it is nearly a quarter of a 
league in width, with a fine current, without rapids, except one of about 
half an acre; and this River falls into the Ouabache, thence into the 
Mississippi forty leagues below the village of Rotdnsac, where the Fathers 
are settled, and where some Frenchmen five. This Ohio, or Beautiful 
River, rises thirty leagues below the Seneca nation. Beyond Fort des 
Sables on Lake Ontario and near the River Aux Boeufs is a river that 

' It will be noticed that the (^fcdotte is called " Warren Creek, or Kiandot " 
on the "Traders' Map," printed ^^^Bvolume. Could it have been so named after 
Edward "Warren, one of the Alleg^^PFraders in 1731? 



124 The Wilderness Trail 

flows into this Beautiful River. Whoever would wish to reach the 
Mississippi easily would need only to take this Beautiful River, or the 
Sandosquet; he could travel without any danger of fasting, for all who 
have been there [Indians or French?] have repeatedly assured me that 
there is so vast a quantity of Buffalo and of all other animals in the woods 
along that Beautiful River, they were often obliged to discharge their 
guns to clear a passage for themselves. . . . The River Ohio, or Beautiful 
River, is the route which the Iroquois take. It would be of importance 
that they should not have such intercourse, as it is very dangerous. " 

If the writer is not mistaken in his conclusions, the first white men 
who travelled on and explored the Upper Ohio were Arnold Viele, the 
Dutch Trader of Albany, and his eleven white companions, who left 
Albany in the autumn of 1692, accompanied by a party of Mohicans and 
a few Shawnees, proceeding by-way of Esopus to the Minisink, and thence 
by way of the Wyoming Valley and the Susquehanna River to the 
Allegheny, and down that stream and the Ohio to the country of the 
Shawnees. Their country, so late as 1683 or 1684, we know to have been 
between the Ohio and the Cumberland Rivers. From there the New 
Yorkers returned in the summer of 1694, bringing with them a large num- 
ber of Shawnees, who afterwards settled at Pechoquealin above the 
Delaware Water Gap. 

The published and manuscript references to this journey to be found 
in the New York records have already been cited, in the chapter on the 
Shawnees. An additional document, found in the correspondence of 
Iberville, the founder of the colony of Louisiana, furnishes us with 
further information, and enables us to determine with some degree of 
positiveness the direction in which Viele's party travelled after leaving 
the Minisink country. This document is a letter written by Iberville 
to the French Minister, dated at Rochelle, in France, August 30, 1699. 
It reads in part as follows : 

My Lord: 

I have received the chart you kindly sent me of the River Saint- 
Esprit, [the early Spanish name for the Mississippi and the French name 
for the Mobile], i I do not know what to think of it; nor of the discovery 
of the English and the French Refugees. I am well aware that some men, 
twelve in number, and some Maheingans, who are savages whom we call 
Loups, started seven years ago from New York, in order to ascend the 
River Andaste [Susquehanna], in the Province of Pennsylvania, as far as 
the River Ohio, which is said to join the Ouabache, emptying together 
into the Mississippi. This is the opinion given by all the Frenchmen 
who have travelled in these quarters. To their opinion I give no credence, 
I never having been able to approach th^^ldo enough to know this River, 
which the savages call a very beautiful ^^^nd where the Sonnontouans 
go often hunting. 



1 o tnei 
h^ghio 

# 



CHAPTER V 

THE LOWER. SHAWNEE TOWN; OR CHILLICOTHE ON THE OHIO 

IN the sixth chapter of volume one is printed a letter from the Shawnees 
at Allegheny to Governor Gordon, of Pennsylvania, written in June, 
1732, in which they state that about five years before, the Five Nations 
had ordered them, the Shawnees, to "look [remove] back toward Ohio, 
the place from whence you came." This statement and the citations 
which have been given in the preceding chapters would seem to indicate 
that before the dispersion of the Shawnees by the Iroquois in the seven- 
teenth century, a dispersion which Charlevoix says took place in 1672, the 
seat of their principal villages was along the Cumberland and Ohio Rivers, 
between the mouths of the Muskingum and the Wabash. How many of 
the works of the so-called Mound Builders in the valleys of the Mus- 
kingum, the Scioto, and the Miamis, were really the work of the early 
Shawnees living there, is, of course, impossible to say; but it is probable 
that many of them were. Some, probably, were made by the Cherokees, 
or Tsalagi (the Tallegewi of Hechewelder), whose territories formerly 
extended north at least as far as the Ohio River. But the most of them 
seem to have been the works of tribes now extinct, of which the Mosopelea 
may have been one. 

The territory of the lower Scioto Valley in the seventeenth century 
was doubtless the most important strategic centre on the Ohio River, and 
if its history could be fully revealed it would go a great ways toward 
clearing up the mystery of the Ohio Valley mounds. It became impor- 
tant again during the fourth decade of the eighteenth century, when the 
Lower Shawnee Town was built there, and, after the abandonment of 
Logstown, continued to be a chief centre of Indian influence and intrigue 
west of the AUeghanies for more than twenty-five years. 

The Great Warriors' Trail led southward from the Lower Shawnee 
Town to Warriors' Branch, or North Fork, of the Kentucky River, 
thence up the River to the War Gap in the mountain ridge in what are 
nowaday and Perry Counties, Kentucky; thence southwest to the Skipa- 
kicipi, or Wasiota, or Shawnee, or Cumberland River; thence south to the 

125 



126 The Wilderness Trail 

Ouasiota or Cumberland Gap ; thence to and by way of the French Broad 
River to the Catawba country. ^ 

The first white men to visit this point, who have left any record of 
their visit, were those composing the French expedition down the Ohio 
River, conducted by Chaussegros de Leryin 1729. A meagre record of 
the journey of 1729 has been preserved, in the map of Nicholas Bellin, 
printed in Charlevoix's History of New France. This is called a "Map 
of Louisiana, the Course of the Mississippi, and the Adjacent Country"; 
bears the date of 1744, and is reproduced on the opposite page. 

In the Remargues sur la Carte de VAmerigue Septentrionale (Paris, 
1755), Bellin gives the following brief description of De Lery's journey 
down the Ohio River: 

"The Ohio receives many small rivulets from the right and from the 
left, and it is useless to go into a detailed description of same. I would 
remark only, that fifty miles above the mouth of the Ouabache there are 
rapids, or a cascade, about two miles long, and it is said that these are 
the only considerable rapids existing throughout the entire course of this 
beautiful river, which is navigable at all times, and upon the borders of 
which there are found a number of villages [in 1749] of savages allied 
to the French establishment, as Le Baril, Sonhioto, Chiningue. . . . 

"I am indebted for the topographical details of the course of this 
River to M. de Lery, Engineer, who surveyed it with the compass at 
the time that he descended it with a detachment of French troops in 
1729,^ and also, to R. P. Bonnecamp, a Jesuit Mathematician, with 
whom I have spoken, and who has traversed the River in its entire length, 
and surveyed with a great deal of care its course from Kaknouangon 
down to the Riviere a la Roche [in 1749], in taking observations of the 
latitude in a great many places, and estimating the wind currents and 
the distances, with as much precision as possible." 

Mr. Darhngton, who based his statement of De Lery's voyage down 
the Ohio on this paragraph by Bellin (although he does not cite his author- 
ity) has confused the journey of De Lery in 1729 with that of Bonnecamps 
and Celoron in 1749, and states that De Lery went only so far as to the 
mouth of the Great Miami. ^ 

Benin's map of 1743-44 (a copy of which is printed on the next page), 
based on the observations of De Lery in 1729, shows the source of the 
"Oyo" as midway between the Genesee River and Lake Erie; depicts 
"Lac Niatackonn" (Chautauqua), with an outlet into "Riviere Kana- 

^ Darlington's Gist, p. 131. 

» "Je dois le detail Topograhique du cours de cette riviere a M. de Lery, Inge- 
nieur, qui la releva a la Boussole lorqu'il la descendit avec un detachment de Troupes 
Frangoises en 1729." 

3 Gist's Journals, p. 27. 



I.?'. I ■T,„ ,a^ ^■.^g«_,A^^>_J^ iW. m \. ,.f ,, . ^( 





Bcllin's 1744 Map of Louisiana. 



Lower Shawnee Town ; or Chillicothe on the Ohio 127 

vangon." The latter stream flows into the "Oyo" (Allegheny) between 
a "Vill. de Gachunannagon " and "Kanavangon."' Somewhat lower 
down, "Riviere au. Beuf" is shown, with a "Vill. Atigue," on its left 
bank, some miles above its mouth. Immediately below its mouth, on 
the west bank of the Oyo, another "Vill. de Loups, Atiga" (Kittanning) 
is located. The true site of Atiga or Kittanning, however, was consider- 
ably farther down the River than is indicated on this map, and the main 
town stood on the east bank. 

Some distance below "Atiga," another "Village de Loups," is 
shown, on the east bank; and below this, on the opposite bank, a "Village 
Chouanon," undoubtedly intended for Chartier's Town; although both 
these villages are placed in a position on the Ohio which brings them 
south of the middle of Lake Erie. 

Below the Shawnee Village, a southern tributary of the Ohio is 
set down, which may be intended for the Monongahela. Two rivers 
are then shown flowing into the Oyo from the north, both of which rise 
near the western extremity of Lake Erie. The first of these is called the 
"Chiagnez," (this is spelled "Chiagues" on Bellin's map of Canada of 
the same year); and the second, the "Chianouske."^ On his map of 
Canada, these rivers are both connected by short portages with the Lake. 

One of them is intended for the Muskingum, and the other for the 
Scioto. A considerable distance below^the mouth of the westernmost of 
these two rivers, another stream enters the Oyo from the South. This is 
called "Riviere Cachiqueto, " and may be intended for the Kentucky. 
Not far below another river is jshown, also flowing from the South. 
Between this and the Louisville Rapids, (indicated on Bellin's map as 
"Sault, ou chute d'eau"), appears a legend reading as follows: Endroit 
oil on a trouve des os d' elephant en i72g — "the place where they found 
the elephant bones in 1729." This was Big Bone Lick, near the mouth 
of Big Bone Creek, some ninety-four miles above the rapids. The date 
marks the first recorded discovery by white men of these mastodon 
remains, large quantities of which were afterwards removed by Traders 
and early visitors to Kentucky. 

The name, " Chianouske, " given to the Scioto on Bellin's map of 
1744 was doubtless the name by which it was known to the French 
explorers of 1729. On Adair's map of the American Indian Nations, the 
Muskingum, Scioto, and Miami are named respectively the Chiagues, the 
Shanouski, and the Myamis. D'Anville's 1746 Map of North America 
also calls the Scioto the Shanouske. This name, by which the Scioto was 
first known to the white man, looks like another form of the name, 
"Sandosquet," applied by Sabrevois in 1718 to the stream by which 

' Visited by Celoron in 1749 and by him called Kanaouagon (now Conewango). 
" They are copied on Kitchin's map of 1747. 



128 The Wilderness Trail 

the Scioto connected with Lake Erie, a short portage between the heads 
■of the two rivers enabling the Indians to pass from Lake Erie to the Ohio 
in their canoes, with but a slight interruption to the water journey. The 
river forming the upper stage of this portage route has retained the name 
given by the French explorers in 1729 to the more important stream at 
the south end of the route, and is known to this day as the Sandusky. 
Otsandoske, Ostandousket, Sandoske, Sandousche, Sandesque, Sandosket, 
and other variations of the word were used in colonial times, before it 
assumed its present form. 

John Johnston, the Government Indian Agent for Ohio and Indiana 
from 1 8 12 to 1842, contributed a vocabulary of the Shawnee and Wyan- 
dot languages to the American Antiquarian Society publications, which 
is reprinted in Howe's Ohio. He states that Sandusky is from the Wyan- 
dot (Huron) words, "Sa-un-dos-tee, " meaning "water within water 
pools " — an interpretation that correctly described Sandusky Bay and the 
marshes surrounding it, and may or may not be the correct one. 

When Celoron descended the Ohio in 1749, he applied to the Big 
Kanawha the name, " Chinondaista, " the English pronunciation of which 
would be "Shanondaista." This, like "Chianouske," was similar to the 
Wyandot word Sa-un-dos-tee, now called Sandusky. 

On Bonnecamps's map of the Ohio River (1749), the Muskingum is 
called, "R. Yenangue konnan. " Darlington states that on Bellin's 
map in the originial edition of Charlevoix (1744) it is named, "Chen- 
angue. " This is not correct; although it is possible Mr. Darlington may 
have seen a Bellin map with the name so spelled. In commenting on this 
name, Darlington says': "The meaning clearly is from the Iroquois; 
from ynango — tobacco ; and konan — people [place] ; or river on which the 
Tobacco People — Wyandots or Petuns — have a town. ... It is probable 
that wherever the name Chenango occurs in early times or on early maps, 
it indicates a town of the Tobacco tribe — Wyandots — or of a place where 
Indian tobacco was cultivated."^ > It has been stated above, that the 
Huron and Iroquois name for the Tobacco tribe of the Hurons was 
Tionnontate. Variations of this name which occtir in the English 
records from 1747 to 1753 include Chenimdadee, Chenondadee, Jenun- 
dadee, Inondadese, and Younondady. Is it possible that Chianouske, 
which BelHn applied to the Scioto in 1744, and Chinondaista, which 
Celoron applied to the Kanawha in 1749, were both like Chenangue in 
meaning, and referred in some way to the Wyandots? 

The map of Nicholas Bellin is our earliest map showing any direct 
knowledge of the valley of the Ohio River above the mouth of the Wabash, 

' Gist's Journals, 107. 

2 Hewitt gives the meaning of Chenango as "large bull thistles, " from the Seneca, 
Ochenango. 



Lower Shawnee Town ; or Chillicothe on the Ohio 129 

and it represents the extent of the knowledge of that river acquired by 
the French between 1669 and 1744. It is not certain that all the Indian 
towns indicated on the map were there as early as 1729; but the most 
of them were. Chartier's, or the Shawnee Town, may possibly have been 
built that early, but probably a few years later. Atiga, or Kittanning, 
was there in 1723 or 1724. The two rivers, Chiagnes and Chianouske, 
were doubtless so named by the leader of the French Expedition of 
1729, from their Indian names. It is significant that no towns are 
shown as being located on either stream. While it is not conclusive 
proof, this is a strong indication that the Lower Shawnee Town was not 
built until after that date. 

It was certainly in existence before the end of the next decade, how- 
ever; for when Celoron visited there in August, 1749, he upbraided the 
Shawnees for not being so friendly to the French as they were in 1739. 
"What has become, Chaouanons, " he asked them, "of the good disposi- 
tion which you had ten years ago, when M. de Longueuil passed by here 
to go to the Chicashas? You came to meet him and by all sorts of ways 
showed him the good- will of your hearts and sentiments. He even 
raised a troop of your young men to follow him. Yet he had not given 
you notice of his arrival. But you had, at that time, a French heart ; and 
to-day, you let it be corrupted by the English, who dwell among you 
continually, and who, under pretext of furnishing you supplies, seek your 
destruction." 

The record on the Bellin map of the French voyage down the Ohio 
in 1729 and these words of Celoron serve to fix the date of the building 
of the Lower Shawnee Town as between 1729 and 1739. If the Shaweyg- 
ila band who fled from Sewickley Town on the Monongahela in 1735 
had anything to do with its building, then we could set the date with some 
degree of positiveness as in that year. 

For reasons that have been pointed out in the chapter on the Shaw- 
nees, it is probable that the Indians' name for this settlement was 
Chillicothe. It was always called by the Pennsylvania Traders the 
Lower Shawnee Town. In 1750 the town was located on both banks 
of the Ohio and the west bank of the Scioto, at and opposite the old 
mouth of the latter stream (which was about a mile below the present 
mouth), and on that side of the Scioto opposite from the present city 
of Portsmouth, Ohio. It was destroyed by an overflow of the Scioto 
River in the winter of 1752 or 1753; and later rebuilt by the Shawnees on 
the opposite side of that river. ^ 

The Shaweygila band of Shawnees from South Carolina who went 
to the Ohio River from the Potomac in 1730 or 1731 and joined the settle- 

^ See Croghan's Journal of 1765, p. 133, Thwaites's edition. Thwaites says the 
date of the overflow was 1753. {Storied Ohio, 152). 

VOL. II. — 9, 



130 The Wilderness Trail 

ments of those Shawnees on the Conemaugh who had come from the Sus- 
quehanna, may possibly have been a part of the tribe which built the Lower 
Shawnee Town ; but it is hardly probable. It will be remembered that 
when the Shaweygila clan killed a chief of the Six Nations at Allegheny 
in 1734, they were reported to have fled to the southward, fearing the 
vengeanceof the Iroquois, and it was "supposed that they had returned to 
the place from whence they first came, which was below Carolina." Dr. 
Brinton, in his article on the Migrations of the Shawnees ' was of the 
opinion that these Shawnees left the South in 1730, coming by way of the 
Great Warriors', or Catawba, Trail, through Cumberland Gap into 
Kentucky. Here, he says, a portion of them separated from the main 
body, and continued north to Western Pennsylvania, where they arrived 
in 1 73 1, and were known as the Shaweygira band (Shaweygila in the 
Delaware tongue). The remainder, he thinks, established the town of 
Lulbegrud (so called by Brinton), in what is now Clark County, Ken- 
tucky. This town, which is shown on Evans's map of 1755 under its 
Shawnee name of Eskippakithiki, stood on or near Liilbegrud Creek 
which runs into the Red River branch of the Kentucky. By the Traders 
it was called the Little Pict Town. 

From what has been stated in a former chapter it is certain that the 
Shaweygila were none other than the Sewickaleys or Asswikales, as they 
were called by James Le Tort in October, 1731, when he reported to the 
Governor that fifty of their families were settled at Allegheny, "lately 
from South Carolina to Ptwomack, and from thence thither." That 
being the case. Dr. Brinton's theory is, of course, incorrect so far as it 
relates to their travels northward. 

In a conference held between John and Thomas Penn and Heta- 
quantagechty, the Seneca chief, at Philadelphia, October 15, 1734, 
the latter stated that the Six Nations were desired by the Pennsylvania 
Government, at the time of the last treaty, to prevail with the Shawnees 
to leave the Allegheny and return towards the Susquehanna. "For this 
purpose, they sent messengers to the Shawanese, who answered that they 
would remove further to the northward, towards the French country; 
whereupon, some chiefs of the Six Nations set out to speak with them 
and they met together; but he cannot tell what was the result of this 
meeting. That he had understood when the Shawanese were desired to 
leave Allegheny, they sent a belt of wampum to the Delaware Indians, 
intimating to them that as they, the Shawanese, were to seek out a new 
country for themselves, they should be glad to have the Delawares with 
them. That Sassoonan, the Delaware chief, had forbid any of his people 
to go with the Shawanese, and had desired that these last mentioned 
Indians should rather return to the Sasquehannah. " 

* Historical Magazine, x., i. 



Lower Shawnee Town ; or Chillicothe on the Ohio 131 

In April, 1772, Sir William Johnson wrote to Lord Hillsborough, 
informing him of a Great Council which had been held on the Scioto 
Plains late in the year 1770, between a number of Indian tribes and the Six 
Nations. Thomas King, one of the Six Nations chiefs, upon his arrival 
at Scioto, assembled all the nations, "and first addressed the Shawanese 
whom he upbraided for retiring so far down the Ohio. . . . The Shawanese 
answered, that the Six Nations had long seemed to neglect them, and 
to disregard the promise they formerly made of giving them the lands 
between the Ohio and the Lakes; that thus distressed, they went on 
board of their canoes, determined to go whithersoever fortune should 
drive them; but were stopped (many years since) at Scioto by the Six 
Nations, who shook them by the heads and fixed them there, charging 
them to live in peace with the English. " Whether the Shawnees at this 
time referred to their departure from Logstown in 1758, from Chartier's 
Town in 1745, or to an earlier emigration, when the Lower Shawnee Town 
was established, must be a matter of conjecture. 

The Sieur de Begon wrote to the French Ministry from Quebec, Sep- 
tember 13, 1 7 15, reporting that "Father Mermet, a Jesuit missionary to 
the Illinois [then settled at Kaskaskia], writes respecting the encroach- 
ments of the English in the Rivers Ouabache [Ohio] and Mississippi, 
where they are building three forts." On May 7, 1726, Longueuil 
wrote that he had learned "that the English of Carolina had built two 
houses and some stores on a little river that flows into the Ouabache, 
where they trade with the Miamis, the Ouyatanons, and other Indians 
of the Upper Country." On June 21, 1737, Bienville, Governor of 
Louisiana, wrote to the Minister: "The Piankeshaws, in whose country 
we have a post, where the late Sieur de Vincennes commanded [from 
1733, the date of its establishment], have almost all left their village 
since his death, with the exception of about fifteen men, who are still 
with Sieur de St. Ange. They have gone higher up the Ouabache to 
another village. I foresee that since this station shrinks we will be 
troubled by the Chikachas in this post, which has a weak garrison. This 
circumstance, and the recent and repeated attempts of the English to 
penetrate the Colony by the River Ohio, by which they descend to the 
Ouabache, determine me to relocate this Fort, forty leagues lower down, 
at the mouth of this River. " 

In the French Enumeration of Indian Tribes connected [1736] with 
the Government of Canada, the authorship of which has been variously 
assigned to Joncaire, Chauvigniere, and Celoron the younger, the list of 
tribes living on the south side of Lake Erie includes the "Chaouanons, 
towards Carolina, two hundred men." Did these two hundred Shawnees 
live at the mouth of the Scioto? 

The first recorded visit of white men to the Lower Shawnee Town was 



132 The Wilderness Trail 

that of the French expedition led by Longueuil from Montreal in the 
summer of 1739, to which Celoron referred when he visited the mouth 
of the Scioto in August, 1749. 

So far as the writer has been able to discover, no history of this 
journey has been published heretofore, beyond some scattered references 
to its beginning, and some account of the operations of its participants 
after they had joined Bienville on the Mississippi, in his campaign against 
the Chickasaws. On June 10, 1739, Beauharnois wrote to the Minister 
from Montreal: "The re-enforcement I am sending to M. de Bienville 
is on the eve of starting. As soon as they will have left, M. le Baron de 
Longueuil, ' his nephew, will be in charge. I will have the honor to keep 
you posted. This will take three or four days. They take the direction 
of La Belle Riviere, which they will strike thirty leagues south of Niagara, 
at a portage of four leagues, which brings them to Lake Ste, Croix 
[another name for Chautauqua]." Twenty days later, Beauharnois 
wrote the Minister again : "M. le Baron de Longueuil is gone with all our 
warriors, to join M. de Bienville. I have the honor to send you the 
roU^ and the list of the Indians who will join them later on. 

"I have taken the necessary steps for the tribes along the Lakes. 
I hope that they will be numerous. ... I have received. My Lord, 
letters from M. de Celoron, the 20th and 24th. He expects that he will 
assemble quite a number of young warriors. " 

Concerning the progress of the expedition, the Intendant, Hocquart, 
wrote the Ministry September 30th: 

"The last news I got from M. de Longueuil's detachment is dated 
the 4th of August. He was then at the entrance of Lake Erie. If no 
mishap has occurred, M. de Longueuil must now be arrived at the place 
of meeting. 

"When it left Montreal this detachment was composed of 442 men, 
according to the annexed roll. This number is diminished, a great num- 
ber of Abenakis and Mohawks from the Two Mountains Lake having 
deserted. M. de Longueiiil estimated this loss at seventy. A few more 
Indians will probably have deserted ; but he hopes to regain his number by 
the junction of 100 Mohawks of the Five Nations, who will meet him at 
La Belle Riviere. 

"The organization was prepared in Montreal with all possible speed, 

^ Charles Le Moyne, son of an innkeeper of Dieppe, was the founder of this cele- 
brated family. Of his eleven sons, Charles was the first Baron de Longueuil and father 
of the commander of this expedition; the others were Iberville (founder of Louisiana), 
Saint Helene, Maricourt, Frangois de Bienville, Serigny, Sauvole, Louis de Chateaugay, 
Jean Baptiste de Bienville (who was known as the Father of Louisiana), d'Assigny, and 
Antoine de Chateaugay. See Buffalo Hist. Soc. Publications, ix., 162-63. Reed's First 
Great Canadian, p. 30. 

2 It is printed in the Calendar oj Canadian Archives for 1905, vol. i., p. 459. 



Lower Shawnee Town ; or Chillicothe on the Ohio 133 

and in order to make sure, the day fixed for the meeting it was decided 
to take the south shore of Lake Ontario as the shorter route. The In- 
dians promised that they would not stop at Choueguen [Oswego], but 
did not keep their promise. The temptation of the brandy was beyond 
them; drunkenness has caused the desertion of a great many. . . . 

"All the soldiers of the expedition applied for service, and their 
number wotdd have been large if all demands had been granted. . . . 
I cannot say as much for the habitants. They have judged this war so 
hard and lengthy (and so it is) , that it was necessary to use force to oblige 
them to march. Nevertheless, M. de Longueuil does not complain 
about them, and it is believed that they will serve well. 

"The General is more fully informed than I am about the aid which 
M. de Celoron, commandant at Michillimakinac, and the other command- 
ing officers in the posts, have given to M. de Bienville, and has without 
doubt the honor to make you acquainted with." 

There is no mention in the records of the Pennsylvania Government 
of the passage of Longueuil's expedition down the Ohio; but on Au- 
gust 30, 1739, George Clarke, Governor of New York Province, wrote 
to the British Lords of Trade that, about a month before, he had received 
intelligence, "that a party of French and Indians were marched from 
Canada, with a design to attack the Cherickees and other Indians lying 
on the back of Carolina and Georgia under his Majesty's > protection; 
that it was given out that they were to be joined by other French and 
Indians from Mississippi ; of which I sent immediate notice to the Gover- 
nors of Virginia and Carolina, and to General Oglethorpe, hoping they 
may, as I believe they will, have time enough to give those Indians in- 
telligence, that they may either be prepared for their enemies or retreat, 
as they find it necessary. Some of our young Mohawks joined the 
party from Canada, contrary to their promises; not being to be retained 
by the advice or perswasion of their Sachaims. " 

Beauhamois wrote the Minister November 6, 1739: "Monsieur de 
Celoron writes me from the Kiakiqui [Kankakee] on the 12th of August, 
that his party consisted of 143 picked men, 40 of whom were French; 
and that he expected to increase it by more than 30 men in passing 
through the Maskoutins." Pierre Joseph Celoron at that time was 
Commandant at Michillimackinac, from whence he was leading a party 
of warriors to join Bienville on the Mississippi. His younger brother, 
Jean Baptiste Celoron, Sieur de Blainville, commanded at Mackinac 
during his absence. Doubtless on the Chickasaw campaign Celoron the 
elder got some information from Longueuil as to the incidents of his 
voyage down the Ohio; and this information became of value to him 
when he undertook a similar expedition to the mouth of the Great 
Miami ten years later. 



M 



134 The Wilderness Trail 

In the chapter on Kittanning is given an account of Peter Chartier's 
desertion to the French and his flight down the Ohio River from Chartier's 
Old Town in April, 1745. He was accompanied by some three or four 
hundred of the Shawnees. On reaching the Lower Shawnee Town at the 
mouth of the Scioto, they decided to make a new settlement a short 
distance away. Proceeding southwards along the Catawba Trail, they 
established a town about a mile west of the oil spring on what was after- 
wards called Ltdbegrud Creek, a northern tributary of the Red River of 
Kentucky, about twelve miles east of the site of the present town of 
Winchester, Clark County. The late Dr. Lyman C. Draper collected in 
his lifetime a considerable amount of information about this settlement 
which he embodied in his unpublished Life of Daniel Boone, the manu- 
script copy of which belongs to the Wisconsin Historical Society. 
Draper's account of the settlement on Lulbegrud Creek is given in the 
chapter on John Finley. 

John Ellis, an Indian Trader in the Catawba country in Upper South 
Carolina, sent a message to the Governor of Virginia on behalf of the 
Catawbas, May 10, 1746, desiring that ammunition be sent, to enable 
them "to stand the brunt of Peter Chatie and his 500 men, and the other 
troops which he expects to assist him." James Adair, in his History 
of the American Indians, wrote in 1775: "In the year 1747 I headed a 
company of the cheerfiil, brave Chikkasah, with the eagles' tails, to the 
camp of the Shawano Indians, to apprehend one, Peter Shartie (a French- 
man), who, by his artful paintings and the supine conduct of the Penn- 
sylvania Government had decoyed a large body of the Shawano from 
the EngHsh to the French interest. But, fearing the consequences he 
went round an hundred miles toward the Cheerake nation, with his 
family and the head warriors, and thereby evaded the danger. ... At 
the Shawano main camp I saw a Pennsylvanian, a white man by birth, 
and in profession a Christian, who, by the inclemency of the sun, and his 
endeavors of improving the red colour, was tarnished with as deep an 
Indian hue as any of the camp, though they had been in the woods only 
the space of four years [two years, in 1747]." In another place Adair 
writes: "Formerly, about fifty miles to the northeast of the Chikkasah 
country, I saw the chief part of the main camp of the Shawano, consisting 
of about 450 persons, on a tedious ramble to the Musckogee country, 
where they settled, seventy miles above the Alabama garrison. They 
had been straggling in the woods for the space of four years, as they as- 
sured me; yet in general they were more corpulent than the Chikkasah 
who accompanied me, notwithstanding they had lived during that time 
on the wild products of the American deserts." 

The French Minister wrote from Versailles to La Galissoniere the 
Governor of Canada, February 23, 1748: "The Chaouanon savages, 



Lower Shawnee Town ; or Chillicothe on the Ohio 135 

after residing a long while at Detroit, decided several years ago to leave 
that post and go and settle in the direction of La Belle Riviere." The 
Minister may have referred to that band of Shawnees (?) who, under the 
name of Ouchaouanag, had been reported in the Jestiit Relation for 1648 
as living with the Fire Nation or Mascoutins, then settled west of the 
Detroit River. But these had evidently been driven to the South long 
before La Salle settled on the IlHnois. The Minister's letter proceeds: 
"They were led, to determine upon such removal by quarrels that had 
arisen between them and the other savages. Those quarrels are now 
over; but those savages have always kept aloof from the post [Detroit 
itself was established in 1701, after the Shawnees of La Salle's establish- 
ment had left the Illinois country and settled on the Susquehanna and 
Delaware]. Monsieur the Marquis de Beauharnois carried on negotia- 
tions for a long time to get them to return; but, owing to the influence 
of the English, into whose hands their trade had passed, all such negotia- 
tions were unsuccessful, although, at various times, they held out hopes 
either that they wotild resume their former residence at Detroit, or 
would merely draw closer to it, to come back under French domination, 
after completely separating from the English. But, about three years 
ago, and at the time when they seemed determined to follow the latter 
decision, and had even caused Monsieur the Marquis de Beauharnois to 
be informed of it, they decided to go to the Illinois [then settled at Kas- 
kaskia]. They accordingly asked Monsieur de Vaudreuil, Governor of 
Louisiana, to have a fort built on the Ouabache River, where they 
offered to gather all together, and to join the Kickapous and Mascoutins, 
nations that had long been attached to the French. . . . But it is re- 
ported that since the War, they have been joined by a considerable 
number of savages of all nations, forming a sort of republic [at Lower 
Shawnee Town], dominated by some Iroquois of the Five Nations who 
form part of it; and that, as the English almost entirely supply their 
needs, it is to be feared that they may succeed in seducing them." 

The Minister who wrote this letter was succeeded the next year by 
the Count de Jouy. The latter wrote on May 4, 1749, to La Jonquiere, 
the successor of Governor La Galissoniere, replying to some letters he 
had received from that former governor of Canada, dated September 24, 
October 23, and November 8, 1 748. "In the first of such letters, " writes 
the Minister, "he reported what related to the Chaouanons; and stated 
that the lack of goods, and the antipathy of most of the other nations 
to them, had decided them [Chartier's party] to separate into two bands, 
one of which has estabHshed itself at Sonontio [Scioto], where it forms a 
sort of republic, with a fairly large number of characters of various na- 
tions who have retired thither ; while the other went in the direction of 
the Cherakis. By the letters of Monsieur de Vaudreuil, Governor of 



136 The Wilderness Trail 

Louisiana, we have learned that the latter band, after ascending a part 
of the River of the Cherakis, decided to go and join the Alibamons, 
where it appeared to have behaved well; and, as that Governor adds 
that the quarrel it had had with the Illinois was ended, there is reason to 
believe there is nothing to fear from it. It is not quite the same with 
the band that has gone to Sonontio. In fact, there is reason to fear that 
the bad example of the savages who have joined it, and of whom the 
Governor of New York made use during the War to stir up the nations 
and cause them to undertake expeditions against the French, will lead 
that band to do something evil; and for that reason, it is greatly to be 
desired that it be reunited to the remainder of the nation, either in 
Canada or in Louisiana. With regard to the sort of republic formed at 
Sonontio, if you succeed in inducing the Chaouanons to leave, it will be 
weakened to such an extent that it need no longer be feared. In any 
case, the King greatly approved the step taken by Monsieur the Comte 
de la Galissoniere, who wrote to the Governor of New York that if he 
continued to use the savages composing it to carry on incursions against 
the French, he would take revenge for it against his colony; and there is 
reason to believe this will restrain him."' 

In the Journal of Occurrences in Canada from November 8, 1747, 
to October 9, 1748, transmitted by La Galissoniere to the Ministry, the 
Governor writes that he is in receipt of letters from Chevalier de Lon- 
gueuil, Commandant at Detroit, dated August 24th and 25th, 1747, from 
which the following is an extract : "The Hurons [Wyandots] of Sandosket, 
and of Nicolas's band, continue insolent ; this chief is unceasing in his ef- 
forts to gain allies. . . . The same Nicolas sent back the people of La 
Riviere Blanche [Cuyahoga] who were on their way to Detroit on account 
of the five Frenchmen killed by the Hurons. He likewise persuaded 
twenty-seven Chaouenons to turn back who were coming to answer M. 
de Longueuil's message; and as the sole result of the expenses incurred 
for that nation (of the village of Sonnioto) , he saw one Chaouenon arrive 
on the 23d of August, in company with three Iroquois. , . . Kinousaki, 
an Outaouas chief who is attached to us, has said that no matter how 
things would turn, the Chaouenons wotild never consent to leave their 
village of Sonnioto, which circumstance wotdd be favorable to us. . . . 
The intelligence from the Illinois is equally interesting. Chevalier de 
Berthet, the Commandant, writes us from Caskaquias, the i ith of August 
[1747]. . . . M. de Berthet has been informed by a Huron returning 
from the Chicachas War, who had spent the winter at Sonnioto, with 
the Chaouenons, of the league formed by the latter to destroy the Upper 
Country posts. . . . La Demoiselle, the Miamis chief, is the concocter 
of this league. . . . M. de Berthet writes us in the months of November 

' Wis. Hist. Col., xviii., 11, 20, 21. 



Lower Shawnee Town ; or Chillicothe on the Ohio 137 

and December, about the general conspiracy of the Indians against the 
French. . . . The Chaouenons of Chartier's tribe, so far from coming 
to Detroit according to invitation, have surprised some distant estabHsh- 
ment on the River of the Cheraquis. They are reported to be in fort 
with the Cheraquis and Alibanons ; though this Chartier, who has much 
influence over this tribe, excuses that evasion, assuring that it will not be 
prejudicial to the attachment of these Indians towards the French. 'T is 
to be feared either that he is not able to control them, or that he will, 
himself, change his opinion. " 

June 24, 1760, Vaudreuil wrote to the French Minister from Mon- 
treal, giving him an account of the news he had received from M. de 
MacCarty, Commandant at Fort Chartres: "In the last days of the 
month of June of last year, five Chaouoinons of Charretier's band came 
to him and told him there were forty of their cabins in the River, coming 
to ask him for a piece of ground, as theirs was not good. M. de Mac- 
Carty sent some provisions to those Indians, whom he placed near Fort 
Massiac [near the site of the present MetropoHs City, Illinois]. They 
were more useful and less dangerous there than when collected together 
at Sonyote [Scioto]. They have taken at different times, four prisoners, 
ten scalps; but being menaced by a strong party of the enemy, they have 
abandoned Fort Massiac in the beginning of October, and retired towards 
the Illinois. " 

Whether or not Pierre Chartier, dit la Victoire, "a deserter, who has 
behaved well in Acadie since his desertion," for whom De Vaudreuil 
asked the French King for a pardon November 6, 1755, was identical 
with Peter Chartier, the Trader, the writer has not been able to ascertain. 
The pardon was granted the following March. Dr. Thwaites states that 
habitants of the same name (Pierre Chartier) were living in Illinois in 
1790. 

A portion of Chartier's band of Shawnees returned to Logstown 
before the summer of 1748. In the instructions given by the Acting 
Governor of Pennsylvania to Conrad Weiser before his departure for 
Logstown in August of that year, he was told, "to make particular en- 
quiry into the behavior of the Shawonese since the commencement of the 
War [against the French], and in relation to the countenance they gave 
to Peter Chartier. It is proper to tell you that they relented, made 
acknowledgment to the Government of their error in being seduced by 
Peter Chartier, and prayed they might be permitted to return to their 
old Town, and be taken again as sincere penitents into the favor of the 
Government." 

A short time after these instructions had been delivered, and before 
he had set out for the Ohio, Weiser wrote to the Council, stating that a 
party of eighteen Mingoes, Shawnees, and Twightwees from the Ohio 



138 The Wilderness Trail 

were then on the road, near Lancaster, and wished to have a meeting 
with the Provincial authorities at that place. The Council accordingly 
appointed four Commissioners to treat with the Indians, and issued to 
them instructions, of which the following was a part: "As to the Shaw- 
onese you are to enquire very exactly after their conduct since the com- 
mencement of the War, and what lengths they went in favor of Peter 
Chartier; where he is; and what he has been doing all this time; and be 
careful that these people acknowledge their fatdt in plain terms, and 
promise never to be guilty of any behaviour again that may give such 
reason to suspect their fidelity." 

The Commissioners immediately proceeded to Lancaster, and on 
July 20th, met in Council Scarrooyady and another chief of the Six 
Nations from Logstown, three chiefs of the Shawnees, and three of the 
Twightwees, together with a number of Susquehanna Delawares and 
Nanticokes. At this meeting, it appeared that part of Chartier's band, 
belonging to Neucheconno's clan, had already returned to the Ohio, 
and at Logstown, Neucheconno, Kakowatcheky, Sonatziowanah, and Se- 
queheton, "chiefs of the Shawonese now left at Allegheny," had met in 
Council and addressed themselves to the Delawares and Six Nations 
living there, in the following manner : 

Grandfathers and Brethren : 

We, the Shawonese, have been misled, and have carried on a private 
■correspondence without letting you or our brethren, the English, know 
of it. We travelled secretly through the bushes to Canada, and the French 
promised us great things : but we find ourselves deceived. We are sorry 
that we had anything to do with them. We now find that we cotdd not 
see, although the siui did shine. We earnestly desire you would intercede 
with our brethren, the English, for us who are left at Ohio, that we may 
be permitted to be restored to the chain of friendship, and be looked upon 
■as heretofore, the same flesh with them. 



After this speech had been repeated to the Pennsylvania Commis- 
sioners, and due consideration given it, the latter agreed to take the offend- 
ing Shawnees back again into the English alliance ; but they also sent a belt 
by the Six Nation chiefs, requesting them to first chastise Neucheconno and 
his party in terms of proper severity for their misconduct. At the same 
time, Chief Kakowatcheky and his friends at Logstown who had not 
gone with Chartier were commended by the Commissioners for having 
resisted the enticements of the French. 

The Shawnee chiefs who attended the Lancaster Council were Tam- 
iny Buck (also written Domini Buck), Lawachcanricky (misprint for 
Lawackamicky or Loawaghcomico) , and Ossoghqua. Neucheconno and 



Lower Shawnee Town ; or Chillicothe on the Ohio 139 

Taminy Buck' both signed a letter to the Governor from " Aleggainey," 
May I, 1747. Probably they had not gone farther with Chartier than to 
the Lower Shawnee Town. They were both, also, signers of the treaty 
renewal made with the Pennsylvania Government in July, 1739, at which 
time the latter's name is written Tamene Buck and Tomene Buck. 
In the Journal of his proceedings at Logstown, under date of September 
JO, 1748, Weiser mentions two other Shawnee chiefs, Big Hominy and 
The Pride, as being among those who went off with Chartier, and who 
were then returned, Weiser also stated that one of his reasons for 
refusing to accede to the request that his conference with the Ohio 
Indians be held at Kuskuskies instead of at Logstown was that "at 
the last treaty in Lancaster the Shawonese and Twightwees have been 
told so, and they stayed accordingly for that purpose, and both would be 
•offended if the Council was held at Coscosky." The Shawnees of Logs- 
town also told him at the same time, "we have kept the Twightwees here, 
and our brethren, the Shawonese from below, on that account." This (U<- ^ 
would indicate that one or more of the Shawnee chiefs who are named Hf^*"-*^ 
above as having been at Lancaster in July, came from the Lower Shawnee ,-^ ' 
Town. Big Hominy and The Pride also came from there, being the head 
men of that part of Chartier 's band which had returned to the Scioto and /j^^ .^ 
•established themselves in the new town on the Red River of Kentucky. <2aM*X 
The former was the chief speaker for the Shawnees at a Council held with/ ^^''^*)- '' 
Croghan and Gist at the Lower Shawnee Town in January, 1751. Gist '' 

calls him Big Hannaona (a misprint). His Indian name was Mise- 
meathaquatha or Missemediqueety, as Weiser wrote it when he reported 
having met this chief February 3, 1743, twenty-five miles below Shamo- 
Jdn. "A captain of war, and a very noted man among the Shawonese; 
the English call him the Great Huminy, " was the way Weiser described 
him at that time. He is first mentioned in the Pennsylvania records as 
Meshemethequater, and reported as attending a conference at Phila- 
delphia with other chiefs from Allegheny and Wyoming July 27, 1739. 
Big Hominy, Loapeckaway (Loyparcowah, — Opessa's son), Nickiphock, 
and Lawackamicky were named as among the chiefs at the Lower 
Shawnee Town in 1752. 

When Celoron's expedition went down the Ohio from Logstown in 
August, 1749, its leader buried a leaden plate at the mouth of the Great 
Kanawha. As has already been stated, the name given to that river 
by Celoron in his Journal is Chinondaista; on the plate it was spelled 
" Chinodahicketha " ; and in Bonnecamps' Journal, " Chinodaichta. " 
Like the name given to the Scioto (Chianouske) on Bellin's map of 1744, 
this word has some resemblance in sound to Sa-un-dos-tee, and also to 

' He is described as a Mingo in a parenthetical note following his signature to this 
letter. 



140 The Wilderness Trail i 

Chinnoiindoh, the Seneca term for "elk." Leaving the mouth of the 
Kanawha on August 20th, Celoron's expedition proceeded down the 
Ohio, and after a few leagues, they met a Loup Indian returning up 
the river from Scioto. He informed Celoron that there were from 
eighty to one hundred cabins in the Lower Shawnee Town. On near- 
ing the town next day, Celoron sent Joncaire forward to give notice 
of his approach. On his return on the 226., Joncaire told the com- 
mander that during the last forty-eight hours the inhabitants of the 
town had constructed a stone fort, well built, and in a good condi- 
tion for defence. Celoron assured the Indians of the peaceful char- 
acter of his mission, however, and was received by the chiefs, and 
met by them in Council. He observes, in his Journal, "this village, 
which is composed for the most part of Chaouanons and Iroquois of the 
Five Nations, has added to it more than thirty men of the Sault Saint 
Louis, whom libertinage had drawn there. The abundance of game and 
the cheap market which the English made there were very seductive to 
them. . , . Besides the men from the Sault Saint Louis, there are some 
from the Lake of the Two Mountains, the Loups, the Miamis, and from 
nearly, all the nations of the Upper Country. All these additions are no 
better than the Chaouanons, who are entirely devoted to the English." 

Father Bonnecamps, the geographer of Celoron's expedition, wrote 
of the Lower Shawnee Town at this time : "The situation of the village 
of the Chaouanons is quite pleasant, — at least, it is not masked by the 
mountains, like the other villages through which we had passed. The 
Sinhioto River, which bounds it on the west [misprint for east?], has 
given it its name. It is composed of about sixty cabins. The English- 
men there numbered five. They were ordered to withdraw, and promised 
to do so." 

The first reference to the Lower Shawnee Town, by that name, to be 
found in the Pennsylvania records, appears to be in a letter written by 
William Trent to Secretary Peters, October 20, 1748, giving an account 
of a murder which had been committed by an Indian at Kuskuskies. An 
employe of Hugh Parker, a Virginia trader there, was killed, as the result 
of an altercation which had taken place between Parker and some of his 
Indian customers, over some liquor, "which he was tieing up, in order to 
send to the Lower Shawna Town." 

There is in the Virginia Calendar of State Papers a message to the 
Governor of Virginia from " Nuckegunnah, King of the Shawanas living, 
at Allaganey, " which may possibly refer to the Lower Shawnee Town, or 
to the settlements of the Shawnees and Delawares at "Le Tort's," above 
the mouth of the Great Kanawha. Lewis Evans's map of 1755 locates 
" Wanduchale's Old Town" on the west bank of the Ohio River, opposite 
the mouth of the Little Kanawha; and shows "Wyandachale's [present] 



Lower Shawnee Town ; or Chillicothe on the Ohio 141 

Town, " on the east bank of the Scioto, not far above its mouth, Chris- 
topher Gist wrote in his Journal under date of January 27, 1751, that 
the town last named was a small village of the Delawares, and that he 
lodged there "at the house of an Indian whose name was Windaughalah, 
a great man and chief of this town, and much in the English interest." 
It is apparent, therefore, that Wanduchale's Old Town on the Ohio had 
been abandoned before 1751. 

The message from Nuckegunnah (Neucheconno) was dated August 4, 
1738, and stated that after news had been received from James Logan 
that the Governor of Virginia would make peace between the Catawbas 
and the Northern Indians, the Shawnees had kept from sending any- 
war parties against the Catawbas; but that the "Cattawpas came upon 
them and killed one woman and a man, and took two prisoners, about the 
middle of April; and another party was persued about forty days ago 
by the Shawnas, so that they left their packs. ... It is three years ago 
since the Cattawpas killed five of our northerly Indians, and at their 
returning back, killed two white men named Douthett and Baldin, 
which is very well known by Garrat Pendergrass and Charles Polke; and 
the year before that, Wendohay's [Wanduchale's] brother was killed by 
the Cattawpas and two boys took prisoners, and Lazarus Lowrey was 
robbed at the time by the same Company, being a white man." 

The Catawbas followed two main trails from their country in South 
Carolina to the Ohio — one by way of the Cumberland Gap to the mouth 
of the Scioto, and the other by way of Catawba Creek, in the present 
Boutetort County, Virginia, to the New River, and thence down that 
river and the Great Kanawha to the mouth of the latter. 

In the Journal of his voyage down the Ohio in October and November, 
1770, George Washington notes that his party arrived on October 226. 
•at the Mingo Town, situated on the west side of the river a little above 
the Cross Creeks (now Mingo, Jefferson Coimty), which place, he adds, 
"contains about twenty cabins and 70 inhabitants of the Six Nations." 
"At the Mingo Town, " he continues, "we found and left 60 odd warriors 
of the Six Nations, going to the Cherokee Country, to proceed to war 
against the Cuttawbas. " On Monday, October 29th, Washington wrote 
in his Journal: "At this place [Old Town Creek, in what is now Meigs 
County, Ohio] begins what they call the Great Bend [of the Ohio River]. 
Five miles below this again, on the East side, comes in . . . another 
Creek, ... at the mouth of this Creek, which is three or four miles 
above two islands (at the lower end of the last is a rapid [Le Tort's Falls, 
Islands 44 and 45], and the point of the Bend), is the Warriors' Path to 
the Cherokee [and Catawba] country." 

In describing the land on the north bank of the Kanawha at its 
mouth, Washington writes (November ist) : "This bottom continues 



142 The Wilderness Trail 

up the east side for about two miles, and by going up the Ohio a good 
tract might be got of bottom land, including the Old Shawna Town, which 
is about three miles up the Ohio, just above ye mouth of a Creek. " 

Dr. Thwaites, in a note to Withers's Chronicles of Border Warfare,. 
states that the Upper Shawnee Town (which 'a troop of Virginia militia 
— ^the Sandy Creek Expedition — vainly tried to find in 1756), "was an 
Indian village at the mouth of Old Town Creek, emptying into the Ohia 
from the north, 39 miles above the mouth of the Great Kanawha." 
Now, while it is true this town did stand at the mouth of a stream which 
has later been known as Old Town Creek, probably it was not the Ohio 
creek of that name. A creek of the same name enters the Ohio River 
from the east, in what is now Mason County, West Virginia; and the 
mouth of this creek is just about three miles above the mouth of the Ka- 
nawha. This Old Town Creek, therefore, as Washington's Journal shows,, 
was the site of the Upper Shawnee Town. The mouth of the Old Town 
Creek on the west side of the Ohio is in Meigs County, Ohio, and about 
thirty-eight miles above the mouth of the Kanawha, and four and one 
half miles below and on the opposite side of the river from the mouth of 
Big Sandy Creek (Big Sandy River is ninety-two miles farther down the 
Ohio). The Old Town Creek in Meigs County seems to be the same stream 
which is called Le Tort's Creek in the Appendix to Hutchins's and Smith's. 
Bouquet. This name, and those of Le Tort's Islands and Le Tort's Falls 
(both now corrupted to Letarts), eight and one-half miles below Le Tort's 
Old Town Creek, mark the residence at these'points on the Ohio River of 
the Indian Trader, James Le Tort, who lived and traded here before 1740. 

Kiskiminetas Old Town (No. 2), also, was on the west bank of the 
Ohio, some thirty miles below the mouth of Le Tort's Creek, and, ac- 
cording to the Appendix in Smith's Bouquet, eight miles above the mouth 
of the Kanawha. Evans correctly locates on his map of 1755 both the 
Kiskiminetas Old Town and the Shawnee Old Town. What Indian 
town stood at the mouth of Le Tort's or Old Town Creek, I have not been 
able to determine. Evans places Wanduchale's (Delaware) Old Town 
near there, but locates it above the mouth of the Hocking, and opposite 
the mouth of Little Kanawha ; while Le Tort's Creek is more than twenty- 
four miles below the Hocking. Wanduchale's Old Town really stood 
at the mouth of the Little Hocking Creek ^ It is most reasonable to 

^ John Jennings's Journal of his "Journey from Fort Pitt to Fort Chartres, "under 
date of March 11, 1766, states that, "at three o'clock in the afternoon passed by Little 
Kanawha, or Lifting Creek; at five passed the Wanduxales Creek; at half -past five en- 
camped for the night. . . . i2th. At six o'clock this morning, left our camp: at seven 
passed the Hockhocking Creek." {Penna. Mag., xxxi., 146). The distance between 
the Little Kanawha and Big Hocking is twelve and one half miles; half way between is 
the mouth of X-ittle Hocking Creek. 



Lower Shawnee Town ; or Chillicothe on the Ohio 143 

presume, therefore, that the Indian towns in this vicinity at which Le 
Tort traded were the Shawnee Town, Kiskiminetas Town, Wanduchale's 
Town, and perhaps^another town at the mouth of Le Tort's Creek. This 
may possibly have been a second Shawnee Town, and the one referred 
to by Dr. Thwaites. 

The point on the Ohio where began the Warriors' Path to the Chero- 
kee and Catawba country, as mentioned by Washington, has been identi- 
fied by Dr. Archer Hulbert as the mouth of Mill Creek, which flows into 
the Ohio at Millwood, in Union Township, Jackson County, West Vir- 
ginia. This point is nearly midway between the mouth of Le Tort's 
Creek and Le Tort's Rapids; and the fact that the Warriors' Route left 
the river at this place may explain why the towns of the Delawares and 
Shawnees came to^be located near there. The Warriors' Path probably 
proceeded to the Kanawha by way of Mill Creek Valley, and thence up 
the Kanawha to its source. 

The message from Neucheconno in 1738, which has been cited above, 
probably referred to events which occurred at or near the Le Tort trading 
place. If that be true, then the paragraphs printed above give for the 
first time in connected form a meagre portion of the history of these 
settlements, and also furnish us a reason for their abandonment. 

From a consideration of these circumstances, the writer is strongly 
inclined to believe that the settlements of the Indians at Le Tort's were 
broken up or abandoned about the year 1738; and that the Delawares 
and Shawnees who composed them, together with some of their fellow 
tribesmen from "Allegheny," proceeded on down the Ohio River and 
established the "Lower Shawnee Town," at the mouth of the Scioto, at 
that time. This belief is further confirmed by the fact that the Delaware 
chief, Wanduchale, or Wyandachale, who had a town near Le Tort's 
Creek, which was known in 1755 as an "Old Town" (i. e., abandoned), 
and whose brother, as Neucheconno stated, was killed by the Catawbas 
in 1734, built his new town on the left bank of the Scioto, a few miles 
north of the Lower Shawnee Town. Here he was visited by Christopher 
Gist in January, 1 75 1 . Both his towns are shown on Evans's map of 1 755 . 

Celoron makes no reference, in the Journal of his voyage down the 
Ohio, to any Indian settlements between Logstown and the Scioto; 
so that it is probable the Delawares and Shawnees had removed from 
above the mouth of the Kanawha sometime before the summer of 1749. 

The earliest description of the land trail from Logstown to the Lower 
Shawnee Town is found in the Journals of Christopher Gist, the sur- 
veryor sent out by the Ohio Company of Virginia in 1750, to view the 
lands in the Ohio Indian country. Gist reached Logstown Sunday, 
November 25, 1750. From there his Journal proceeds: 

"Monday, 26. Tho' I was unwell, I prefered the Woods to such 



144 The Wilderness Trail 

Company and set out from the Loggs Town down the River NW 6 M. 
to great Beaver Creek,' where I met one Barny Curran, a Trader for 
the Ohio Company, and we continued together as far as Muskingum. 
The Bottoms upon the River below the Logg's Town very rich but nar- 
row, the high Land pretty good but not very rich, the Land upon Beaver 
Creek the same kind; From this Place We left the River Ohio to the SE. 
'& travelled across the country. 

"Tuesday, 27. Set out from E side of Beaver Creek NW. 6 M., W. 
4 M. ; up these two last Courses very good high Land, not very broken, 
fit for farming.'' 

"Wednesday, 28. Rained, We could not travel. 

"Thursday, 29. W. 6 M. thro good Land, the same Course con- 
tinued 6 M. farther thro very broken Land; here I found myself pretty 
"well recovered, & being in Want of Provision I went out and killed a 
Deer. 

"Friday, 30. Set out S. 45 W. 12 M. crossed the last Branch of 
Beaver Creek, where one of Curran's Men & myself killed 12 Turkeys. 

"Saturday, Dec. i. N. 45 W. 10 M. [W. 8 M.] the Land high and 
tolerable good.^ 

" Sunday, 2. N. 45 W. 8 M. [6 M.] the same Sort of Land, but near 
the Creeks bushy and very full of Thorns .i 

[Note by Pownall: "by Mr. Gist's Plat he makes these 2 Courses, 
N. 45 W. 10 M. & N. 45 W. 8 M., to be W. 8 M. and N. 45 W 6 M. "] 

"Monday, 3. Killed a Deer, and stayed in our Camp all Day. 

"Tuesday, 4. Set out late S. 45 W. about 4 M.; here I killed three 
fine fat Deer, so that tho we were eleven in Company, We had great 
Plenty of Provision. 

"Wednesday, 5. Set out down the Side of a Creek called Elk's Eye 
Creek S. 70 W. 6 M., good Land, but void of Timber, Meadows upon the 
Creek, fine Runs for Mills. 

' The path crossed the Beaver at its mouth, where the town of Rochester now 
^stands. 

2 "The trail went northwest from the mouth of Beaver Creek, passing over the 
site of the present village of West Salem, Penna., to a point a little southeast from what 
is now New Lisbon, Ohio, on nearly the same line as the present road from Beaver to 
New Lisbon." — Darlington. 

The path entered Ohio about two miles South from what is now Achor vil- 
lage, in the present township of Middleton, Columbiana County; traversed that 
township and Elk Run Township; entered Centre Township at Section 25; passed 
through Wayne Township, and thence southwesterly through what is now Franklin 
Township. 

3 Darlington says the course was near the northwest corner of the present 
Wayne Township, Columbiana County, Ohio; thence to a point near Hanover ,^in same 

•county; running a little south of Bayard to the Big Sandy Creek near Oneida, Carroll 
'County. 










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fTT^T !1iIiZf''c ' A 1^/J^ lI" "•! M^ A_ 



A Portion of Lewis Evans's Map of I75.'i- \vith Po'lvnall's 1776 Additions. 



Lower Shawnee Town ; or Chillicothe on the Ohio 145 

"Thursday, 6. Rained all Day so that we were obliged to continue 
in our Camp. 

"Friday, 7. Set out SW. 8 M. crossing the said Elk's Eye Creek 
to a Town of the Ottaways,^ a Nation of French Indians; an old French 
Man (named Mark Coonce) ^ who had married an Indian Woman of the 
Six Nations lived here ; the Indians were all out a hunting ; the old Man 
was very civil to me, but after I was gone to my Camp, upon his under- 
standing I came from Virginia, he called Me the Big Knife. There are 
not above six or eight Families belonging to this Town. 

"Saturday, 8. Stayed in the Town. 

"Sunday, 9. Set out down the said Elk's Eye Creek S. 45 W. 6 M. 
to^Margaret's Creek, a Branch of the said Elk's Eye Creek. ^ 

"Monday, Dec. 10. The same Course (S. 45 W.) 2 M. to a large 
Creek. 

"Tuesday, 11. The same Course 12 M.; killed 2 Deer. 

"Wednesday, 12. The same course 8 M.; encamped by the Side of 
Elk's Eye Creek. ^ 

"Thursday, 13. Rained all Day. 

"Friday, 14. Set out W. 5 M. to Muskingum a Town of the Wyen- 
dottsJ The Land upon Elk's Eye Creek is in general very broken, the 
Bottoms narrow. The Wyendotts or Little Mingoes ^ are divided be- 
tween the French and English, one half of them adhere to the first, and 
the other half are firmly attached to the latter. The Town of Muskingtmi 
consists of about one hundred Families. When We came within Sight 
of the Town, We perceived English Colours hoisted on the King's House, 
and at George Croghan's ; upon enquiring the Reason I was informed that 
the French had lately taken several English Traders, and that Mr. 
Croghan had ordered all the White Men to come into this Town, and had 
sent Expresses to the Traders of the lower Towns, and among the 
Pickweylinees ; and the Indians had sent to their People to come to 
Council about it. 

"Saturday, 15 & Sunday, 16. Nothing remarkable happened. 

"Monday, 17. Came into Town two Traders belonging to Mr. 
Croghan, and informed Us that two of his People were taken by 40 

^ Near the junction of the Big Sandy and Tuscarawas, on the west side of the latter, 
just above the present town of Bolivar. 

2 See pp. 316, 334, Vol. I. 

3 Now Sugar Creek, in Franklin Township, Tuscarawas County. 

4 Near the mouth of White Eyes Creek, Coshocton County. 

s A mile or two above the Forks of Muskingum (where Coshocton now stands). 

*They were admitted into the Iroquois-English League of Friendship by the 
Ohio Mingoes at Logstown, September 9, 1748. "Little Mingoes " was probaby a term 
used by the Traders to distinguish these Huron-Iroquois from the Iroquois of the 
Six Nations. 

VOL. II. — 10 



146 The Wilderness Trail 

French Men & twenty French Indians, who had carried them, with 
seven Horse Loads of Skins, to a new Fort that the French were building 
on one of the Branches of Lake Erie. ' 

"Tuesday, 18. I acquainted Mr. Croghan and Andrew Montour 
with my Business with the Indians & talked much of a Regulation of 
Trade, with which they were much pleased, and treated Me very kindly. 

"From Wednesday 19, to Monday, 24. Nothing remarkable. 

"Tuesday, 25. This being Christmas Day, I intended to read 
Prayers, but after inviting some of the White Men, they informed each 
other of my Intentions, and being of several different Persuasions, and 
few of them inclined to hear any Good, they refused to come. But one 
Thomas Bumey, a Black Smith who is settled there,went about and talked 
to them, & then several of them came; and Andrew Montour invited 
several of the well disposed Indians, who came freely; by this Time the 
Morning was spent, and I had given over all Thoughts of them, but seeing 
Them come, to oblige All, and offend None, I stood up and said, 'Gentle- 
men, I have no Design or Intention to give Offence to any particular 
Sectary or Religion, but as our King indulges Us all in a Liberty of Con- 
science and hinders none of You in the Exercise of your religious Worship, 
so it would be unjust in You, to endeavour to stop the Propagation of 
His; The Doctrine of Salvation, Faith, and good Works, is what I only 
propose to treat of, as I find it extracted from the Homilies of the Church 
of England' ; which I then read them in the best Manner I could, and 
after I had done the Interpreter told the Indians what I had read, and 
that it was the true Faith which the great King and His Church recom- 
mended to his Children: the Indians seemed well pleased, and came up to 
Me and returned Me their Thanks ; and then invited Me to live among 
Them, and gave Me a Name, in their Language Annosanah; the Interpre- 
ter told me this was a Name of a good Man that had formerly lived 
among them, and their King said that must be always my Name, for 
which I returned them Thanks; but as to living among them I excused 
myself by saying I did not know whether the Governor would give Me 
Leave, and if he did the French would come and carry me away as they 
had done the English Traders; to which they answered I might bring 
great Guns and make a Fort ; that they had now left the French, and 
were very desirous of being instructed in the Principles of Christianity; 
that they liked Me very well and wanted Me to marry them after the 
Christian Manner, and baptize their Children; and then they said they 
woiild never desire to return to the French, or suffer Them or their Priest 

^ Fort Sandusky, on the north side of Sandusky Bay. Three Traders were cap- 
tured: Joseph Faulkner of New York, Liike Erwin of Pennsylvania, Thomas Burk of 
Lancaster County. See Penna. Col. Rec, v., 556; N. Y. Col. Doc, vi., 731; Olden 
Time, ii., 184; and chapters vi. and viii., this volume. 



Lower Shawnee Town ; or Chillicothe on the Ohio 147 

to come near them more, for they loved the EngHsh, but had seen little 
Religion among Them : and some of their great Men came and wanted 
Me to baptize their Children; for as I had read to Them and appeared 
to talk about Religion they took Me to be a Minister of the Gospel; 
Upon which I desired Mr. Montour (the Interpreter) to tell Them that 
no Minister could venture to baptize any Children until those that were 
to be Sureties for Them were well instructed in the Faith themselves, 
and that this was according to the great King's Religion, in which He 
desired his Children should be instructed, & We dare not do it in any 
other Way than was by Law established; but I hoped if I could not be 
admitted to live among them, that the great King would send Them pro- 
per Ministers to exercise that Office among them; at which they seemed 
well pleased; and one of Them went and brought Me his Book (which 
was a Kind contrived for Them by the French, in which the Days of 
the Week were so marked that by moving a Pin every Morning they 
kept a pretty exact Account of Time), to show Me that He under- 
stood Me, and that He and his Family always observed the Sabbath 
Day. 

"Wednesday, Dec. 26. This Day a Woman, who had been a long 
Time a Prisoner, and had deserted & been retaken and brought into the 
Town on Christmas Eve, was put to Death in the following manner : 
They carried her without the Town & let her loose, and when she at- 
tempted to run away, the Persons appointed for that Purpose pursued 
her & struck Her on the Ear, on the right Side of her Head, which beat 
Her fiat on her Face on the Ground; they then stuck her several Times 
thro the Back with a Dart, to the Heart, scalped Her, & threw the Scalp 
in the Air, and another cut off her Head: There the dismal Spec- 
tacle lay till the Evening, & then Bamy Curran desired Leave to bury 
Her, which He and his Men and some of the Indians did, just at 
Dark. 

"From Thursday, Dec. 27, to Thursday, Jan. 3, 1751. Nothing 
remarkable happened in the Town. 

"Friday, Jan. 4. One Teafe (an Indian Trader) came to Town from 
near Lake Erie, & informed Us that the Wyendott Indians had advised 
him to keep clear of the Ottaways (these are a Nation of Indians firmly 
attached to the French, & inhabit near the Lakes; & told Him that the 
Branches of the Lakes are claimed by the French ; hut that all the Branches 
of Ohio belonged to Them, and their Brothers the English, and that the 
French had no Business there, & that it was expected that the other 
Part of the Wyendott Nation would desert the French and come over to 
the English Interest, & join their Brethren on the Elk's Eye Creek, & 
build a strong Fort and Town there. 

"From Saturday, 5, to Tuesday,8. The Weather still continuing bad, 



148 The Wilderness Trail 

I stayed in the Town to recruit my Horses, and tho Corn was very dear 
among the Indians, I was obHged to feed them well, or run the Risque 
of losing them, as I had a great Way to travel. 

"Wednesday, 9. The Wind Southerly, and the Weather something 
warmer : this Day came into Town two Traders from among the Pick- 
waylinees (these are a Tribe of the Twigtwees) and brought News that 
another English Trader was taken prisoner by the French, =^ and that three 
French Soldiers had deserted and come over to the English, and sur- 
rendered themselves to some of the Traders of the Pick Town, & that the 
Indians would have put them to Death, to revenge their taking our 
Traders, but as the French Prisoners had surrendered themselves, the 
English would not let the Indians hurt them, but had ordered them to be 
sent under the Care of three of our Traders and delivered at this Town, 
to George Croghan. 

"Thursday, 10. Wind still at South and warm. 

"Friday, 11. This Day came into Town an Indian from over the 
Lakes & confirmed the News we had heard. 

"Saturday, 12. We sent away our People towards the Lower Town, 
intending to follow them the next Morning, and this Evening We went 
into Council in the Wyendott's King's House — The Council had been 
put off a long time, expecting some of their great men in, but few of them 
came, & this Evening some of the King's Council being a little disordered 
with Liquor, no Business could be done, but we were desired to come 
next Day. 

"Sunday, Jan. 13. No business done. 

"Monday, 14. This Day George Croghan, by the Assistance of 
Andrew Montour, acquainted the King and Council of this Nation 
(by presenting them four Strings of Wampum) that the great King over 
the Water, their Roggony [Father] had sent under the Care of the Gover- 
nor of Virginia, their Brother, a large Present of Goods which was now 
landed safe in Virginia, & the Governor had sent Me to invite Them to 
come and see Him & partake of their Father's Charity to all his Children 
on the Branches of Ohio. In Answer to which one of the Chiefs stood 
up and said, 'That their King and all of Them thanked their Brother 
the Governor of Virginia for his Care, and Me for bringing them the 
News, but they could not give Me an Answer until they had a full or 
general Council of the several Nations of Indians, which could not be 
till next Spring ' : & so the King and Council shaking Hands with Us, 
We took our Leave. 

"Tuesday, 15. We left Muskingum, and went W. 5 M., to the White 
Woman's Creek, on which is a small Town; this White Woman was 
taken away from New England, when she was not above ten Years old, 

' John Patten, or Pattin, of Chester County, Penna. See his Journal in Chapter viii. 



Lower Shawnee Town ; or Chillicothe on the Ohio 149 

by the French Indians'; She is now upwards of fifty, and has an Indian 
Husband and several Children — Her name is Mary Harris : she still re- 
members they used to be very religious in New England, and wonders 
how the White Men can be so wicked as she has seen them in the Woods. 

"Wednesday, i6. Set out SW. 25 M. to Licking Creek— The Land 
from Muskingum to this Place rich but broken — Upon the N. side of 
Licking Creek about 6 M. from the Mouth, are several Salt Licks, or 
Ponds, formed by little Streams or Dreins of Water, clear, but of a blueish 
Colour & salt Taste. The Traders and Indians boil their Meat in this 
Water, which (if proper Care be not taken) will sometimes make it too 
salt to eat.^ 

"Thursday, 17. Set out W. 5 M., SW. 15 M., to a great Swamp. ^ 

" Friday, 18. Set out from the great Swamp SW. 15 M. 

"Saturday, 19. W. 15 M. to Hockhockin, a small Town with only 
four or five Delaware Families.'' 

"Sunday, 20. The Snow began to grow thin, and the Weather 
warmer; set out from Hockhockin S. 5 M., then W. 5 M., then SW. 5 M., to 
the Maguck, a little Delaware Town of about ten Families by the N Side 
of a plain ^ or clear Field about 5 M. in Length NE. & SW. & 2 M. broad, 
with a small Rising in the Middle, which gives a fine Prospect over the 
whole Plain, and a large Creek on the N. Side of it called Sciodoe Creek. 
All the Way from Licking Creek to this Place is fine rich, level, Land, 
with large Meadows, fine Clover Bottoms, & spacious Plains covered 
with wild Rye: the Wood chiefly large Walnuts and Hickories, here and 
there mixed with Poplars, Cherry Trees, and Sugar Trees. 

"From Monday, 21 to Wednesday, 23. Stayed in the Maguck 
Town. 

"Thursday, 24. Set out from the Maguck Town S. about 15 M., 
thro fine, rich, level Land to a small Town called Harrickintom's, consist- 
ing of about five or six Delaware Families, on the SW. Sciodoe Creek. 

"Friday, 25. The Creek being very high and full of ice, We could 
not ford it, and were obliged to go down it on the SE. Side SE. 4 M. to the 
Salt Lick Creek — about i M. up this Creek on the S. Side is a very large 

' She was taken at the burning of Deerfield, Mass., Feb. 29, 1704. Her town stood 
on the south side of White Woman's or Walhonding River, about opposite the mouth 
of Killbuck Creek. 

2 "The trail led in a southwesterly direction, through the present Coshocton 
County, passing near Dresden, in the coimty of Muskingum; thence to the Licking 
Creek, crossing it at the Clay Lick Station, Hanover Township, Licking Cotmty, on 
the Central Ohio Railroad, six miles east of Newark." — Darlington. 

3 Part of the present Licking Reservoir of the Ohio Canal, in the southern part of 
Licking County. 

4 On the site of Fairfield, Lancaster County. 

s On the Pickaway Plains, south of Circleville. 



150 The Wilderness Trail 

Salt Licks the Streams which run into this Lick are very salt & tho 
clear, leave a blueish Sediment. The Indians and Traders make salt for 
their Horses of this Water, by boiling it; it has at first a blueish Colour, 
and somewhat bitter taste, but upon being dissolved in fair Water and 
boiled a second Time, it becomes tolerable pure Salt. 

"Saturday, 26. Set out S. 2 M., SW. 14 M. 

"Sunday, 27. S. 12 M. to a small Delaware Town^ of about twenty 
Families on the SE. Side of Sciodoe Creek — We lodged at the House of an 
Indian whose Name was Windaughalah, a great Man and Chief of this 
Town & much in the English Interest. He entertained Us very kindly, 
and ordered a Negro Man that belonged to him to feed our Horses well ; 
this Night it snowed, and in the Morning the Snow was six or seven 
Inches deep, the wild Rye appeared very green and flourishing thro it, 
and our Horses had fine Feeding. 

"Monday, Jan. 28. We went into Council with the Indians of this 
Town, and after the Interpreter had informed them of his Instructions 
from the Governor of Pennsylvania, and given them some Cautions in 
Regard to the French, they returned for Answer as follows. The Speaker, 
with four Strings of Wampum in his Hand, stood up, and address- 
ing Himself as to the Governor of Pennsylvania, said, ' Brothers,We, the 
Delawares, return You our hearty Thanks for the News You have sent 
Us, and We assure You We will not hear the Voice of any other Nation, 
for We are to be directed by You, our Brothers the English, & by none 
else. We shall be glad to hear what our Brothers have to say to Us 
at the Loggs Town in the Spring, and to assure You of our hearty Good 
will & Love to our Brothers We present You with these four Strings of 
Wampum.' This is the last Town of the Delawares to the Westward — 
The Delaware Indians by the best Accounts I coiild gather consist of 
about 500 fighting Men, aU firmly attached to the English Interest ; they 
are not properly a Part of the six Nations, but are scattered about among 
most of the Indians upon the Ohio, and some of them among the six 
Nations, from whom they have Leave to hunt upon their Lands. 

"Tuesday, 29. Set out SW. 5 M., S. 5 M., to the Mouth of Sciodoe 
Creek, opposite to the Shannoah Town, here We fired our Guns to alarm 
the Traders, who soon answered, and came and ferryed Us over to the 
Town — The Land about the Mouth of Sciodoe Creek is rich but broken, 
fine Bottoms upon the River & Creek — The Shannoah Town is situate 
upon both Sides the River Ohio, just below the Mouth of Sciodoe Creek, 
and contains about 300 Men; there are about 40 Houses on the S. Side 
of the River and about 100 on the N. Side, with a Kind of State-House 
of about 90 Feet long, with a light Cover of Bark, in which they hold 

^ In Jefferson Township, Ross County. 

2 It stood in the present Clay Township, Scioto County. 




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Lower Shawnee Town ; or Chillicothe on the Ohio 151 

their Councils — The Shanaws are not a Part of the Six Nations, but were 
formerly at Variance with them, tho now reconciled; they are great 
Friends to the English, who once protected them from the Fury of the 
Six Nations, which they gratefully remember. 

"Wednesday, 30. We were conducted into Council, where George 
Croghan delivered sundry Speeches from the Government of Pennsyl- 
vania to the Chiefs of this Nation, in which He informed them, 'That 
two Prisoners who had been taken by the French ' and had made their 
Escape from the French Officer at Lake Erie as he was carrying them 
towards Canada, brought News that the French offered a large Sum J 
of Money to any Person who would bring to them the said Croghan and 
Andrew Montour, the Interpreter, alive, or, if dead, their Scalps; and that i 
the French also threatened these Indians and the Wyendotts with War 
in the Spring,' the same Persons farther said 'that they had seen ten 
French Canoes loaded with Stores for a new Fort they designed on the S . 
Side of Lake Erie.' Mr. Croghan also informed them of several of our 
Traders having been taken, and advised them to keep their Warriors at 
Home, until they could see what the French intended, which he doubted 
not would appear in the Spring — Then Andrew Montour informed this 
Nation as He had done the Wyendotts & Delawares, ' That the King of 
Great Britain had sent Them a large Present of Goods, in Company with 
the Six Nations, which was under the Care of the Governor of Virginia, 
who had sent Me out to invite them to come and see Him & partake of 
their Father's Present next Summer ' ; to which We received this Answer : 
Big Hannaona their Speaker, taking in his Hand the several Strings of 
Wampum which had been given by the English, He said, ' These are the 
Speeches received by Us from your great Men: From the Beginning of 
our Friendship, all that our Brothers the English have told Us has been 
good and true, for which We return our hearty Thanks. ' Then taking 
up four other Strings of Wampum in his Hand, He said: 'Brothers, I now 
speak the Sentiments of all our People; when first our Forefathers did 
meet the English our Brothers, they found what our Brothers the EngHsh 
told them to be true, and so have We — We are a small People & it is not 
to Us only that You speak, but to all Nations — We shall be glad to hear 
what our Brothers will say to Us at the Loggs Town in the Spring, 
We hope that the Friendship now subsisting between Us & our Brothers 
will last as long as the Sun shines, or the Moon gives Light — We hope 
that our Children will hear and beheve what our Brothers say to them, 
as We have always done, and to assure You of our hearty Good- Will 
towards You our Brothers, We present You with these four Strings of 
Wampum.' After the Council was over they had much Talk about 
sending a Guard with Us to the Pickwaylinees' Towns (these are a 

' Morris Turner and Ralph Kilgore. See their deposition in Chapter viii. 



152 The Wilderness Trail 

Tribe of Twigtwees) which was reckoned near 200 Miles; but'kfter long 
Consultation (their King being sick) they came to no Determination 
about it. 

" From Thursday, Jan. 3 1 , to Monday, Feb. 1 1 . Stayed in the Shan- 
noah Town; while I was here the Indians had a very extraordinary- 
Kind of a Festival, at which I was present and which I have exactly 
described at the End of my Journal — As I had particiilar Instructions 
from the President of Virginia to discover the Strength & Numbers of 
some Indian Nations to the Westward of Ohio who had lately revolted 
from the French, and had some Messages to deliver them from Him, I 
resolved to set out for the Twigtwees Town. . . . 

"An Account of the Festival mentioned in my Journal: 

" In the Evening a proper Officer made a public Proclamation that all 
the Indians' marriages were dissolved, and a Public Feast was to be held 
for three succeeding days after, in which the women, as their custom was, 
were again to choose husbands. 

"The next Morning, early, the Indians breakfasted, and after spent 
the Day in dancing till the Evening, when a plentiful Feast was prepared ; 
after feasting, they spent the Night in dancing. The same way they 
spent the next two days till Evening, the Men dancing by themselves, 
and then the women in turns round the Fires, and dancing in their 
Manner in the Form of the Figure 8, about 60 or 70 at a time. The 
Women, the whole Time they danced, sung a Song in their language, 
the Chorus of which was, 

"'I am not afraid of my Husband, 
I will choose what Man I please.' 

singing these lines alternately. 

" The third Day in the Evening, the Men being about 100 in Number, 
[danced,] some times at Length, at other Times in a Figure 8, quite round 
the Fort and in and out of the long House, where they held their Councils, 
the Women standing together as the Men danced by them; And as any 
of the Women liked a Man passing by, she stepped in and joined in the 
Dance, taking hold of the Man's Stroud whom she chose, and then 
continued in the Dance till the rest of the women stepped in and made 
their choice in the same manner: after which the dance ended, and they 
all retired to consummate. 

"N.B. This was given to me by Colonel Mercer, Agent of the Ohio 
Company, and now Lieutenant Governor of North Carolina. " 

In an affidavit made by George Croghan at Winchester (?) in 1777, 
he gave an account of some occurrences which took place at the Lower 
Shawnee Town during the time he was there with Gist in 1751. This 
affidavit will be found in the next chapter. 



Lower Shawnee Town ; or Chillicothe on the Ohio 153 

La Jonquiere wrote to the French Minister from Quebec, September 
25, 1751: 

MoNSEiGNEUR — I have been informed of everything worthy of 
interest that has occurred in the IlHnois country by the letters written 
to me by Monsieur de Benoist St. Clin, Commandant at Fort Chartres,, 
on the 28th of May, 1750, the 4th of March, 9th and 22d of May of this 
year. I shall have the honor to report to you on the same. . . . 

A party of Chaouanons went to the Pianguichias Fort [Vincennes], 
to strike a blow there, while the necessary reHef was being taken to that 
post. At the same time forty Pianguichias were there; they set out on the 
heels of the Chaouanons and said they would follow them to their village 
to find out positively whence they came. They think they are from Soni- 
oto [Scioto, i.e., the Lower Shawnee Town] or from the Riviere a la Roche 
[Pickawillany, on the Great Miami]. If they be from the latter village, 
the Pianguichias will perchance act in accordance with my intentions, 
[that is, to destroy the village]. 

Monsieur de St. Clin writes me that he is doing all in his power to 
bring about a reconciliation between the Chaouanons and the Illinois and 
the nations of the Ouabache, but that some Frenchmen who have deserted 
from his post to go and hunt at La Belle Riviere have greatly disarranged 
his plans; that in fact, some Chaouanons from Sonioto, who had come 
down to hunt, had a man killed and a woman and two children taken by 
the Ouyatanons, while the Frenchmen were with them. The Chaouanons 
stopped the Frenchmen and wanted to attack them, saying that the blow 
had been struck by the Ilhnois, the children of the French. Fortunately, 
they changed their mind; they sent two of the Frenchmen, called Lami- 
rande and Ste. Marie to the Illinois to find out who committed the 
murder. They kept with them the wife of Lamirande and the other 
Frenchman. To endeavor to withdraw these Frenchmen, Monsieur de 
St. Clin was compelled to send two envoys with a calumet, two roUs of 
tobacco, and a letter, in which he said to the Chaouanons that the Illinois 
had not stirred from their mats and that he knew not what nation struck 
the blow; that he intended to have the roads kept open so that they might 
come in all safety to the French, and he would make peace [for them] 
with the Illinois. 

The Chaouanons received this letter at La Belle Riviere. This is 
the answer given to Monsieur de St. Clin: 

"We are all Iroquois here, masters of this River, the Iroquois of 
Montreal and Sault St. Louis. We look upon the Chaouanons as our 
children. We beg thee to try and get back the prisoners, to send them 
to us, and we shall be satisfied. The Chaouanon chiefs have gone to show 
thy letter to their village, and to consult together whether they will go 
and see thee at the end of the Winter or in the Spring. There is one 
Joncaire (a savage) who hopes to go and see thee:" 

The Chaouanons did not go to see Monsieur de St. CHn last Spring. 
He fears that the French they had in their power have been killed, 
and that the Chaouanons have taken to the Chikachas four women 
bound. This was told him by an Illinois, who had it from the 
Misamis. 

Monsieur de Celoron had ; already informed me of this, and 



154 The Wilderness Trail 

that the Ouyatanons had sent back one of the said prisoners to the 
Chaouanons. ' 

We must not be grieved at the Ouyatanons having struck a blow at 
the Chaouanons, and I am writing to Monsieur de St. Clin that there 
would not have been much harm in not stopping the quarrel this affair 
might have occasioned between the Chaouanons and the Illinois, because 
it would be in our interest to destroy those Chaouanons by getting the 
nations to wage war against them. 

With regard to the French who have remained in the power of the 
Chaouanons, perhaps the arrival of the Chaouanons whom the Ouyata- 
nons have sent back, will have procured for them their liberty. In any 
case, they are not to be pitied, because they are deserters who have 
disobeyed the King's ordinances. 

We should spare the Chaouanons but little, because they are always 
trying to disturb the nations that are our allies. A savage of the post of 
Pianguichias, who was in winter quarters, was attacked by three Chaoua- 
nons ; he received a gun-shot wound and a blow from a tomahawk, but 
escaped nevertheless. Another savage of the same nation was also 
attacked by the Chaouanons within sight of the post. He took to 
flight and lost only his gun and his blanket. 

The English are taking as much trouble to seduce the nations on the 
side of the Illinois as everywhere else. 

They gave a message to the people of the Vermilion village [a Pian- 
keshaw village]. Their chief, named Le Maringouin, would not receive 
it. He replied to his people that he knew no other Father than the 
French; that he wished to have no other. They threw the message at 
him, saying : "Take it and do what thou wishest with it. " 

Monsieur de St. Clin was informed at the same time that La Mouche 
Noire, a chief of the Ouyatanons, said to his people: "I am going to the 
English ; I will bring some of them here to the village, and, on my return, 
I will go to the Illinois to ascertain their last dispositions regarding the 
French and the English, namely, which of the two they desire as Father; 
and if they speak to me of the English, the matter will soon be concluded." 

Monsieur de St. Clin heard indirectly that the English are continuing 
to get La Mouche Noire and La Peau Blanche to work at corrupting those 
nations, under the pretext of the fur-trade. The Peorias reported to him 
that La Peau Blanche went last Winter to them to induce them to go 
there. Some of his people are also to go to La Mouche Noire. Such are 
their usual subjects of conversation when they come back in the Spring 
from their Winter quarters. 

The English are continuing their intrigues to induce the nations to 
attack the French, through the machinations of La Mouche Noire and La 
Demoiselle, chief of the rebellious Miamis. La Mouche Noire has two 
brothers who are chiefs of the Kascakias domiciled at Fort Chartres. 
He enticed away the elder, who went to Riviere a la Roche to take there 
three English captives. He expects, on his return, to bring some English 
into Monsieur de St. Clin's neighborhood, but the exact place is not 
known. 

The English have won the confidence of the nations of Ouabache. 

Finally, Monsieur de St. Clin writes me that they are seeking only to 

' See Gist's Journal in Chapter viii. 



Lower Shawnee Town ; or Chillicothe on the Ohio 155 

|:)enetrate to the lands of his post; and he adds that this may happen 
sooner than one thinks. 

When George Croghan made his voyage down the Ohio in May, 
1765, he arrived at the mouth of the Scioto on the 23d, and notes in his 
Journal under that date: " On the Ohio, just below the mouth of the Scioto, 
on a high hank, near forty feet, formerly stood the Shawnesse Town called 
. the Lower Town, which was all carried away, except three or four houses, 
by a great flood in the Scioto. I was in the town at the time. Though 
the banks of the Ohio were so high, the water was nine feet [deep] on the 
top, which obliged the whole Town to take to their canoes, and move 
with their effects to the hills. The Shawnesse afterwards built their 
Town on the opposite side of the River, ^ which, during the French 
War, they abandoned, for fear of the Virginians, and removed to the 
Plains of the Scioto." 

Whether this flood in the Scioto occurred before 1750, or during the 
winter of 1750-51, when Croghan was there with Gist, or in the Spring of 
1752 or 1753, there is no means of telling. In April, 1752, Governor 
James Hamilton received by Hugh Crawford, the Trader, a letter dated 
February 8th, from George Croghan, enclosing another letter, in his 
handwriting, bearing the same date, signed by Misemeathaquatha, 
Loapeckaway, Nickiphock, and Loawaghcomico, four Shawnee chiefs 
of the Lower Shawnee Town, and witnessed by Hugh Crawford, John 
Grey, John Findley, David Hendricks, and Aaron Price, five Traders. 
The letter from the chiefs was to inform the Governor that "all the 
nations settled on this River Ohio and on this side the Lakes are in 
friendship and live as one people; but the French, . . . trouble us much; 
. . . they threaten to cut us off, and have killed thirty of our brothers 
the Twightwees; and we now acquaint you that we intend to strike the 
French. " Croghan writes of this message : " As far as I can understand, 
it is to assure you that they, with the rest of the nations in those parts, are 
determined to be revenged on the French for the thirty men of the 
Twightwees that the French have killed this Winter." There is a 
probability that Croghan was at the Lower Shawnee Town when this 
message was penned; although it is possible he committed it to writing 
at Logstown or in Cumberland County, after it was delivered to him 
verbally by his lieutenant, Hugh Crawford. 

John Finley, James Lowrey, Alexander McGinty, David Hendricks, 
Jacob Evans, Jabez Evans, Thomas Hyde, and William Powell, were 
Traders who were captured or robbed in Kentucky, south of the Lower 

' We have seen from Gist's Journal that part of the town stood on the south side 
of the Ohio in 1750 and 1751. Does Croghan mean that the Shawnees rebuilt on the 
opposite side of the Scioto, or of the Ohio ? It would appear from another document 
of his, quoted later, that he meant the Ohio. 



156 The Wilderness Trail 

Shawnee Town, in January, 1753. They probably spent the earlier 
portion of that winter at the mouth of the Scioto. 

After the French built Fort aux Bceufs in 1753, the Commandant 
at Fort Chartres was ordered to send an expedition up the Ohio, with 
provisions, to join the Canadians. On September i, 1753, Captain de 
Mazilieres, in command of one hundred men and convoying a large 
quantity of provisions, left the Illinois post and proceeded up the Ohio as 
far as the site of Louisville. Here the expedition halted, and Lieutenant 
de Portneuf was sent ahead to learn the disposition of the Indian tribes. 
After some time, he reached the Lower Shawnee Town, and learned of' 
Marin's expedition and establishment near the head of the Allegheny. 
The chiefs at the Lower Town, however, warned Portneuf of the friend- 
ship of the Indians for the English and their enmity to the French; 
leading him to believe that his own life was in danger. He escaped from 
the town during the night, and hastened to return to Fort Chartres, 
without stopping to inform his captain of the situation. The latter, 
receiving no news from his scout or from Marin, and many of his men 
deserting, deposited his provisions in a cache and returned to the Illinois, 
where he arrived November 19th, a few days before Portneuf.' 

At the time when George Croghan, John Patten, and Andrew 
Montour carried the present from the Provincial Government to the 
Indians at Logstown, in January, 1754, Patten and Montour returned 
without Crogan. The latter wrote Richard Peters, February 3d: "I 
shall be at my house at Aughick by ye 20th of this month"; and in his 
letter to Governor Hamilton of the same date, he explained that he would 
have returned with Patten and Montour, "but that Mr. Trent is just 
come out with ye Virginia goods, and has brought a quantity of tools and 
workmen to begin a Fort, and as he can't talk ye Indian language, I am 
obliged to stay and assist him in delivering them goods." In the same 
letter Croghan also wrote : ' ' May it please yr. Honour, I have reserved a 
part of ye goods left in my hands by yr. Honour's Commissioners, for this 
reason, that ye Shannas at ye Lower Shanna Town has got no part of 
this present. As they are likely to be struck by the French and Othaways 
[Ottawas] down there, it is Mr. Montour's and my opinion that there 
should be one hundred pounds worth more of goods added to what is in 
my hands, and sent to them. If yr. Honour approves of this, as there is 
no possibility of sending those things at this time of ye year [midwinter] 
from Philadelphia, ye Ohio Company has a quantity of goods here 
which they would sell at first cost, if yr. Honour will send a person to 
purchase them with cash, which will save ye expense of carriage to ye 
Government." 

Within eleven weeks from the date of this letter, the fort which 

' Wis. Hist. Coll., xviii., 148. 




A Trader's Map of the Ohio Country before 1753- 
From the original MS. in the Library of Congress. 



Lower Shawnee Town ; or Chillicothe on the Ohio 157 

Trent had started to build was in possession of the French, and the Eng- 
lish Traders had left the Ohio country, not, to return for five years. 

In the original manuscript account of "Losses occasioned by the 
French and Indians driving the English Traders off the Ohio," in 1754, 
made by George Croghan at Carlisle, April 24, 1756, the following item 
of property is mentioned, belonging to William Trent, George Croghan, 
Robert Calendar, and Michael Teaff, Traders in Company: "One large 
House on the Ohio, opposite to the mouth of the River Scioto, where the 
Shawanese had built their new Town, called the Lower Shawanese 
Town, which House we learn by the Indians is now in the possession of a 
French Trader, £200." 

Mrs. Mary Draper Ingles, who was carried off from Vance's (or 
Vaux's) Fort in Augusta County, Virginia, by the Shawnees in June, 1756, ^ 
was taken by them to the Lower Shawnee Town, where she was detained 
for some portion of the summer. She was then carried to the Big Bone 
Lick in Kentucky, where she managed to escape in company with an old 
woman of Pennsylvania German stock. The two returned to the set- 
tlements in Virginia a few months after Mrs. Ingles's capture. Mr. John 
P. Hale, a great-grandson of Mrs. Ingles, in his book on Trans-Allegheny 
Pioneers, describes the return trip of these two women through the 
wilderness. He states that "when Mrs. Ingles and her companion 
reached the point on the south side of the Ohio opposite the Scioto Shaw- 
nee Town . . . theyfound a corn-patch and anisolated, untenanted cabin. 
As it was about dark when they reached it, they slept in the cabin — seeing 
no sign of anyone about it — and enjoyed a hearty supper and breakfast of 
corn. . . . Next morning the women gathered what com they could 
manage to carry, and getting away from the neighborhood of the settle- 
ment as quietly and quickly as they could, resumed their onward move- 
ment. They could plainly see the Town and Indians on the opposite 
side, but managed to keep themselves unseen." Mr. Hale also states 
that "the main Shawnee Town in those days [he should have said, in 
1750] was not above the mouth [of the Scioto], where Portsmouth now 
stands, but a short distance below. This was their chief or capital Town. 
Their Council House, built of logs, was ninety feet long, and covered with 
bark. A few years later (1763 to 1765 [an error]) a very extreme, if not 
unprecedented, flood in the rivers swept off the greater part of the Town, 
and it was never rebuilt at that place; but the tribe moved its head- 
quarters to the Upper Little Miami [after 1776] and up the Scioto [about 
1758] and built up successively the Old and New Chillicothe, or Che-le-co- 
the Towns. There remained a Shawnee village at the mouth of the 
Scioto, which was then built upon the upper side, the present site of the 

^ See Va. Hist. Mag., xv., 256. Hale seems to have been mistaken in asserting 
that she was captured at the time of the Draper's Meadow Massacre in July, 1755. 



158 The Wilderness Trail 

city of Portsmouth. During the existence of the main Indian town 
just below the mouth of the Scioto, there was another prominent settle- 
ment at the mouth of a creek about four miles above the mouth of 
Kanawha. This Town was also abandoned about the same time [prob- 
ably long before] as the Scioto Town; whether from the same cause, or 
for what reason, I do not know. The Creek, at the mouth of which the 
Town stood, is still known as 'Old Town Creek.'" 

It will be seen by a comparison that there are many discrepancies 
between the traditionary account of the Lower Shawnee Town preserved 
by the descendants of Mrs. Ingles, and that of George Croghan. Accord- 
ing to the latter, the first town was destroyed by a flood when he was 
there, which must have been in the winter or early spring of 1751, 1752, 
or 1753; and it was then rebuilt on the Ohio, opposite the mouth of the 
Scioto. CaptainWilliam Trent, whose Journal is printed in a later chapter, 
was at the town in the summer of 1752, on his way to and from Picka- 
willany. He does not mention crossing the Ohio at that time, nor speak 
of the town as new; though he is not particular in describing the towns 
or topography in any part of his Journal. It is possible, however, that 
the flood may not have occurred until the following spring, and that 
Croghan was in the town in the early part of 1753. It seems certain 
from the latter's account in his affidavit of 1756, that the new town was 
built on the south side of the Ohio; and this is further confirmed by a 
reference in Davidson's Presbyterian Church in Kentucky (p. 53), cited 
from McAfee's Sketches (No. i) in the Frankfort Commonwealth for June 
I, 1 841, the substance of which, as given by Davidson, is that, "there was 
a French village built during the French War, perhaps about 1753, op- 
posite the mouth of the Scioto. It consisted of nineteen or twenty good 
log cabins, with clap-board roofs, doors, windows, chimneys, and some 
cleared ground. It was passed by Captain Bullitt and the McAfee 
Company on their way [down the Ohio], June 11, 1773."' Gist, as we 
have seen, stated that the town in 1751 was built on both sides of the 
Ohio, with forty houses on the south side. 

The only way to reconcile the accounts of Mrs. Ingles and George 
Croghan is to assume that after the French had occupied the Ohio 
Valley, the Shawnees returned again to the north bank of the Ohio and 
either occupied their old town there, or built a new town on the east 
bank of the Scioto. 

On November 12, 1755, George Croghan wrote James Hamilton 
from Shippensburg, giving him some Indian news which he had received 
from "one of ye Six Nations, who I believe is yet a steady friend, if there 
be one of ye Nation. " One item of this news was to the effect that "Ye 
Six Nations, while they stand neuter, are to make all ye interest they can 

^See Darlington's Gist, 121; Collin's Kentucky (1882), ii., 301 (Greenup County). 



Lower Shawnee Town ; or Chillicothe on the Ohio 159 

with the Southward Indians, to draw them to their interest [against the 
EngHsh], and settle them on ye Ohio; as they have already settled some 
of ye Upper Cherokees on Kentouckey, a Creek near ye Lower Shanna 
Town." 

On the ist of July, 1756, Governor Dinwiddle, of Virginia, wrote to 
Sir Charles Hardy, informing him, among other news of the Indians, 
that "One [Samuel] Stalniker, who was settled in Augusta County on 
our frontiers [a Trader with the Cherokees before 1748, at which time, 
and in 1750, he was met by Dr. Walker on his expeditions toward Ken- 
tucky], was taken prisoner by the Shawnesse about a year since, has 
made his escape and come here the middle of June. He says that a little 
before he left the Shawnesse Towns there came four French ofhcers 
with 1,000 Indians from the Oubatch and the back of the Lakes [the 
Illinois country] ; that they were marching for Fort Duquesne, and from 
thence intended to invade our Back Settlements. I believe there was 
such officers and some Indians, but not near 1,000, as the Indians can't 
tell numbers. " 

On December 22, 1756, Colonel John Armstrong forwarded to 
Governor Denny an extract from a letter received by him from Colonel 
Adam Stephen, dated at Fort Cumberland, November I4th,^which read 
as follows : 

By a woman who once belonged to John Fraser (his wife or mistress) 
and has now, after being prisoner with Shingas, &c., thirteen months, 
made her escape from Muskingum, we learn that Shingas and some 
Delawares live near the head of that River, within three days march of 
Lake Erie, where there is a town of Wiandots; and about five days travel 
from the Lower Shanoe Town, on a branch of Scioto. 

I don't learn that there is a Fort in it. 

The Shanoes are gathered all together there, and are forced to 
borrow a Captain of their Cousins, the Delawares, having had all their , 
Captains and sixteen warriors killed on our frontiers last Spring and 
summer, except one, who was sentencing one of our soldiers to be burnt, 
whom they had taken prisoner on our frontiers. The soldier took the 
advantage of them, and sitting close behind three Indians and the 
Captain, set fire to a bag of powder close by, and blew himself and 
the four Indians to pieces. . . . 

The head Captain of the Shanoes is called The Pipe, a Delaware 
[of the Minsi or Wolf Clan], a relation of a fellow's named The Pride ^ who 
was hanged some time ago in one of the Colonies. 

Colonel Armstrong sent to Governor Denny from Carlisle in May 

' "The Pride," a Shawnee chief, was met by Conrad Weiser at Logstown in 1748, 
and referred to by him as one of the chiefs who had gone off with Char tier and his 
Shawnes in 1745. It is probable that the chief called "The Pipe" (later, Captain Pipe) 
was a relation of Chief Manawkyhickon, of Shamokin, whose relation "Wequela" was 
hanged in New Jersey in 1728 for the murder of Captain John Leonard. 



^ 



i6o The Wilderness Trail 

1757, the report of the examination of a Delaware prisoner who had been 
taken by the Cherokees. This prisoner's report was that "At Cuscuskas 
and Shenango, are about two hundred warriors. The largest body of 
Shawnese are at the mouth of Siotho, 300 men." 

The Narratives of Moses Moore and Isham Bernat, written in 12.59, 
are published in the third volume of the Pennsylvania Archives (p. 632). 
Moses Moore related that he "was hunting beaver in Augusta County, 
Virginia, in the month of April, 1758, and was taken prisoner by a party 
of nine Owendats, who had two prisoners with them, two brothers, 
John and William McCreary. Next day after they were taken, they 
marched to Little Kanhaway, then crossed the Ohio a day and a half 
to a little Delaware Town down ye Ohio, thence marched three days 
and an half to ye Lower Shawnee Town, where he was confined three 
days; thence he was marched to Lake Erie, six days, to the first Owendat 
Town; next day went to another Town on the Lake side; stayed three 
days; crossed a small part of ye Lake, where they carry their canoes [the 
portage on the north side of Sandusky Bay]; then to ye Owendat Town 
on ye other side of the Lake; stayed there till 26th 8ber [October], then 
came on this side, below ye Lake, and ye head of Siota Creek; stayed 
till the 14th March, and then made their escape to Pittsburgh; 23 days 
on their march." 

Isham Bernat "was living at his plantation on the Irwin River in *>^ 
Virginia, and was gone to his neighbors on ye 31st March, 1758, and was 
taken by a party of mixed Indians, Shawonese, Delawares, Owendots, and 
Mingoes, about twenty-five in number. . . . When they came to ye 
Ohio they killed one of his children and an old woman. In three days 
they came to the Lower Shawonese Town; thence to Owendat Town 
in three days, on this side ye Lake; after fifteen days was taken to the 
Owendat Town on the other side Lake, where was about 100 men able to 
bear arms; there he saw and was with Moses Moore." 

General Forbes occupied the site of Fort Duquesne with his little 
army on November 25, 1758. Two days later, George Croghan and 
Andrew Montour started to visit the Indians at Logstown and in the 
villages on the Beaver. They slept on the north side of the Allegheny, 
opposite the camp, on that night. On the 28th, Croghan writes in his 
Journal: "Set off at seven o'clock, in company with six Delawares, and 
that night arrived at Loggs Town, which we found deserted by its late 
inhabitants [the Shawnees]. On inquiring the reason of their speedy 
flight, the Delawares informed me the Lower Shanoes had removed off 
the [Ohio] River up Sihotta, to a great plain called Moguck [now known 
as the Pickaway Plains, in Pickaway County], and sent for those that 
live here to come there and live with them and quit the French; and at the 
same time the deputies of the Six Nations which I had sent from Easton, 



Lower Shawnee Town ; or Chillicothe on the Ohio i6i 

came and hastened their departure. In this Town is forty houses, all 
built for them by the French, and lived here about one hundred and 
twenty warriors." 

On Hutchins's map of 1778, the town at the mouth of the Scioto is 
marked "Old Lower Shawnee Town," and the place to which the Shaw- 
nees removed is called "Lower Shawnee Town," situated on both sides 
of the Scioto, on the "Plains." There it became known as "Upper 
Chillicothe," or "Old Chillicothe," four miles belqw Circleville, on and 
opposite the site of Westfall. / 

On February 7, 1759, Hugh Mercer wrote Colonel Bouquet from 
Pittsburgh that two Shawanese were gone to find if any of the French 
enemy are at the mouth of the Muskingum, or/on Yellow Creek. "A 
Mohican reports, from the Scioto, two officers aiid twenty or thirty men 
to be there, and at the Salt Spring above Kaskaskias [Kuskuskies] a large 
number of troops. " 

Vaudreuil wrote to the French Ministry from Montreal June 24, 1760 : 
"M. Hertel, whom I had stationed at Sonyoto, has kept his ground. He 
learned from prisoners who had been brought to him from Carolina, that 
the English had no other nations than the Catawbas and Taskarorins; 
that the [Flat] heads were at war with them-" 

In a letter written by Colonel Bouquet to General Monckton from 
Fort Pitt, February 24, 1761, he announces that "Artel [Hertel] has 
returned from the Shawanese Town, with only six men out of eighteen, 
some being left sick, others having deserted; they were all militia of 
Canada." 

In May, 1765, George Croghan, as already noted, made a voyage 
down the Ohio as far as the mouth of the Wabash, for the purpose of 
treating with the Indians. On the 23d of that month he writes in his 
Journal: "Decamped about five in the morning [from the mouth of 
Little Guyandotte River], and arrived at Big Guyondott, twenty miles 
from our last encampment; the country as of yesterday; from hence we 
proceeded down to Sandy River, being twenty miles further; thence to 
the mouth of Scioto, about forty miles from the last mentioned River. . . . 
The soil on the banks of Scioto, for a vast distance up the country, is 
prodigious rich, the bottoms very wide, and in the Spring of the year many 
of them are flooded, so that the River appears to be two or three miles 
wide. [Here follows the description of the old Lower Shawnee Town, 
and the flood, which has already been given.] . . . 

"24th, 25th, and 26th, Stayed at the mouth of Scioto, waiting for 
the Shawnesse and French Traders, who arrived here on the evening 
of the 26th, in consequence of the message I sent them from Hochocken, 
or Bottle Creek. Several of the Shawanese came . . . and brought with 
them, seven French Traders, which they deHvered to me; those being all 



1 

i62 The Wilderness Trail 



that resided in their villages ; and told me there was just six more living 
with the Delawares; that on their return to their towns they would go 
to the Delawares and get them to send those French Traders home ; and 
told me they were determined to do everything in their power to convince 
me of their sincerity and good disposition to preserve a peace. " 

Sir William Johnson wrote the Lords of Trade in July, 1765, that he 
had received a letter from Mr. Croghan, dated at the mouth of Scioto 
the 26th of May, "wherein he informs me he was there met by a number 
of Ottawaes, Shawanese, &c., whom he so far prevailed with as to induce 
them to deliver up to him seven French Traders from the Illinois, who 
were in their towns and had been very busy in promoting the War and 
creating a misunderstanding between us and the Indians; they have 
likewise promised to deliver five more who are in their country. " 



i 



CHAPTER VI 

THE CONCHAKE ROUTE, AND OTHER OHIO PATHS 

LA MOTHE CADILLAC, founder of Detroit, induced a number of 
Hurons (Wyandots) to leave Michillimackinac and settle at Detroit 
in 1703. During the next five years, the greater part of the tribe had 
followed them. DAigremont, who inspected these two posts in the 
summer of 1708, wrote in his report that "these Hurons would never 
have abandoned this country [at Michillimackinac] if there had been a 
French commandant. They left solely on account of their hatred of the 
Outawas, who held them in a kind of slavery. " 

Sabrevois' Memoir on the Savages of Canada as far as the Missis- 
sippi River, prepared in 17 18, states that there were at Detroit in that 
year 100 men of the Hurons, 100 of the Ottawas, and 180 of the Potta- 
wattomies. In 1736, the numbers at Detroit are given as 200 men of 
the Hurons, 180 of the Ottawas, and 200 of the Pottawattomies. 

In the Archives of the French Colonial Ministry there is preserved 
a "Memorandum of what occurred in the Affair of the Hurons of De- 
troit with the Outaouacs, Poutouatamis, Sauteux, and Mississisagues 
of that Post from the 12th of August, 1738, to the 12th of June, 1741."! 
This memorandum shows, that, "by a word of the Hurons of the 12th 
of August, 1738, addressed to their brothers [i.e., the Caughnawaga, or 
"praying Indians, " located near Quebec] of the Sault, of the Lake, and of 
Lorette, to be repeated to Monsieur the General, they say that Sastaretsy^ 
tells them that the Outaouacs have, as it were, raised the hatchet against 
them, and have asked all the Nations of their language who dwell on the 
lakes to help them to exterminate them. 

"The 29th of January, 1739, Father de la Richardie writes [from 
Detroit] that he knows their minds ; that it does not seem easy to reassure 
them; that he has a well-founded reason to fear that — although the 

' Wis. Hist. Coll., xvii., 289. 

2 "Sasteratsi, whom our French call 'King of the Hurons,' and who is in reality 
the hereditary chief of the Tionnontatez [the Wyandot tribe of the Hurons], who are the 
true Hurons, was present there [at a Council held in 1721]." Charlevoix, Journ. Hist., 
258. The name was hereditary also, and went with the office. 

163 



I 



164 The Wilderness Trail 

Hurons have apparently acquiesced in the orders of Monsieur the 
General to remain at Detroit — they may at the first alarm go either to 
the Sonontouans, as they have been asked to do, or beyond [south or 
east of] the Belle Riviere. 

"The ist of February, Monsieur de Noyelle [Commandant at Detroit] 
writes, that the savages have been in fear of one another throughout all 
the winter; that the Hurons all went to winter in the interior, contrary to 
their custom ; that they abandoned their clearings and a portion of their 
Indian corn; that there was a rumor that they were going to the Flat- 
heads ; that they told him they could not calm the minds of their wives 
and children ; and that they would always be in a state of dread at that post. 

"Orontony [Nicolas], the great chief of that Nation, gave him 
branches of porcelain [belts of wampum] to be sent to his Father, Onontio, 
on behalf of the whole village, by which they begged him to grant them 
permission to go and settle near him [i. e., nearer Quebec], as they could 
no longer live in peace at that place; because, whenever the Flat-heads 
might make an attack on the Nations of Detroit they [the Hurons] would 
always be accused of having a share in it. . . . 

"The loth of May, 1739, Father de la Richardie writes that the 
threats of one, Entatsogo, a chief of Sault, uttered in connection with the 
peace made by the Hurons with the Flat-heads, seemed to have made them 
give up all idea of going down below [i. e., toward Montreal] to settle. . . . 

"The 1 6th of September, 1740, Monsieur de Noyan writes that the 
third chief of the Hurons, named Angouirot, had just arrived from San- 
doske, where he had left nearly all his brothers cutting down trees to 
extend their fields. . . . 

"The 17th of September, Father de la Richardie writes to Monsieur 
the General that he had vainly flattered himself that he had brought 
back the Hurons who had established themselves at the Little Lake 
[Sandusky] ; that most of them had gone to Detroit on the approach of 
the great feasts, and had decamped as soon as they were over, without 
its being possible for him to keep them there." 

As early as 1729 Beauharnois had written to the French Ministry 
(July 29) of the reconciliation which he had effected between the Hurons 
of Detroit and the Miamis. "The latter, " he says, "were greatly irritated 
against the former because they had made peace with the Flat-heads 
without saying anything to anyone." 

In the Sabre vois Memoir of 1718, already quoted, the author 
states that nearly one hundred leagues south of Niagara is a river which 
is called the Sandosquet,which the savages who are settled at Detroit and 
along Lake Huron follow when they go to fight the Flat-heads and other 
nations in the direction of Carolina, as the Cherokees (the savages who 
live on Casquinampo River) and the Chaouanons. 



The Conchake Route, and other Ohio Paths 165 

The quarrel between the Hurons and the Ottawas broke out in the 
spring of 1738. During a Council at Detroit, the Huron chief gave a 
belt to the Ottawas, announcing that the Hurons had made peace with 
the Flat-heads of the West (the Chickasaws). The Ottawas rejected the 
belt, and proclaimed their bitter hatred of the Flat-heads. They were 
upheld by the Pottawattomies and the Sauteurs; and sent a small war 
party against the southern enemy. On its return, the Hurons were 
accused of having sent information of the expedition to the Flat-heads, 
which prevented the Ottawas from surprising one of their villages. 

As a result of this quarrel, it would seem that a great part of the 
Hurons left their village at Detroit and settled at Sandusky, in 1739-40, 
as noted in the correspondence given above. 

The Chevalier de Beauharnois, nephew of the Canadian Governor 
of the same name, visited the Hurons at Detroit and Sandusky in the 
summer and fall of 174 1, and tried to get them to remove to the vicinity 
of Montreal; but his errand was fruitless. 

Navarre's report of his journey to Saguin's post on the White River 
in the spring of 1743 (printed in Volume I), shows that a portion of the 
Hurons, or Wyandots, still remained at Sandusky, and were visited by 
him on his return to Detroit. 

Beauharnois wrote to the French Ministry October 9, 1744, that 
"the Hurons who came back from Sandoske to settle at La Grande Terre, 
below Detroit, manifest no intention of changing that settlement, and 
the idea they formerly had of going away seems to have completely 
vanished." 

This referred only to a portion of the Hurons, possibly to that part 
of the tribe under the chiefs [Sastaredzy and Taychatin; because 
Longueuil, Commandant at Detroit a few years later, wrote from there 
June 23, 1747, giving an account of the killing of the five French Traders 
on their way back from the White River by "some Hurons of Detroit 
belonging to the tribe of the War Chief Nicolas, who, some years since 
had settled at Sandoske." 

In a report on Indian affairs made by M, Boisherbert in November, 
1747, he writes that the Five Nations had been for a long time sending 
war-belts to all the tribes with whom they were connected, including the 
Hurons. ' "At length, they have recently been wishing to raise the hatchet 
at Detroit, where Sieur de Longueuil commands. The Hurons were ready 

' A legend on Lewis Evans's map of 1755, below the southwestern coast of Lake 
Erie, from beyond the Maumee to the Upper Muskingum, recites that, "These parts 
were by the Confederates [Iroquois] allotted for the Wiandots when they were lately 
admitted into their League." They were admitted into the " Covenant Chain " of 
the Iroquois and English by the chiefs of the Six Nations living on the Ohio at Logs- 
town September 13, 1748. See Weiser's Journal. 



i66 The Wilderness Trail 

to massacre all the French, were it not that a squaw, going into a garret 
in search of some Indian corn, overheard their conspiracy below. She 
went immediately to advise the Jesuit lay brother thereof, who informed 
M. de Longueuil, the commander there, of the danger. They were to 
sleep that night in the Fort, as they often did before, and each was to 
kill the people of the house where he lodged. M. de Longueuil called 
together all the principal chiefs; spoke to them so as to stop them; and 
they excused themselves the best way they could. " 

Longueuil wrote that this conspiracy was the fruit of the belts 
the English had had distributed among all the tribes by the Iroquois of 
the Five Nations; and that the Hurons of Sastaredzy's and Taychatin's 
tribe came to speak to him, and assured him that they had no share in 
the misconduct of Nicolas's people. "Nicolas's tribe," he adds, "con- 
tinues, nevertheless, to reside at Sandoske, where they doubtless expect 
not only to maintain themselves but even to harass Detroit by small war 
parties." Longueuil wrote again July 14th that he has been told 
that Nicolas was abandoned by his fellow conspirators, but does not 
believe it. "On the contrary, he knows that he is in correspondence 
with the people of Saginau and the Sauteurs, to come and surprise 
Detroit. . . . The Outaouas and Pouteouatamis, who had promised 
to go and burn the village on Bois Blanc Island [at the mouth of Detroit 
River, where the conspiracy seems to have been hatched], are no longer 
willing to execute that project." 

Nearly six weeks later Longueuil wrote that the Hurons of San- 
dosket and Nicolas's band still continue insolent, and that this chief was 
unceasing in his efforts to gain allies. The writer had just learned that 
two Englishmen (George Croghan was one) had come to Sandosket 
with ammunition for Nicolas and his men. "The Hurons of the village 
on Bois Blanc Island, who are near the Fort, have seen these two English- 
men, and have not spoken of them,which proves clearly their understand- 
ing with those of Sandosket, and that they requested leave to remain near 
the Fort only for the purpose of watching our movements more closely, so 
as to inform Nicolas thereof, and to advise him of the preparations that 
may be making against him. These same Hurons persist, however, 
in wishing to return to Bois Blanc Island, because it is their interest to 
occupy that post, which is the key of Detroit, whilst Nicolas, on his side, 
will draw the English to him, and afford them facilities for establish- 
ments all along Lake Erie as far as the Miamis [Maumee] River." 

On November 9th Longueuil wrote that Nicolas and Anioton, 
chiefs of the Huron traitors, came to Detroit to sue for peace and to 
surrender the belts which had been the cause of their treason. The 
Commandant replied to their speeches, but doubted their sincerity. 
On the 5th of June, 1748, he writes, that Kinousaki, an Ottawa chief, 



The Conchake Route, and other Ohio Paths 167 

"had returned, on the yth of April from the Miamis River, whither he had 
gone to bring back the Hurons [Ottawas?] who had deserted from the 
village of Ostandosket; has reported that Nicolas, with 119 warriors of his 
nation, men, women, and baggage, had taken the route to the White 
River, after having burnt the fort and the cabins of the village ; that the 
Outaouas had given him (Kinousaki) a cool reception, and that a portion 
only would consent to return to Detroit, the remainder wishing to settle 
at the lower end of the Miamis River, where the Hurons had promised 
them the English would supply their wants, Kinousaki has added, that 
when the Outaouas will learn the desertion of the Hurons, which they were 
ignorant of, they will alter their resolution. At the same time two Hu- 
rons, who were sent by Sastaredzy, the Huron chief of a loyal tribe, con- 
firm the departure of Nicolas and his people for the White River, to seek 
shelter among the Iroquois there, or among the Mohegans who are near 
Orange [Albany], and that only seventy men of all their nation would 
comeback." 

When Conrad Weiser met the deputies of Nicolas 's band at Logstown 
in September, 1748, they told him that seventy of their warriors had 
remained behind at another town, a good distance off, whom they hoped 
to induce to follow them. 

In the chapter on the White River, it has been shown that the easiest 
route from Sandusky to the White River was by way of Lake Erie to the 
mouth of that river, now better known as the Cuyahoga. It is probable, 
however, that Nicolas's band of Wyandots made the journey from 
Sandusky to the Big Beaver by land, and we will now undertake to 
trace the path they followed. 

Since the chapter on the White River was written there has been 
published in the Quarterly of the Ohio Archaeological and Historical 
Society for October, 1908, a brief extract from the manuscript journals 
of Lieutenant Joseph Gaspard Chaussegros de Lery,' an Engineer of 
the French army, and a son of the Chaussegros de Lery who constructed 

' Gaspard Chaussegros de Lery, father of the writer of this Journal, was a French 
military engineer, son of the engineer of Toulon, of the same name. He was sent to 
Canada by the Council of the Marine in 1716, and married there in 1717. According 
to Bellin, he descended the Ohio River to or below the Rapids in the year 1729. 
Among his children was Joseph Gaspard, baptized in Quebec July 21, 172 1. He was 
given the position of assistant engineer in the Canadian service in April, 1739; and two 
months later accompanied the expedition of Longueuil down the Ohio and Mississippi 
against the Chickasaws. He makes references to his journey of that date down the Ohio 
in the present Journal, from which it seems that he kept a Journal of the expedition. 
A portion of this Journal, and possibly the whole, is still preserved in the Archives of the 
French Government. A part has been copied (for the month of February, 1740), and 
is in the Canadian Archives (see Calendar for 1905, i., 461). This covers the campaign 
for that period against the Chickasaws. De Lery was given a Captain's commission in 
1757. After the conquest of Canada, he continued there, and died at Quebec in Decern- 



i68 The Wilderness Trail 

the fortifications at Niagara in 1726. The original manuscripts of the 
De Lery Journals belong to Laval University, in Quebec. Mr. Charles 
WilHam Burrows, of Cleveland, Ohio, has had them translated by Col. 
Crawford Lindsay, of Quebec, and will publish them in full at some future 
date. Mr. Burrows has kindly furnished the writer with a transcript 
of Colonel Lindsay's translation, describing De Lery's journey to Detroit 
in August, 1754, and from Detroit to Fort Duquesne in March, 1755, 
together with the maps accompanying the same. 

De Lery started from Presqu' Isle (now Erie, Pennsylvania) July 
30, 1754, and reached Sandusky Bay on his way to Detroit in five days. 
The entry in his Journal under date of August 4, 1754, reads as follows : 

"4th, Sunday. We started at 5 h. 22 m. N.W. At two-thirds 
of a league, Monsieur de Rigauville landed with Father Bonnecamp, 
Jesuit, and another canoe. There he took the altitude, which was 41 
degrees, 24 minutes, 54 seconds. The wind was stormy and a cloud 
covered the whole sky to the North East. From the point where the 
altitude was taken to the point seen in the East, the bearing is E.N.W. ; 
from the same point to the point in the West, the bearing is S.E. by S. 
and N.W. by N. From the Riviere aux Hurons [Fig. 25], or Riviere au 

Pere, or Riviere au Vermilion, the shore 
runs S.E. and N.W. for a distance of 
about 134 [?] leagues, in which space is 
the entrance to Lake Otsandoske. At 
ID o'clock I found myself opposite two 
entrances of a Bay. As my canoe 
was the nearest to land as well as the 
most in advance, and as I had no guide, I thought this was the 
entrance of Lake Otsandoske. The wind was astern, and as I steered 
for the entrance the rollers were very heavy. While I was in the 
pass on the left [as one enters (for the entrance of the lake is di- 
vided by a small island) my canoe shipped a great deal of water. 
I discovered a great sheet of water which I took for Lake Otsandoske. 
I displayed my flag as a signal to all the canoes, which steered for me 
with the wind astern. Many shipped a good deal of water and suffered 
exceedingly from the heavy wind. I saw them all enter the Lake and 
land at the other end of the island to empty the water out of the canoes. 
Monsieur Pean had to change his clothes, which were wet through. I did 
not know where the portage was. I imagined that some vestiges still 
remained of the Fort the French had built in 175 1 and which was after- 







ber, 1797. One of his sons, Frangois Joseph, became Lieutenant General, Chief Engi- 
neer, and Baron of the French Empire. See the Abbe Daniel's Le Vicomte C. de Lery et 
sa Famille, Montreal, 1867. 



The Conchake Route, and other Ohio Paths 169 

wards evacuated. To find it I followed the shore on the north side of 
the said lake, which runs East and West. After proceeding about three 
leagues, I found a clearing, where I landed at noon and discovered the 
ruins of the old Fort [Fig. 34]. I at once had the packages in my canoe 
carried across the portage. At two o'clock the whole had been taken 
over. Monsieur Pean arrived at 3 o'clock. The remainder of the day was 
spent in portaging the effects and the canoes; three of the latter, however, 
remained at the Little Lake. The portage is 57 arpents ^ in length ; start- 
ing from the Little Lake, it runs N. by N. W. There are three small 
prairies to be crossed, which are at about equal distance from one another; 
after that is a small grove of trees and then the bank of the river of the 
portage on the shore of the Great Lake, where our camp was. 

"I calculate that, from the river we call Riviere aux Hurons to the 
entrance of Lake Otsandoske, the distance is two leagues ; for the space 
of one league the shore is |b ordered merely by a strip of woods, after 
which is a great prairie which ends at Lake Otsandoske. 

"To enable one to understand the route of this day and that of 
Father Bonnecamp, Jesuit, in passing out of the Little Lake to Pointe 
aux Cedres, I|will indicate in the figure below the route he took outside 
and which I followed inside [No. 27] :" 



B.-^^^H^'%'f 



The expedition reached Detroit on August 6, 1754, where De Lery 
remained until the following March. 

The following extract from De Lery's Journal for the month of 
March, 1755, gives the details of his journey to Fort Duquesne. It be- 
gins while he was still in Detroit : 

"1755, March ist, Saturday. A courier started for St. Joseph to 
carry the news from the Belle Riviere. At two o'clock the couriers who 
arrived here on the 24th February last, left for the Belle Riviere. The 

'An arpent was an old French land measure, equal to 191.85 English feet; 57 
arpents would be about 2.07 miles. 



170 The Wilderness Trail 

savages in winter quarters were notified to hold themselves in readiness 
to proceed to Detroit at the opening of navigation, to hear the word of 
their Father Nontiaux [Onontio], 

"2nd, Sunday. Snow fell to the depth of one inch; there was frost 
from midnight to 8 o'clock and it thawed during the remainder of the 
day; it froze again at night; wind W. A band of 40 Sauteurs arrived, 
who were going on the war-path among the Testes Plattes [Flat-heads]. 
The Commandant stopped them. 

"3rd, Monday. Very cold; wind N.W. 10 Sauteurs left to continue 
their Journey, and 30 returned to their winter quarters in obedience to 
the Commandant's orders. At 8 o'clock the wind was N.E. and a little 
snow fell. 

"4th, Tuesday. Weather cold; the Sun came out at 10 o'clock. I 
went in a cariole to the Riviere a Guignolet, north of Lake Ste. Clere 
about three leagues up the said Lake, as will be seen by the map I append 
to this Journal. At 4 o'clock two Iroquois arrived from the Belle 
Riviere, bearing letters from the Commandant of Fort Duquesne, who 
wrote me to proceed there, with the approval of Monsieur Dumuy, the 
Commandant of Detroit. When I offered to go, the latter told me he 
was keeping me to lead the savages of his Post who were to proceed to 
Fort Duquesne. 

"5th, Wednesday. Weather very cold; wind W.N.W. At 4 
o'clock in the afternoon. Monsieur Dumuy told me I could start for Fort 
Duquesne; that he would not make himself responsible for what might 
happen if Fort Duquesne were in danger through lack of a person having 
a knowledge of fortification; that, moreover, Monsieur de Contrecoeur, 
the Commandant of the said Fort, asked for the savages only when he 
should send other couriers, while he asked positively for me; thus, it was 
better that I should give up an uncertain journey and go on one that 
seemed more pressing. 

"6th, Thursday. We wrote to Montreal to inform Monsieur the 
General that I was leaving for Fort Duquesne. The letters were sent by 
two savages, who were to take them to Niagara, whence the Commandant 
of that Fort would send them on to Montreal. I made arrangements 
about my few articles of furniture, which I left at Monsieur Dumuy's. I 
took the levels of the ground on both the short sides of the Fort from the 
River to the hill. Wind, N.W. ; weather slightly cold. 

"7th, Friday. It snowed and a little rain fell. I measured the 
distance from the small gate in the Curtain between the Outaouis and the 
Dauphin Bastions to the channel of the barques, that is to say, where they 
can moor. I found it to be fifty-four toises. Wind N.E. by N. ; weather 
cloudy and cold. 

"8th, Saturday. At half past 5 o'clock the wind was W.S.W. with 



The Conchake Route, and other Ohio Paths 171 

rain; at noon it was South; at 7 o'clock W.N.W.; At 11 o'clock we had 
hail and rain, and the wind was very violent. 

"9th, Sunday. It was cold in the morning and thawed at noon. I 
worked at taking some measures for the plan of the Fort and finished 
getting information from Monsieur [Robert] Navarre concerning the 
lands of the habitants. 

"loth, Monday. I set about my departure, but was unable to 
leave, because the ice had broken up in the rivers, which were full of 
floating ice. The weather was cold at night and the wind north; at seven 
o'clock in the morning it veered to the South, where it remained all day. 
The Sun did not come out. I had everything prepared in readiness 
to start on the following day, in pirogues, following the ice in the River 
of Detroit. At 4 o'clock in the afternoon there was much thunder and 
rain, which made the weather milder. At 8 o'clock the stars came out and 
it did not freeze, which gave me good hopes that I should be able to start 
on the following day. " 

[Remainder of the page and the following page blank.] 

" 1 755, March 1 5th, Saturday. As the wind blew from the water and 
it was impossible to embark, I decided to leave behind the two French- 
men who had brought me in the pirogue, so that they might take it back to 
the Fort, and to travel by land with the two Iroquois. We started at 
8 o'clock and at four we camped half a league beyond the Pointe aux 
Feviers. We broke through in several places. The weather was cold. 
We passed two rivers : one in the middle of the bay [Fig. 28], and the other 
almost at the Pointe aux Feviers. The savages were so loaded with our 
equipment that they were obliged to make trains with our apichimons or 
bear skins. I calculate that we traveled five and a half leagues ' that day. 

" 1 6th, Sunday. The weather was fine but cold, but yet not suf- 
ficiently so to allow of our crossing the streams and rivers on the ice 
without breaking through. We crossed the Riviere a Toussain in the 
water; it is wide and shallow, and situate a league and a quarter from 
the Pointe aux Feviers. Here is a figure of that River [Fig. 32]. 
We walked over difficult ground, full of 

hot springs, and 
when we had to 

leave it and go - ^""^J^^^,?^. 
on the shore ice, 

we ran the risk of breaking our legs, as the ice 
was not sound, and frequently there was no 
water underneath. We saw great numbers 
of swans, bustards, ducks, cranes, and other 
game, but they were so wild we could not approach them. 
1 A'French league was a little less than two and one-half miles. 





172 



The Wilderness Trail 



"Two of us arrived at the Riviere du Portage' at 3 o'clock in the 
afternoon. Thomas, the Iroquois from the Lake of Two Mountains who 
was with me, went along the outer edge of the shore ice to go and get a 
pirogue on the other side of the River, and it was 5 o'clock when I got 
across. I left him to await the other savage, who had remained behind, 
and I went on to Lake Sandoske to see whether we could cross it, either 
in a canoe or on the ice. I arrived there at half past six o'clock, after walk- 
ing continually in the water, of which that portage is full at that season. 
I found the Lake clear of ice and fired three gun-shots, the signal I had 
arranged with the Iroquois, who rejoined me at half past seven o'clock. 
He had not seen his comrade, who did not come to sleep with us. We 
fired several gun-shots to make ourselves heard by the French Traders 
on the South East shore of Lake dot Sandoske, but they did! not answer. 
We had nothing for supper but a teal, as the savage who had remained 
behind carried the provisions. 

" I examined the River of the Portage and found its figure different at 
this season from what it was in the month of August last year when I 
passed there; the grass was then high and the water lower [Fig. 33] : 




"17th, Monday. Very early in the morning the Iroquois from the 
Lake started to go and meet the one from the Belle Riviere who had not 
joined us the previous evening. I placed a flag on the water's edge and 
fired several gun-shots to make the Traders on the opposite shore see 
and hear me, but they did not hear any more than on the previous day. 
At noon the two savages arrived. We placed in the water a large canoe of 
eight paddles that we found, and crossed three-quarters of a league above 
the Riviere du Poisson Doree [Pickerel Creek, which enters the bay near 
the southwestern extremity]. 

"I reached the house of Sieur Gouin, a Trader, at 4 o'clock in the 

^ Still called by that name. 



The Conchake Route, and other Ohio Paths 173 

afternoon. We were a long time crossing because our canoe leaked a 
good deal and I was kept busy bailing while the two savages paddled. I 
learned there that the couriers who were going to the Fort. . . . 



B(vf 



^ run '?i<^ 




"i8th, Tuesday. The wind was from the south and cold; the sun 
came out. The savages prepared and made a saddle for the horse that 
was to carry our provisions. I sent one of them with the Huron inter- 
preter to the little village to get me a guide, and I particularly charged 
the latter with that mission, also to buy a horse for me. At 4 o'clock in 
the afternoon the interpreter and the savage returned without either 
guide or horse. Our two savages decided to take the route via the 
Presqu' Isle by canoe. This, added to what the Hurons told me about 
the Rivers having overflowed their banks and the woods being full of 
water, led me to decide to go in a canoe. I had one of six paddles pre- 
pared with all its fittings, to be ready to start very early the following 
morning. I wrote to Monsieur the Commandant of Detroit and sent 
him the statement of the few supplies advanced me by Sieur Gouin for 
those who owned the canoe, which I might perhaps leave at the Riviere 
k Sequin, called Gayahague [Figure 22]. ^ 

"19th, Wednesday. I was unable to start before noon, because 
the canoe had to be gummed, as it leaked a great deal. I went to sleep 

' The Cuyahoga, or White River was called Saguin River by the Detroit French, 
after the Trader, Saguin, whom Robert Navarre visited on its banks in 1743. 



174 



The Wilderness Trail 



jf^i-t. 



at the head of Lake Sandoske in a place sheltered from the wind. The 

weather was fine. We went to the Point on the Lake to see whether 

there was much ice. We found shore ice and, 
as the weather was setting in fine, this led us 
to hope that we should reach whither we 
proposed going with fair ease. 

"I calculate that we traveled four and 
one-half leagues. Figure of the entrance of 
Lake dot Sandoske and view of the lands to 

the west, with the plan of the swamp as far as the portage of the village 

of Ainoton [Figure 35] : 




^'^iiawsiiw^ 







"20th, Thursday. Heavy gale from the northeast. We remained, 
being unable to put our canoe in the water. 

"21st, Friday. At 7 o'clock in the morning we embarked to go 
to the head of the swamp of Lake dot Sandoske to the East. We went 
about a league and a half and portaged over to the great lake, which we 
found ftdl of ice. This compelled us to retrace our steps and go to the 
portage of the village of Aniauton,' which we did. At 5 o'clock we 
reached the said village, whereof only three cabins and some palisades 
remain. We decided to take the Conchake route, although it was long. 
We asked a Huron to guide us. I offered him the value of a beaver skin 
to take us to the Riviere a Sequin, but he refused, saying that his nation 
wotdd think he was going on the war-path. This, in addition to the 
trouble the men of that nation had caused, with the same object, some 
days previously, led me to think that he would perhaps not submit 
without compulsion to all that might be favorable to us on the Oyo. 

^ So named for Anioton, a Huron chief associated with Nicolas in his revolt. 



The Conchake Route, and other Ohio Paths 175 



"The place where we were is that where the Hurons' took refuge 
after leaving Isle aux Bois Blanc, and killed the Frenchmen. They had 
erected a fort there, whereof the following is the figure [No. 36]: 

"22nd, Saturday. Very early in the morning one of my savages 
started to go to the _ 



house of Sieur Gouin, 
the Trader, at the Lake, 
to get his horse. We 
got our packages ready 
to start in the afternoon, 
if he returned in time. 
I wrote Sieur Gouin to 
send two Frenchmen to 
get his canoe with its 



y(^36 



.\v\\Vvv\ 



% 




$, \vv.»«>sV\\>v> <j 



fittings, left on the lake shore on the portage of the village. 

"There was no more snow on the ground and this caused the woods 
to be full of water. We had found a good deal on the previous day on 
our way to the village. At 5 o'clock the savage who had gone to get 
the horse, returned. The Frenchmen were to come the following day to 
take away their canoe. 

"I wrote to Monsieur Dumuy and to Madame de Lery and dated 
the letters the 23rd March. The weather was fine, with a little rain 
in the morning. 

"An Anniez [Mohawk] who had passed the winter at a three days' 
march from this village, arrived. He was going to trade at Sandoske. 
He told me he had a horse for sale. I accepted the offer. He promised to 
join me in two days, on his return from the trade, and deliver me the horse. 
"23rd, Sunday. At half-past 8 o'clock in the morning we started 
on the Conchake road. We marched until 4 o'clock when we camped 
on the bank of a little river whose waters flow to the East. I think it is 
a branch of the Riviere au Vermilion. Our bearing was South and the 
distance traveled seven leagues. At 2 o'clock we passed the Riviere au 
Vermilion [the present Huron] whereof the following is the figure [No. 37] : 

"The north bank is steep, the south one is 
not. It is from twelve to fifteen toises^ wide 
and the water is two feet deep. From 10 
o'clock until noon we passed through a prairie 
full of water in which were numbers of crawfish, 
and between that prairie and our camping- 
place we passed two very extensive "groves of 
ash trees, through water|mid-leg deep. The only good piece of road 

^ Nicolas's band. 

* A toise is equal to 2.1 yards, or 1.92 metres. 




1/6 The Wilderness Trail 

we had was between the village and the prairie, because that road is on 
high land. 

"At 5 o'clock it began to rain; the wind was E. N. E. 

"24th, Monday. The rain stopped at 8h. 15m. At gh. we started. 
At noon we passed the Riviere au Vermilion [Huron], whereof the figure 
is as follows [No. 37^^] : 

"At 2 o'clock we passed another branch. In the one we passed at 
jj^ noon the water was a foot deep. It is from seven to eight 
^ toises wide. To cross it, one, has to ^descend ;and ascend, 

that is to say, ithat it is between two hills with a rather 
steep slope. At 5 o'clock we camped on one of the branches 
of the said Riviere au Vermilion [Huron]. Our bearing was south and 
the distance traveled seven leagues. We met a Huron who told us 
that twenty Chaouanons had arrived at Sandoske. I thought they 
were those who had come to Detroit to speak. At 6 o'clock the rain 
began and continued until midnight. 

"25th, Tuesday. It rained from midnight until 8 o'clock, ending 
with a very heavy shower. At 8h. 15m. we started. We camped at 
5h. 15m. I calculate that we traveled eight leagues in a southeasterly 
direction. We left the road to try and cut across to Conchake. We 
passed several rivers, both large and small, whose waters flow right and 
left of the road and of whose names we are ignorant. Most of them are 
about five toises wide. 

"26th, Wednesday. At 8 o'clock we started. At 6 o'clock we 
camped. Our bearing was southeast. We made many detours to avoid 
bad pieces of country. We traveled eight leagues. At noon we passed a 
river flowing eastward. It is six toises wide and the water is two feet 
deep. In the afternoon, we passed several small ones. We saw the dung 
of Illinois buffaloes. I think we passed the height of land in the morning • 
and that the river we crossed at noon is the Conchake. Fine weather 
all day. 

"27th, Thursday. We started at 8h. 15m. At 11 o'clock we 
came upon the main road leading to Conchake. We had traveled in a 
southeasterly direction. At 2 o'clock we came upon a branch of the 
Conchake River, which we followed until 5h. 15m. when we camped.^ 
At 4h. 15m. we passed a place on the bank of the said river where some 
Hurons [Wyandots] had taken refuge after the treacherous deed they 
committed at Detroit. It is called the Fugitives' Camp. [See Hutchins's 
references to this place on pages 206, 209.] 

' The north line of the present county of Richland is on this dividing ridge between 
the waters of Lake Erie and those of the Muskingum River. 

2 Probably the Black Fork of the Mohican River, which rises in the northern part 
of the present Richland County, Ohio. 




The Conchake Route, and other Ohio Paths 177 

"After we struck the road at iih. 15m. we traveled S. by S. E. 
This branch of the river is from seven to eight toises wide, and canoes 
can go down it. The weather was cloudy all day; a little rain fell also; 
it began at half-past six and lasted all night, falling heavily. We had 
traveled eight leagues. 

"28th, Friday. The rain stopped at 7 o'clock. At eight we started. 
At eleven we again followed the river. Until then we had passed many 
mountains. At 4h. 45m. we arrived at Quiouhiahinse, which means 
' boiling water ' in the Huron language. 

"At 3 o'clock we passed a steep declivity beside the river, where 
the road through the rocks was very narrow and dangerous for a dis- 
tance of two arpents. From noon until we were two leagues from 
Tourieuse, we ascended and descended many mountains and rocky 
places. Tourieuse is a place whither the Huron [Wyandot] fugitives 
had withdrawn. At that spot is a river that falls into the Conchake. 
It is fully twenty toises wide ; and that of Konchake as 
many [Fig. 38]. Our route was S. S. E. and we traveled 
8}4 leagues. The rain fell in showers during a portion of 
the afternoon. 

"29th, Saturday. We started at 8 o'clock and at 
once crossed the branch of the Konchake River, the water being up to 
our waists. At 3 o'clock we crossed a second branch [Killbuck Creek?] of 
the Konchake, not so wide as the first, but deeper. We were benumbed 
with cold, all the more so that hail and sleet fell all day, with a heavy north 
wind. At 5 o'clock we came to a small branch of the Conchake, across which 
we waded, the water being up to our knees. Its width is four toises. At 
half-past five we left the Conchake River and at 6 o'clock we reached 
the village of Conchake.' During the day we passed many mountains 
and steep declivities along the said Conchake River, which we followed 
nearly all the time. It may be from twenty to twenty-five toises wide. 
The rain had caused its waters to rise; it is rather rapid. Our route was 
nearly always S.E. and we traveled at least seven or eight leagues. 
We noticed that the buds were beginning to come out on the sassafras 
trees. 

"30th, Sunday. Easter Sunday. At half -past eight we started; 
and camped at half-past five. At noon we left the Riviere de Nager- 
reconnan and followed a stream^ until 4 o'clock when we ascended a 
high mountain, after which we followed a stream running east by north- 
' It was located one to three miles east of the Forks of the Muskingum on the 
north side. The Mohican or Walhonding (Conchake) and the Tuscarawas (Naguer- 
reconnan) unite at the Forks to form the Muskingum River, where Coshocton is now 
built. 

' White Eyes Creek in Coshocton County. 
Vol. II. — 12 



178 



The Wilderness Trail 




^*'*^-t6?%;:;$s^ 




east.' The one we left at 4 o'clock follows the same direction, but we 
were going up it while we were descending the last one. Our route was 
nearly always E. by N.E. Here is a figure of today's route [No. 39]. I 
calciilate that we traveled 8}4 leagues. We had snow and hail all day. 
The sun did not come out. Nevertheless we marched on. 

"Conchake is a place where the Hurons [Wyandots] took refuge 

during the war [1747- 
48]; 120 of them died 
in one summer. One 
can still see the graves 
and the vestiges of the 
village that stood there 
then. At present there 
are only two cabins, one of which is occupied by a Christian savage 
from Sault St. Louis who has been there a long while. The other 
belongs to the Five Nations. Tegana-Koissin lent me a horse 
for my joume}^ to Fort Duquesne without specifying any price. He was 
to send for it in a month. Weather cold; strong north wind. 

"31st, Monday. I was unable to start before half-past eight, 
because the horse lent me by the savage at Conchake had run away. 
We looked for him, but in vain, so that I had again to use my legs for 
the journey and was much disgusted at not having the horse. At 11 
o'clock we came to the River Naguerreconnan. At noon we passed two 
Huron winter cabins. We had followed the stream of the previdus day 
which falls into the river. ^ At i ih. 30m. we followed the said River until 
4 o'clock, when we waded across it, the water being up to our waists. 
It may be thirty toises wide. Until 12 o'clock we had traveled E. by 
N.E.; from noon to 5h. 15m., N.E. by N. At 5h. 15m. we camped. 
We found mineral coal on the mountains and below. The distance we 
traveled was 73^ leagues. Figure of our route [No. 40]: 

" ist April, Tuesday. We started at half -past seven and camped 
at half -past four ; we trav- 
eled about y}4: to 7M 
leagues ; we ascended and 
descended two high 
mountains, going in a 
northerly direction for this 
River Naguerre Konnan. 




0. 



7190 ■ 



At 8h. 45m. we crossed a branch of the 
iiThe water runs north at that place. ^ We 



' Sugar (formerly Margaret's) Creek in Tuscarawas County. See Hutchins's map 
of this part of the route in Smith's Bouquet, reproduced at page 202 of this volume. 

2 At the present town of Canal Dover, Tuscarawas County. 

3 Probably the stream now known as Connotton" Creek which runs through 
Harrison, Carroll, and Tuscarawas counties. 




O 






^ 



O 

o 

03 
CJ 

o 
O 

<4-l 
O 

(D 

ai 



The Conchake Route, and other Ohio Paths 179 

passed four prairies, the largest being a league in extent. After passing 
the two mountains at gh. 45m. we went E. N. E. until noon and east 
from noon to half -past four. During the day we passed several small 
mountains. Weather fine; wind E. N. E. It began to rain at 7 o'clock 
and lasted until midnight. 

"2nd, Wednesday. It rained from midnight until 9 o'clock, when 
we started. At ih. 15m. the rain began again and we camped. We 
traveled two leagues in an easterly direction. At 10 o'clock we crossed 
the branch of the River Naguerre Konnant, ' ascended and descended a 
mountain, nearly always following the same branch, which is three 
toises wide, on the bank of which we slept. I estimated that we were 
eighty leagues from Lake Dosandoske according to my calculation of 
each day's journey. As on the previous day, I found the country very 
fine and very suitable for settlement. 

"3rd, Thursday. It snowed at night and the weather was very cold, 
as it was also during the day. We started at 10 o'clock when the wind 
stopped. At 4h. 30m. we camped, having travelled seven leagues. 
We followed the branch of the River Naguerrekonan until it was only 
two feet wide. We ascended and descended a mountain. We came to 
a small stream which we followed. At half-past one we crossed the 
road leading to Cachelacheki.^ It seems to run N. N. E. At 3h. 15m. 
we crossed a River which is a branch of the Kenten Raiatanion.^ This 
is the same which, in 1739,'' I called Riviere au Portrait, because, at 
the spot where it enters the Belle Riviere, there are many marks and 
figures of men and animals cut out on the rocks, as if with chisels. It is 
three toises wide; the depth of the water is one foot six inches, and it 
flows southward where we crossed it. At 4 o'clock we again came to 
the said river. We followed it until 4h. lom,, when we left it. We 
passed many mountains. Our direction was E. by N.E. 

"4th, Friday. We started at 7h. 15m. At 9h. 45m. we crossed a 
River fifteen toises wide, the water being two feet deep. It flows south- 

^ Sandy Creek Branch of the Tuscarawas, in the present Stark and Carroll counties. 
The trail which De Lery here followed was probably the one which crossed Big Sandy 
Creek in the present township of Sandy in Stark County. 

"Kuskuskies. Vaudreuil wrote it "Cachekacheki" in 1759. N. Y. Col. Doc, 
X., 949. 

3 Little Beaver Creek, West Fork. The word Kenten-raia tanion has a meaning 
similar to Outstinragayatonyon, for which see note i, page 180. 

4 On his way to the Chickasaws. He accompanied the expedition of Longueuil, 
which left Montreal in June, 1739. These pictured rocks are still visible at low water 
stages of the Ohio River. They were photographed by Mrs. Mary Calhoon Taylor 
in the summer of 1908, and some of these photographs are reproduced in this volume. 
They are described in Dr. Henry C. McCook's story of The Latimers, p. 24. Lewis 
Evans refers to them as "antique sculptures" on his map of 1755, but locates them 
a little too far down the Ohio. 



i8o The Wilderness Trail 

ward. Between our starting point and the said River we crossed two 
streams at equal distances. At noon we crossed a River similar to that 
which we crossed at 9h. 45m. It flows southward and eastward like 
the other branch of the River Outstinragayatonyon, ' a branch of which 
we passed on the previous day. At 2h. 30m. we came to a small stream 
that falls into the River Chininque.^ At 5h. 15m. we camped. I 
estimate that we traveled today ten leagues E. by N.E. At 6 o'clock 
it began to rain and it lasted all night. Fine country with open woods. 
In the evening we heard cries, which my savages recognized as those of 
panthers, of which they have a great dread. To protect ourselves during 
the night we made a strong shelter, because they say those animals can 
climb. We put our arms in order and one of us remained on guard. We 
heard the same cries in the distance throughout the night. 

"5th, Saturday. I started at a quarter past seven in the morning. 
At 8h. 45m. we came to the Riviere de Chininque, two leagues from the 
spot where we slept. We passed some high mountains. That River 
is about thirty-five toises wide; the water is four and one-half feet deep. 
It runs north and south from the place where we crossed it to the Belle 
Riviere, into which it falls from twelve to fifteen arpents lower down. 
The route we followed to reach it was E. by southeast. At loh. 15m. 
we came to the Belle Riviere which I had not seen for sixteen years, when 
I scaled it on my way to the Thicachats^ in 1739. We followed it to the 
Little Chaouanon Village'' where we arrived half an hour after noon. 
It is four leagues distant from the River Chininque. Half way is a 
house in which a French officer [La Force] spent the winter in 1754. 
Figure of the said house [No. 40^^] : 

"At half-past two I started on horseback for Fort Duquesne, which 
^^ j^ I reached at half-past eight. For one-half the dis- 

J^/" J ^ t' *' tance one goes through woods along the Oyo River ; 
'-^ then one goes on the beach for two leagues and 

then enters the woods, where the road is good. The beach is followed 
only when the water is low, to avoid the mountains and rocky ravines 
on the road through the woods. The Petit Rocher^ is on the side oppo- 
site to the road. The following is approximately the figure of the river, 
which I could not see very distinctly, because night had fallen [No. 41]. 

' Cuoq, in his Iroquois Lexicon, gives the meaning of otsienrake, as "on the rock"; 
and of atonnion, as " screaming eagle," and also, as " the name of a war-chief." Could 
the name given to the Little Beaver by De Lery refer to the pictured rocks in the 
bed of the Ohio at the mouth of that creek? One of the pictures (shown in the illus- 
trations) is that of a war-eagle (t. e., armed with a knife). 

* Big Beaver River. 

3 Chickasaws. 

< The new Logstown. 

s Now known as McKee's Rock. 




The "Eagle on the Rock " at the Mouth of Little Beaver Creek. 




Pictured Rocks on Bed of Ohio River at the Mouth of 
Little Beaver Creek. 
Exposed during a low-water stage in the summer of 1908. 
Photographs made by Mrs. Mary Calhoon Taylor. 



The Conchake Route, and other Ohio Paths i8i 

"I estimate the distance from the Chaouanon village to the Fort 
to be. . . ." 

The foregoing extracts from the Journals of Lieutenant de Lery serve 
to clear up several ob- ^•■^-f/^ 

scure points in the early ^^^ ■ — • — tf- #<w,-e-_. - vM ^-^ — 

Indian history of Ohio. _ a:2>... ^lV>''!5i^5?55!i!V\*''^>wii;::j ' \^^^^ 

of Nicolas's stronghold -^ .' ^- ." — '^^ 

as on the southwestern 

shore of Sandusky Bay, although not so definite in giving the location 
as might be wished. They also place the site of the French Fort at 
Sandusky as south of the Portage River and on the north shore of the 
Bay. From De Lery's description, its site must have been about one 
mile south of the present Port Clinton. This fort was built in the 
winter of 1750-51; but abandoned by the French in 1752 or 1753. 
William M. Darlington located the fort of Chief Nicolas as probably on 
Cherry Island, in the marshes between Green Creek and the Sandusky 
River, about two miles above the mouth of the river, on the east side. 
From De Lery's description, it wotdd seem to have been below the 
mouth of that River, on the south shore of the Bay. 

The stronghold of the Hurons, which De Lery calls the Fugitives' 
Camp, and locates near the head of the Mohican, may be the same site 
which is shown on Hutchins's maps of 1764 and 1778 as an Ottawa Old 
Fort. It will be remembered that there was a large band of Ottawas 
with Nicolas at Sandusky, whom Kinousaki, the Ottawa chief, visited 
in 1748, and vainly urged to return to Detroit. 

De Lery gives us the names by which the Mohican and Tuscarawas 
Rivers were known to the Hurons of Detroit in 1755, — namely, the Con- 
chake and the Naguerre-konnan. Naguerrekonnan means "place of the 
beaver." The Onondaga word for "beaver" according to Zeisberger, 
is Nagarriaki, and, according to the early French Onondaga Dictionary ^ 
Nagariagui. 

We are also enabled to determine definitely the date of the settle- 
ment of the Wyandot town (Conchake) at the Forks of the Muskingum, 
as well as to learn its name. It was built by a part of Nicolas's band 
in the spring of 1748. This town was visited by Christopher Gist in 
December, 1750. He speaks of it then simply as Muskingum, a Town 
of the Wyandots {i. e., at Muskingum). His description of the town in 
1750 has been given in the preceding chapter. Hutchins's map in 
Smith's Bouquet (1764), shows the site of this village, which is described 
as an Old Wyandot Town. ' 

This Town was still in existence as late as June, 1752, when Captain 

'See p. 202, this volume. 



i82 The Wilderness Trail 

William Trent passed there on his way to Pickawillany. He states in 
his Journal, under date of June 29th, "We got to Muskingum, 150 miles 
from the Logstown, where we met some white men from Hockhocken." 
De Lery describes it as the place where the Hurons took refuge during 
the War of 1745-48, and states that 120 of them died there in one 
summer; and that in 1755 there were but two cabins remaining. When 
Gist was there, from December 14, 1750, to January 15, 1751, he found 
it to contain one hundred families of the Wyandots (Hurons), "or 
Little Mingoes," half of whom were friendly to the English and the 
other half attached to the French interest. It is probable that the 
small-pox, which created such havoc among the Ohio tribes in 1751 and 
1752, carried off the greater part of the inhabitants. 

The name, "Kenten Raiantanion," which De Lery applies to Little 
Beaver Creek, is an Iroquois term, and may possibly refer to a village 
or district of the destroyed Eries, mentioned by La Salle and located on 
Franquelin's map of 1684 as Kentienton('j. e., "many fields," or "prairie"). 
Kente^ (or kenta, or kanie, properly kahenta)i is an Iroquois word for 
"field," or "prairie," and was applied to a Cayuga village on Quinte 
(Kente) Bay, on the north side of Lake Ontario, in 1673. Lake Erie 
is called Lake Conty^ on a French map of 1682, which Parkman as- 
cribed to Franquelin. La Hontan called it Lake Conti in his map of 
1700. However, we see that De Lery uses the word Kentenrai-atanion 
as a synonym for Outstinragay-atonyon ; and the last word means, ap- 
parently, "the eagle on the rock," or "the rock of the war-eagle." 
Both words would seem to refer to the pictured rocks at the mouth of 
Little Beaver Creek. As Lewis Evans called these carvings "antique 
sculptures" in 1755 (De Lery noted them in 1739), the question occurs 
as to whether or not the pictiu-es were cut by the Eries or their con- 
temporaries, or by the early Dela wares and Shawnees who came west 
to the Ohio about 1724 and thereafter. 

De Lery mentions the Little Chaouanon Village, "four leagues dis- 
tant [east] from the Riviere Chininque [Big Beaver]." This was Logs- 
town, which Scarrooyady had burned on leaving there to join Washington 
in the Spring of 1754, and which the French rebuilt for the Shawnees 
after Washington's defeat at Great Meadows. 

Not the least interesting portion of these extracts from De Lery's 
Journals is the information that the writer of those Journals kept a 
record of the expedition of Longueuil down the Ohio River in 1739. 
It is to be hoped that this earlier Journal of De Lery may yet be found 
and published. A portion of it is still in existence, preserved in the 

' N. Y. Col. Boc, vii., 16; ix., 96, 792. Kenta-ke, "the place of the fields," or 
"prairie," is the original of our word "Kentucky." 
' Nar. and Crit. Hist, of Am., iv., 227. 





Pictured Rocks at the Mouth of Little Beaver Creek. 



The Conchake Route, and other Ohio Paths 183 

French Archives, a copy of which has been made for the Canadian Gov- 
ernment. This is for the month of February, 1740, and it gives a very 
detailed account of Bienville's campaign against the Chickasaws. ' 

Another valuable piece of information contained in the extracts 
printed on the preceding pages is the confirmation given to the fact that 
the name by which the Cuyahoga River was known to the Indians and 
inhabitants of Detroit so late as 1755, was Sequin, or Seguin, De Lery 
obtained this information from Robert Navarre himself, the same person 
who had been sent by the Commandant of Detroit in 1743 to make a 
report on the trading post of Saguin, the French Trader, located on the 
White River — the name then applied to the Cuyahoga. We thus learn 
that Saguin's own name was given to the Cuyahoga in 1755, a name 
which was afterwards erroneously applied to an adjacent river by the Con- 
necticut settlers after 1796, and which has since been corrupted to Chagrin. 

It will be observed that De Lery, in travelling from the Forks of the 
Muskingum (Conchake) to Fort Duquesne, followed the valleys of 
White Eyes Creek and Sugar Creek to the mouth of the latter stream 
(now the site of Canal Dover, Tuscarawas County, Ohio), thence con 
tinued up the western bank of the Tuscarawas River, crossing it below 
the mouth of Connotton Creek; thence in a northeastern direction, 
crossing the latter stream and the Big Sandy and up the latter to the 
head- waters of the Little Beaver. From the fact that he did not follow 
the west bank of the Tuscarawas to the mouth of the Big Sandy, it is 
possible that there was not at that time any Indian village standing at 
that point. Gist found a small village of the Ottawas there when he 
passed on his way to the Lower Shawnee Town in December, 1750. 
The Delawares from the vicinity of Fort Duquesne began to gather here 
in 1756, and established a large town, which was known as Tuscarawas, 
or King Beaver's Town. It is probable the Ottawas left their settlement 
at this point soon after the destruction of Pickawillany, in 1752. John 
Fraser wrote from the Monongahela Forks, August 27, 1753: "I have 
not got any skins this summer, for there has not been an Indian between 
Weningo [Venango] and the Pict [Miami] country hunting this summer, 
by reason of the French." 

During the French War of 1755-62, the Indians of central Ohio 
used a shorter route between Sandusky Bay, the Upper Muskingum, and 
Fort Duquesne. It was travelled over by Major Robert Rogers and 
his Colonial Rangers in January, 1761, on their return from Detroit. 
Rogers's account of the journey reads as follows : 

"On the 23d of December [1760], I set out for Pittsburgh, marching 
along the west end of Lake Erie, till the 2d of January, 1761, when we 
arrived at Lake Sandusky. 

' Canadian Archives, Calendar 1905, i., 461. 



1 84 , The Wilderness Trail 

"I kave a very good opinion of the soil from Detroit to this place; 
it is timbered principally with white and black oaks, hickerie, locusts, and 
maple. We found wild apples along the west end of Lake Erie, some 
rich savannahs of several miles extent, without a tree, but clothed with 
jointed grass near six feet high, which, rotting there every year, adds to 
the fertility of the soil. The length of Sandusky is about fifteen miles 
from east to west, and about six miles across it. We came to a town of 
the Windot Indians [Junundat], where we halted to refresh. 

" On January 3d, southeast-by-east three miles, east-by-south one mile 
and a half, southeast a mile through a meadow, crossed a small creek about 
six yards wide, running east, traveled southeast-by-east, one mile, 
passed thro' Indian houses, southeast three quarters of a mile, and came 
to a small Indian town of about ten houses. There is a remarkable fine 
spring at this place, rising out of the side of a small hill with such force 
that it boils above the ground in a column three feet high. I imagine it 
discharges ten hogsljeads of water in a minute.' From this town our 
course was south-southeast three miles, south two miles, crossed a brook 
about five yards wide, running east-southeast, traveled south one mile, 
crossed a brook about four yards wide, running east-southeast, traveled 
south-southeast two miles, crossed a brook about eight yards wide 
This day we killed plenty of deer and turkies on our march, and encamped. 

"On the 4th we traveled south-southeast one mile, and came to a 
river about twenty-five yards wide [the Huron], crossed the river, where 
are two Indian houses, from thence south-by-east one mile, south- 
southeast one mile and a half, southeast two miles, south-southeast one 
mile, and came to an Indian house, where there was a family of Windots 
hunting, from thence south-by-east a quarter of a mile, south five miles, 
came to the river we crossed this morning; the course of the river here 
is west-northwest.^ This day killed several deer and other game and 
encamped. 

"On the 5th, traveled south-southwest half a mile, south one mile, 
south-southwest three quarters of a mile, south half a mile, crossed two 
small brooks running east, went a south-southwest course half a mile, 
south half a mile, southeast half a mile, south two miles, southeast one 
mile, south half a mile, crossed a brook running east-by-north, traveled 
south-by-east half a mile, south-southeast two miles, southeast three 
quarters of a mile, south-southeast one mile, and came to Maskongam^ 

' Castalia, or Cold Spring, in Erie County. 

2 " If the reader will follow the track of the Sandusky, Mansfield, and Newark Rail- 
road, eleven miles south from Monroeville, he will probably be on the route of Rogers, 
and will twice cross the Huron River." — Taylor, History of Ohio (1854), p. 124. 

3 Black Fork of the Mohican, which unites with the Lake Fork and, lower down, 
with Owl Creek, to form the White Woman or Walhonding River. 





Pictured Rocks at the Mouth of Little Beaver Creek. 



The Conchake Route, and other Ohio Paths 185 

Creek, about eight yards wide, crossed the Creek, and encamped about 
thirty yards from it. This day killed deer and turkies in our march. 

"On the 6th, we traveled about fourteen or fifteen miles, our general 
course being about east-southeast, killed plenty of game, and encamped 
by a very fine spring. 

"The 7th, our general course about southeast, traveled about six 
miles, and crossed Maskongam Creek, running south, about twenty 
yards wide.' There is an Indian town about twenty yards from the 
Creek, on the east side, which is called the Mingo Cabbins. There were 
but two or three Indians in the place, the rest were hunting. These 
Indians have plenty of cows, horses, hogs, etc.^ 

"The 8th, halted at this town to mend our mogasons and kill deer, 
the provisions I brought from Detroit being entirely expended. I went 
a hunting with ten of the Rangers, and by ten o'clock got more venison 
then we had occasion for. 

"On the 9th traveled about twelve miles, our general course being 
southeast, and encamped by the side of a long meadow, where there 
were a number of Indians hunting. ^ 

"The loth, about the same course, we traveled eleven miles and 
encamped, having killed in our march this day three bears and two 
elks. 

"The nth, continuing near the same course, we traveled thirteen 
miles and encamped, where were a number of Wiandots and Six Nation 
Indians hunting. 

"The I2th, traveled six miles, bearing rather more to the east, and 
encamped. This evening we killed several beaver. 

"The 13th, traveled about northeast six miles, and came to the 
Delawares' Town, called Beaver Town.'» This Indian town stands on 
good land, on the west side of the Maskongam River, and opposite to 
the town, on the east side, is a fine river [Sandy Creek] which discharges 
itself into it. The latter is about thirty yards wide, and the Maskongam 
about forty; so that when they both join they make a very fine stream, 
with a swift current running to the southwest. There are about 3,000 
acres of cleared ground round this place. The number of warriors in 
this town is about 180. All the way from the Lake Sandusky I found 
level land and a good country. No pine trees of any sort ; the timber is 

• Jerome Branch of Lake Fork of Mohican, near Jeromeville, Ashland County. 
See pp. 187, 206, 208, this volume. 

» Shown on Hutchins's maps of 1764 and 1778 as "Mohican John's Town"; located 
in the present Mohican Township, Ashland County. 

3 Still known as "Long Prairie," in Plain Township, Wayne County. 

^ The Indian town on Tuscarawas, opposite the mouth of Big Sandy Creek; at this 
time^the residence of the leading Delaware chiefs, and named after King Beaver. 



1 86 The Wilderness Trail 

white, black, and yellow oak, black and white walnut, Cyprus, chestnut, 
and locust trees. At this town I staid till the i6th, in the morning, to 
refresh my party, and procured some corn of the Indians to boil with our 
venison. 

"On the 1 6th, we marched nearly an east course about nine miles, 
and encamped by the side of a small river [Sandy Creek]. 

"On the 17th, kept much the same course, crossing several rivulets 
and creeks. We traveled about twenty miles, and encamped by the 
side of a small river [Sandy Creek?]. 

"On the 1 8th, we traveled about sixteen miles, an easterly course, 
and encamped by a brook. 

"The 19th, about the same general course, we crossed two con- 
siderable streams of water [West Fork and Middle Fork of Little Bea- 
ver?], and some large hills timbered with chestnut and oak, and having 
traveled about twenty miles, we encamped by the side of a small river 
[North Fork of Little Beaver], at which place were a number of Dela- 
wares hunting. 

"On the 20th, keeping still an easterly course, and having much 
the same traveling as the day before, we advanced on our journey 
about nineteen miles, which brought us to Beaver Creek, where are 
two or three Indian houses on the west side of the Creek and in sight of 
the Ohio. 

"Bad weather prevented our journeying on the 21st, but the next 
day we prosecuted our march. Having crossed the Creek, we traveled 
twenty miles, nearly southeast, and encamped with a party of Indian 
hunters. 

"On the 23d, we came again to the Ohio, opposite to Fort Pitt, from 
whence I ordered Lieut. McCormack to march the party across the 
country to Albany; and after tarrying there [at Fort Pitt] until the 26th, 
I came the common road to Philadelphia, from thence to New York, 
where, after this long, fatiguing tour, I arrived February 14, 1761." 

It will be observed from Rogers's Journal, that he did not follow the 
Western Branch of the Muskingum (the Walhonding) down to its junc- 
tion with the Eastern Branch (Tuscarawas), as De Lery did; but left it 
before it joined the Lake Fork of the Mohican Creek (which unites 
with the Black Fork in the present Knox Township, Holmes County), 
and pursued nearly an eastward course across the present counties of 
Ashland, Wayne, and Stark, to King Beaver's Town on the Tuscarawas, 
near the site of the present village of Bolivar, Tuscarawas County. For 
this reason, Rogers did not visit Nettawatwees' (or New Comer's) Town 
and the other settlements of the Delawares along the Tuscarawas [if 
they were there so early as 1761, which is somewhat doubtful] from its 
mouth to the mouth of Big Sandy Creek, near which King Beaver's Town 





Pictured Rocks at the Mouth of Little Beaver Creek. 



The Conchake Route, and other Ohio Paths 187 

was located. The Indian Town which Rogers reached on January 7th, 
and which he calls Mingo Cabbins, was the same village shown on 
Hutchins's maps of 1764 and 1778, under the name of Mohickon John's 
Town, probably located in the present Mohican Township, Ashland 
County, at or near where the Jerome and Muddy creeks unite to form 
the Lake Fork of the Mohican.' Evans shows a "Mohiccons" Town 
in this locality on his map of 1755. Hutchins also, on his map of 1764, 
locates Owl Town, in the Forks of Owl and Mohican creeks, where they 
unite to form the Walhonding or White Woman River. Owl Town 
seems to have been identical with Tullihas, to which James Smith was 
carried as a captive in 1755. 

Lewis Evans's map of 1755, it will be noticed, does not show the trail 
on the west side of the Tuscarawas, leading from Tuscarawas Town to 
Conchake, at its mouth, — the path followed by Gist in 1750; by De Lery, 
in part, in 1755; and by Bouquet's army in 1764. 

Evans does show, however, a trail along the east bank of Tuscara- 
was, from Muskingum (Conchake) to Tuscarawas. Before reaching the 
Town last named, it passed through the place which Evans calls Three 
Legs Town. This was located on the south side of Big Stillwater Creek 
at its mouth, and is thus shown on Hutchins's map of 1764, where it is 
called Three Legs Old Town. In Hutchins's and Smith's account of 
Bouquet's march, it is stated, under date of October 9th, after the army 
had proceeded about twenty-five miles westward from the mouth of Big 
Beaver Creek, and, the day before, crossed the North and Middle Forks 
of Little Beaver: "In this day's march, the Path divided into two 
branches, that to the southwest leading to the lower towns upon the 
Muskingham. In the Forks of the Path stand several trees painted by 
the Indians, in a hieroglyphic manner, denoting the number of wars in 
which they have been engaged, and the particulars of their success in 
prisoners and scalps. The Camp No. 8 lies on a run and level piece of 
ground, with Yellow Creek close on the left and a rising ground near the 
rear of the right face. The Path, after the army left the Forks, was so 
brushy and entangled that they were obliged to cut all the way before 
them, and also to lay several bridges, in order to make it passable for the 
horses; so that this day they proceeded only five miles, three-quarters, 
and seventy perches." 

This Fork of the path, which Hutchins notes, was probably at the 
same point reached by De Lery, April 3, 1755, when he wrote: "At 
half-past one we crossed the Road leading to Cachelacheki [Kuskus- 
kies]. " Darlington states that the Trail which Gist followed, in this part 
of Ohio, passed through the northwest corner of the present Wayne 

' Thwaites erroneously locates the site of Mohickon John's Town as near Reeds- 
burg, in Wayne County. 



i88 The Wilderness Trail 

Township, Columbiana County; thence to a point near Hanover, on the 
Pittsburg and Cleveland Railroad, in the same county; thence, a 
little south of Bayard, and to near Oneida, in Carroll County, where 
it reached Big Sandy Creek. The head-waters of the West Fork of 
Little Beaver Creek come together in the northern part of the present 
township of Franklin, in Columbiana County and run eastward across 
that and Wayne townships, nearly two miles south of the north line of 
those townships. The North Fork of Yellow Creek rises in the southern 
part of the same township of Franklin, and runs southeast past the 
extreme southwestern corner of Wayne Township. The "Yellow Creek ' ' 
here referred to by Hutchins, however, does not seem to have been 
identical with the stream in eastern Ohio now known as Yellow Creek 
(although the latter is correctly shown on Hutchins's map of 1764); but 
it was the same stream which is now called the West Fork of Little ' 
Beaver Creek. Hutchins confused the names. The junction of the two 
paths was, perhaps, near the northeast corner of Wayne Township.^ 

Three Legs Town, which stood at the mouth of Big Stillwater Creek, 
and is shown on Evans's and Mitchell's maps of 1755, is called an Old 
Town (abandoned) by Hutchins in 1764. No history of this settlement 
has been preserved, and few notices of the place have come down to us. 
Mitchener, in his Muskingum and Tuscarawas Valleys, gives an apocryphal 
legend of a chief of that name, for whom the Town was named, and who, 
he states, was killed by one of the Highlanders captured at the time V 
of Braddock's defeat, and carried there as a prisoner.^ Mitchener's 
"legends," however, are nearly all pure fiction, and not worthy of serious 
consideration. On some of the early maps of Ohio, Stillwater Creek is 
called Three Legs Creek, and the Connotton, which enters the Tuscara- 
was at the site of the present Zoar, is called One Leg Creek. 

Conchake, the name which was given, apparently by the Indians of 
Detroit, to the Wyandot Town which stood above the Forks of Mus- 
kingum from 1747 to 1752-53, and to the West Fork of that river (now 
called theliMohican, White Woman, and Walhonding), has been pre- 
served to this day in the name of the town of Coshocton, situated just 
below thel Muskingum Forks in the county of Coshocton. The 
present town is built partly on the site of a later Delaware village, 

' "From information which has been collected by the Pioneer Society [of Colum- 
biana County], it appears that this [the Muskingum] trail entered Ohio about two 
miles south from Achor, in the present township of Middleton; traversed that town- 
ship and Elk Run [township]; entered Centre [township] at section 25; passed through 
Wayne near what is known as "McKaigs Mill"; and thence southwesterly through 
the township of Franklin. The trail, as remembered by the first settlers, was from 
two to three feet wide, and in many places higher than the ground on either side." — 
Horace Mack, History of Columbiana County, Ohio, p. 52 (Phila.,1879). 

* As to this, see John Armstrong's letter on page 159. 



The Conchake Route, and other Ohio Paths 189 

erected by Chief Nettawatwees (New Comer) and his band of Delawares 
upon their removal from Gekelemukpechunk (New Comer's Town, 
built before 1762) in 1775. The Delawares gave to their new town the 
name of Goschachgunk, a corruption, evidently, of the Huron name 
for the former Wyandot Town of Conchake, both of which names 
are preserved in the present form — Coshocton. Hutchins's map (1764), 
accompanying his and Smith's account of Bouquet's expedition, shows 
a Delaware Town, it is true, below the Forks of Muskingum before 1764; 
but it was some distance below, and not identical with the Goschachgunk 
of the Delawares. In the marginal map of Bouquet's route, Hutchins 
gives the name of this former place as Bullet's Town. 

When Christopher Gist reached Conchake, December 14, 1750, he 
wrote in his Journal: "Set out W 5 m. to Muskingum, a town of the 
Wyendotts. . . . The Wyendotts, or Little Mingoes, are divided between 
the French and English, one-half of them adhere to the first, and the 
other half are firmly attached to the latter. The Town of Muskingum 
consists of about one hundred families. When we cam.e within sight of 
the Town, we perceived English colours hoisted on the King's House, and 
at George Croghan's [trading house] ; upon enquiring the reason, I was 
informed that the French had lately taken several English Traders, and 
that Mr.Croghan had ordered all the white men to come into this Town, 
and had sent expresses to the Traders of the lower Towns, and among the 
Pickweylinees ; and the Indians had sent to their people to come to 
Council about it . . . Monday, 17th. Came into Town two Traders 
belonging to Mr. Croghan, and informed us that two of his people were 
taken by 40 French men and twenty French Indians, who had carried 
them with seven horse loads of skins to a new Fort that the French were 
building on one of the branches of Lake Erie." 

The new Fort which the French were building, as De Lery's Journal 
and sketch show, was near the north shore of Sandusky Bay. In a report 
on the French forts made to the Pennsylvania Council in 1754 by John 
Pattin, a Trader who was captured at Miami Fort by the French in 
November, 1750, and carried by them to Detroit and Quebec, Pattin 
states that, "in the year 1750 the French built a small palisadoed Fort 
and garrisoned it with about twenty men upon a River on the southwest 
side of Lake Erie." 

Croghan's two men, who were captured by the French and carried 
to Sandusky Fort, were Joseph Faulkner and Luke Erwin. A third 
Trader was also taken in the same locaHty, named Thomas Burk. La 
Jonquiere, Governor of Canada, in writing to Governor Clinton, of 
New York, about this capture (August 10, 1751), said: "Three of them 
were first arrested at Ayonontout [the Aniauton of De Lery ; or Junundat?] 
the place selected in 1747, by Nicolas, the rebel Huron chief, as his strong- 



190 The Wilderness Trail 

hold, near the little Lake of Otsandesket, that is to say within ten leagues 
of the Town of Detroit. The names of these three Englishmen are Luke 
Arowin, an Irishman by birth, an inhabitant of Pensilvania, Joseph 
Fortiner, an inhabitant of the Town of Gerge, and Thomas Borke, an 
inhabitant of Linguester. ... It cannot be said that they were at 
Ayonontout to trade with the Indians, because they had nothing but 
presents to distribute among them. It is so evident that they wished 
to hold a council with the Indians, in every respect fatal to the French, 
that they encamped in a place selected by Nicolas, a Huron chief, a 
rebel to the French, for his stronghold. They doubtless wished to per- 
suade the Indians to entertain the same feelings as Nicolas, and to 
attach the most influential to them, in order to resuscitate that chief, 
who is dead, and to put in execution his nefarious project." 

The captured Traders had been examined before La Jonquiere in 
the castle of Vaudreuil at Montreal, June 15, 1751. Luke Erwin's 
answers were as follows : 

That his name was Luke Arowin, aged 28 years ; that he was a travel- 
linglTrader, an Irishman by birth, and an inhabitant of Philadelphia, in 
the Province of Pensilvania. 

That he did not positively remember the day of his departure [from 
Pennsylvania], but it was in August last; that he went straitway to a 
village belonging to the Shawnese on the Ohio. 

That he was in company with two English Traders, and six servants 
of the same nation; and that his design was to trade among the Indians, 
having for that purpose goods that suited them, which they proposed to 
sell soon, in order to return home laden with skins; that James Hamil- 
ton, Esq., Governor of Pennsylvania, had granted him a printed license 
to trade everywhere, with all friendly Indians in general, for which he 
had paid the Governor the sum of fifty shillings, &c. 

That he had sold his goods to those Indians who are settled on the 
Ohio, Rock River, and wherever he could see them, and that he had sold 
them very cheap, in exchange for their skins; but that he had never 
undervalued the French goods; but the Indians themselves made a 
vast difference between them. 

That he had carried wampum, hatchets, and rum, in order to trade 
with those Indians, but that from or by order of the Governor he had 
never carried them either messages or anything else; that the Governor 
employed for that purpose one George Croghan, a Trader, whom he sent 
with all his messages to those Indians, and who had continually a native 
of Canada with him, named Andrew Montour (as he had been informed), 
who understood the Indian language perfectly well; that he could not 
tell whether the said Croghan was then at that time among those Indians, 
but he knew he had orders to depart soon after him, in quality of an 
express to the Miamis Indians, and to several other nations, and that for 
the following reason, to-wit.: the Miamis Indians aforesaid, came last 
spring to pay said Croghan a visit at Veskak, or Oghwick (where he and 
sixteen other Traders are settled) to intreat him to receive them ; where- 





'<-^-r^ 




The South Shore of Sandusky Bay, from the Mouth 

of Pickerel Creek. 

(i) Looking east. (2) Looking west. 



The Conchake Route, and other Ohio Paths 191 

upon the said Montour went to those Indians, to assure them, in the 
name of the said Governor, that the EngHsh would receive them well; 
but he could not tell if the Governor had given orders to stir up those 
nations to destroy the French, for the Miamis Indians were not arrived 
at Philadelphia when he left it, and nothing had transpired; he ac- 
knowledged that he could speak Shawanese and several other Indian 
languages, but the Governor had never made choice of him as an express 
to the Indians. 

That he had heard of M. de Celoron's expedition to the Ohio [in 
1749], and of the injunction he had laid upon the English Traders, and of 
the letter he wrote to the Governor of Pennsylvania ; but he thought that 
the license he had from the Governor was sufficient to indemnify him, 
without regarding any orders to the contrary. 

Joseph Faulkner was then examined by Governor La Jonquiere, and 
gave his answers as follows: 

That his name was Joseph Fortiner, aged twenty-six years, an 
hired servant, a traveller, bom in the Jerseys, a place belonging to the 
Province of New York. 

That he had been four years absent from the Jerseys, and lived the 
most part of that time in the Woods, but in the winter he commonly 
retired to a village in the Province of Pennsylvania, called Scanaris ; that 
he had traded with the Shawanese at the Ohio, and wherever he could 
see any Indians. 

That he set out with Michael Teaf,_on purpose to trade with the 
Indians; that he was hired to the said Teaf, in order to help him with 
his horses and goods; that himself and the other Englishmen who were 
taken had burnt their invoice, and that consequently they could not tell 
as to the value of what goods he had; that they had been bought from 
the same person Luke Arowin had bought his [George Croghan?] ; that 
he had a license from the Governor of Pennsylvania, but had left it in his 
cabin at an Indian Town called by the English, Vendack, adjoining the 
Shawanese. 

That he had sold his goods to those nations settled on the Ohio and 
adjacent parts; that he had never despised the French goods, but the 
Indians themselves had told him that they rather choose to trade with 
the English, knowing their goods to be better and cheaper than those 
which the French sold them; that he had traded with those Indians 
only four years, as aforesaid. 

That in the year 1749, he was at the Susquehanna, in the Province 
of Pennsylvania, where he had heard that M. de Celoron was at the 
Ohio; but further said not. 

The third Trader was then examined, whose story was as follows: 

That his name was Thomas Burk, aged twenty-three, a traveller, 
a native of Cork, in Ireland, and now an inhabitant of Lancaster, in the 
Province of Pennsylvania. '; 

That he had left Ireland almost eight years; that it was scarce ten 
months since he left the Susquehanna ; that he was hired by John Martin, 



192 The Wilderness Trail 

an Englishman, who traded at the Ohio; that he set out with two other 
hired servants, in order to trade near Otsandosket, and from thence 
intended to return to Lancaster. 

That he had no other company with him than the two aforesaid 
Englishmen; that his effects, including his horses, might be valued at 
fifteen hundred livres [francs], but he had left them all at a small river, 
about two leagues from where the Rev. Father de la Richardie had 
wintered, in the care of two Englishmen, who, as soon as they had heard 
that warrants were issued out to take them, had left all and fled; that 
the aforesaid goods were the property of the said Martin, he having 
bought them of two different merchants of Philadelphia; the name of 
one, he remembered, was Shippen; that he had a license from the Gov- 
ernor of Pennsylvania, but had left it at said river with his effects. 

That he had heard of M. de Celoron being at the Ohio, as also of 
the letter he had written to the Governor of Pennsylvania; that it was 
entrusted to the hired servants belonging to George Croghan, the chief 
interpreter; but he could not tell if it had ever been delivered. 

George Croghan's Trading House, which stood at Conchake, was 
afterwards (about 1753 or 1754) seized by the French, according to 
Darlington, and the goods stored therein were confiscated. In the origi- 
nal manuscript account of losses suffered by George Croghan & Co., in 
1754 and 1755, dated at Carlisle, April 24, 1756, appears the item: "one 
store-house at Muskingum, £150." 

In volume i. of the Thomas Hutchins's Manuscripts, preserved in 
the Library of the Pennsylvania Historical Society, is the following 
account of the Land Trails and Water Routes from Fort Pitt to the 
Ohio Indian towns, which has been kindly furnished to the writer by the 
Librarian of that Society, Mr. John W. Jordan. This account, which was 
prepared by Lieutenant Hutchins himself, is a most valuable one. It 
reads as follows : 

^'A Description of part of the Country Westward of the River Ohio, 
with the Distances Computed from Fort Pitt to the several Indian Towns by 
Land & Water: — 

"From Fort Pitt to big Beaver Creek by Land, is 28 Miles; the 
Path is mostly along the Riverside, and crosses a Number of small 
Ridges that Border on the River. 

"Little Beaver Creek is 16 Miles further; for the first two Miles, the 
Woods is very Levell, at the End of which is a Run [Two Mile Run] 
and A very Steep & Difficult Ridge, which may be Avoided by inclining 
about half A Mile to the Right of the Path; the Country then is made up 
of small broken Hills, all the way to Little Beaver Creek, the Descent to 
which is steep. 

"This Creek is 60 yards wide and has A very good Fording. After 



The Conchake Route, and other Ohio Paths 193 

crossing it [the North Fork], there is A very steep Ascent to the top of 
A Ridge, which the path continues on for some Miles, and then takes 
over many Little Hills till it reaches another Creek [Middle Fork of 
Little Beaver] 12 [?] Miles from the preceding one. This Creek is 70 
yards wide, has A good Fording and R.uns through level Land that has 
Abundance of underwood & thickets. 

"12 [?] Miles further is Yellow Creek [probably not the present Yel- 
low Creek, which flows into the Ohio below the mouth of the Little 
Beaver; but apparently the stream now called the West Fork of Little 
Beaver Creek. Both it and the present Yellow Creek head in Franklin 
Township, Columbiana County], 60 yards wide; for the first Seven 
Miles the Country is Level & pretty, free from Underwood; the other 
5 Miles is much broken with small Hills. 

"About three Quarters of A Mile from [north of] Yellow Creek, the 
Path forks. The Right hand Crosses Yellow Creek and leads to Tus- 
carawas, about 70 Miles further; And the Left hand Path crosses the 
Creek lower down and Leads to the Delaware Towns on Muskingum River. 

"After passing the [Yellow] Creek the Muskingum [or lower] path 
continues for 9 Miles on A Ridge, which has then an easy descent to 
A large Run, where, after Ascending A Steep Hill and traversing A number 
of little Hills for 6 Miles further, the Path reaches A Creek 8 yards wide ; 
two MUes on this side of the Creek is an Easy descent to an Extensive, 
Shrubby bottom, which continues to the Creek. 

"About 8 Miles further is another Creek, near the same width of the 
former one, the first 5 Miles to which is Along A Ridge, the other 3 
Miles over Swampy Ground, full of Thickets. 

"4 Miles further is Another small Creek, about 10 yards wide; the 
first two Miles, over Level, Shrubby, Swampy Land; the path then 
Crosses the end of A small Ridge into A Draught between two low Hills 
and Continues to the Creek. 

"12 Miles Further, after Crossing A number of small Ridges, is 
Another Creek, 12 yards wide; 

"Then the path takes over broken Land for 7 Miles, to A Creek 
30 yards wide, with A Stony Ford. 

" 10 Miles further is Another Creek, 70 3^ards wide [Will's Creek?], 
the Descent to which is Steep. Most part of the way between these 
Creeks is A number of little Hills. 

"Then 7 Miles further, over several small Ridges, the Path leads 
to the same Creek, at which is A good Ford. 

" 13 Miles further is Bullet's Town, or Mow-hey-sinck, on Muskin- 
gum River ^ [two or three miles below what is now Coshocton]. For the 

' Either the distances or streams are not correctly given in this Route. The largest 
creek_between Sandy Creek and the Muskingum on the south side is the Big Stillwater. 



194 The Wilderness Trail 

first 5 Miles the Land is Level to A Savannah ; the rest of the way is in 
some places broken with small Hills. 

"Mowheysinck Town is Situate about loo yards from the River, 
on this side, and has upwards of 35 Persons in it, 15 of which are Warriors. 
Their Cornfields are better than half A Mile below the Town, close on 
the Opposite side of the River. From the nearest part of the Ohio 
River to this Town is about 100 Miles. 

"5 Miles from Mowheysinck, down the River on this side, is Black 
Tom's Town. The path between these Towns is through A Level, Rich 
Bottom, free from Hills or Creeks. Tom's Town has 8 or 10 Houses in 
it, And consists of about 8 Warriors and 15 or 16 women & Children; 
their Cornfields Are close by the Town. The shortest distance from 
this Town to the Ohio is 100 Miles. 

"About 200 yards above the Town the River is Fordable, after 
crossing of which the Country is very open & mostly Barrens for 8 
Miles, to Waukautaumeka Town [on or near the site of the present Dres- 
den], Situate on A very high Bank, about 100 yards from the Muskingum 
River. There is About 40 Houses in this Town and near the same Num- 
ber of warriors, and upward of 90 women & Children. Their Corn- 
fields are near % of a Mile from the Town, on the same side, up the 
[Wakatomika] Creek. From this Town to the Ohio River is 80 Miles. 

"From Waukautaumike, the Path that leads to the Lower Shawanoe 
Town takes over A number of small Hills for 9 Miles, to A Creek [Wa- 
katomika Creek?] 15 yards wide, at which is A good ford. 

"6 Miles further, over broken Land, is A small Creek [a branch of 
Licking], the Descent to which is Steep, and A Swamp at the bottom of 
the Descent. 

"The path then leads through Level, Rich Land for 3 Miles, to 
Licking Creek, 30 yards wide, at which is A good Ford. ' Then through 
Level, wet Land, but Not Swampy, and Shrubby only in some places, 
28 Miles to the Beaver's New Town, on A branch of Hockhocking River, 
about half A Mile above the Ford. This Town had, last Spring 
[1763?], about 15 Houses in it, and Consisted of thirty Warriors and near 
80 women & Children ; but as the Indians some distance from it purposed 
Moveing to it immediately, it 's very probable the Warriors there now 

This enters the Tuscarawas some thirty-five to forty miles above its mouth (which is 
four or five miles above the site of Bullet's Town). From Little Beaver Creek, the Lower 
Trail passed southwest diagonally across the present Carroll County, crossing Con- 
notton, or One Leg Creek in that county; thence, in the same direction, to near the 
northwest corner of Harrison County, across the southeastern part of Tuscarawas 
County, crossing Little and Big Stillwater [Three Legs] creeks; thence into the south- 
eastern part of Coshocton County possibly crossing Will's Creek twice before reaching 
the Muskingum. 

^ At the present Clay Lick post-office, Licking County. 



The Conchake Route, and other Ohio Paths 195 

are more Numerous than they were then. Their Houses are close to 
each other, and their Cornfields are between the Town and the Path. 

"From the Beaver's Town, the Path takes over level Land, and in 
some places Shrubby, 15 Miles, to A Creek 10 yards wide, then, through 
Level Land and, for 50 Miles [the distance was much less], to the Lower 
Shawanoe Town. This Town is Situate in A very large Savannah [the 
Pickaway Plains]; part of the Town is on the [east] Bank of the Sioto 
River and part about A Mile from it, but Opposite sides [on and opposite 
the site of Westfall, Wayne Township, Pickaway County]. Near 80 
Houses Compose these Towns, and Consist of 130 Warriors and 200 
women & Children. Their Cornfields are in Sight of the Towns. 
There is A Ford opposite the Town nearest the River. From this Place 
to the Ohio is 100 Miles. 

"Now, set out from Waukautaumeke again, & proceed 12 Miles 
through A Level Country do'W'n the [Muskingum] River side to a small 
Delaware Town, the path to which in some places touches near A few 
Ridges which Are not Steep or Difficult. This Town is Situate in A fork 
where A Creek [Licking Creek?] Empties jinto the Muskingum, and has 
8 Houses in it, and about 12 Warriors and 30 women & Children. Their 
Cornfields are close to the Town. Muskingum & the Creek that Runs 
into it are both Fordable here. From this Place to the Ohio is 70 
Miles. 

"The Path continues down the Muskingum through level Land 
for 3 Miles to the Mouth of A Creek [Moxahala ?], then up the 
Creek 3 Miles further to A Small Town of 7 Houses, 15 Warriors, and 
upwards of 20 women & Children. Their Cornfields are on the Opposite 
side of the Creek, which has A good Ford [at mouth of Shawnee Run?], 
about 15 yards wide. This Town is about 60 or 70 Miles from the Ohio. 

"After Crossing the Creek, the Path leads through level Land, 3 
Miles, to A fording at Muskingum; for 2 Miles of the way the Path is 
Commanded on the Right by A very high. Steep Ridge. The Ford is 
200 yards wide, with a good Bottom. The Path still Continues through 
level Land, free from underwood, 3 Miles, to Will's Town, Se-key-unck, 
or the Salt Licks [now Duncan's Falls], 50 Miles from the Ohio. Will's 
Town has 35 Houses in it and About 45 Warriors, & 80 Women & 
Children. The Houses are close together, and their Cornfields in sight 
of the Town. The Muskingum is not Fordable opposite the Town. 

"The Path, then Leading to the Crow's Town,^ takes over several 
little Ridges for 6 Miles to A Creek 8 yards wide. 

"21 Miles further, through A very Shrubby Country, is A small 
Delaware Town, at a Creek [Will's Creek, near Cambridge], 30 yards 

' See map of the Path from Will's Town to Mingo Town on the Ohio (Crow's 
Town) in Winsor's Mississippi Basin, p. 247. 



196 The Wilderness Trail 

wide. There is about a Dozen Houses, 20 Warriors, and 30 women & 
Children ; 

"About 75 Miles further' is the Crow's Town on the Ohio^River, 
which is now Evacuated. 

"The Indians have not any Forts at the aforementioned Towns. 

"From Fort Pitt by Water to big Beaver Creek is 30 Miles; the 
Current is gentle. 3 Miles below the Fort is an Island [Brunot's] & a 
Creek [Chartier's], on the Left. 9 Miles further is Another Creek 
[Montour's?] on the Left; then 15 Miles further, to A Creek [Elkhom 
Run], on the Left, 3 Miles above Beaver Creek. Most part of the way 
A Number of Short Hills border on each side of the River. 

"Then 7 Miles lower down is A small Creek [Raccoon Creek], on 
the Left. 

"About II Miles further, to little Beaver Creek, on the Right. 

"28 [11] Miles further is Yellow Creek^ on the Right. 

"Then 25 Miles to the Crow's Town on the Right [now Mingo, 
Jefferson County, Ohio], at which A Creek empties into the Ohio, and 
Another on the Left, almost opposite each other [the two Cross creeks]. 

"From big Beaver Creek to this Town is A number of Hills & 
Ridges on both sides of the River, but none of them so close but Loaded 
Horses may pass between them & the water, or with some Difficulty 
March over them. There is also on the Right hand side of the River 
A small Path which has been so little frequented of late that it 's Scarce 
perceivable in some places. 

"8 Miles below the Crow's Town, on the Left hand side, is A Creek 
[Buffalo Creek?], 8 yards wide. 

"9 Miles further to Button Wood Creek [Short Creek], on the Right, 
12 yards wide. 

"Then 8 Miles, to A Creek on the Left, 16 yards wide, and Another 
on the Right [the two Wheeling creeks], 12 yards wide. 

" 12 Miles further, A Creek [Pipe Creek] on the Left, 16 yards over. 

"Then 6 Miles, to A Creek on the Right, near 100 yards wide, called 
Captain's [now Captina] Creek. 

"30 [7] Miles further, to Paugh-chase-wey's, or Sun Fish Creek 
[still so called] on the Right, 16 yards wide, 

" Then 7 Miles, to the upper end of A large Bent, which continues in 
the form of A Horseshoe 7 Miles further. This Bent is in the narrowest 

^ The present road from Cambridge to Steubenville, through Cadiz, follows in part 
the course of this path. 

= This statement, if it was Hutchins's, indicates no confusion of Yellow Creek as 
at present known, with the West Fork of Little Beaver; which latter seems to have 
been the stream called Yellow Creek in the preceding itinerary. 



The Conchake Route, and other Ohio Paths 197 

place 3 Miles A cross by Land ; At the beginning of this Bent is a Very 
high, steep Hill, close on the Left of the River; but on the Right hand 
side the Land is Level some distance from the Water [this is a descrip- 
tion of the Great Bend, one hundred miles below Simfish Creek.] 

"Then, 9 Miles below the Bent is A very large Creek [Fishing 
Creek, ten miles below Sunfish?] on the Left, 

"9 Miles further is Another [Middle Island Creek is twenty- six 
miles below Fishing Creek] on the same side, 8 yards wide. 

"It is 88 Miles from this Creek [seventeen miles from Middle Island 
Creek] to the next [Little Muskingum, fifty-two miles below Sunfish 
Creek] which is on the Right hand side of the River, about 6 Miles above 
the Mouth of the Muskingum, which comes in on the same side. 

"There is between the Crow's Town & the Mouth of Muskingum on 
both sides of the Ohio, in several places, many fine pieces of Bottom 
Land and A great Number of Hills & Ridges, some of which are pretty 
high, but none of them so near as to prevent loaded Horses passing by 
the River side, except in time of a Fresh, And then they may be Avoided 
by going some small distance from the River. 

"8 Miles below Muskingum, on the Left, is Lacomie, or Sandy 
Creek [Little Kanawha, twelve miles below Muskingum; the present 
Sandy Creek is 45 miles below Muskingum], 30 yards over. 

"2 Miles further is A Creek on the same side, 12 yards over, 

"Then 35 Miles, to Hockhocking River on the Right, This River 
is Navigable for Canoes about 80 Miles. Between Muskingum & this 
River the Country is very much broken with small Hills. 

"Then about 8 Miles down the Ohio to little Hockhocking [Little 
Hocking is six miles above the Big Hocking], on the Right, 100 yards 
wide. Navigable 30 Miles up. 

"12 Miles further down the Ohio is A Creek on the Left, 10 yards 
wide. 

"8 Miles further, to A Creek on the same side, 10 yards wide. 

"Then about 4 Miles, to the beginning of Another big Bent [at 
Old Town Creek, just below the Horse Shoe Bend], which is about 10 
Miles round to the End of the Bent; from which, to the Mouth of Sioto 
on the Right of the Ohio, is 12 Miles [113 miles]. 

"This River [the Scioto] is not Navigable when the waters are Low, 
And with great Difficulty when they are high. The Country here- 
abouts is much freer from Hills & Broken Land than near Muskingum 
or Hockhocking. ^ 

^ This description of the Ohio River Route is full of errors, both as to locations and 
distances. The Horse Shoe Bend of the Ohio is here located more than a hundred miles 
above the Muskingum, while it is really forty-eight miles below. The Little Hocking 
is placed below the Big Hocking, instead of above. No mention is made of the Kanawha 



198 The Wilderness Trail 

"Now, Return to Muskingum and Proceed up that River, which is 
seldom Navigable with Loaded Canoes but in time of a Fresh, And then 
Scarce further than to the white Womans Creek, 120 Miles. 

"About 30 Miles up Muskingum [from its mouth] is A Creek on the 
left [Wolf Creek], 15 yards wide. 

"At 3 Miles further on the same side is another Creek, 12 yards 
wide. 

"Then 20 Miles, to the Canoe place [Big Rock at Roxbury, in what 
is now Morgan County?], on the Left of the River, where the Traders 
formerly Landed their Goods for the Lower Shawanoe Town. 

"From the mouth of Muskingum to this place the Country is in 
several places Hilly, but many of them are more than Gunshott from 
the River and none of them so near but Loaded Horses may pass Between 
them & the water. The Right hand Shore is the best for Horses, as the 
Hills are Scarcest on that side. The Stream is pretty Gentle to A Rift, 
about 43 Miles from the Mouth [Luke's Chute?]. 

"8 Miles further up [above the Canoe Place] is Another Rift [Silver 
Heels Riffle at Stockport?]. After that, the Current is something stronger. 
There is, about 100 yards below Will's Town, A Ledge of Rocks A Cross 
the River [Duncan's Falls] which Occasions the Water to Run very Rapid 
and shallow over them. 5 Miles above the Town there is much such 
another place. 

"Now, to Return to the Landing or Canoe place & proceed for the 
Lower Shawanoes Town by Land. 

"15 Miles from the Canoe place is A Shelving Rock, under which 
Neal McCollen, a Delaware Indian, Built a Cabbin. 

"20 Miles fiu"ther is Hockhocking River, 100 yards over and A 
good Fording. 



River. The distance from Fort Pitt to Muskingum is given as 300 miles, instead of 
174; and from the Muskingum to Scioto, as 99 miles, instead of 176. 

The "Rout Down the Ohio," published as an appendix to Hutchins's and Smith's 
Account of Bouquet'' s Expedition (Phila., 1765), gives the following distances and land- 
marks on the River: "From Fort Pitt to the mouth of Big Beaver Creek, 27 miles; 
to the mouth of Little Beaver Creek, 12 ; to the mouth of Yellow Creek, 10; to the Two 
[Cross] Creeks, 18; to Wheeling, 6; to Pipe Hill, 12; to the Long Reach, 30; to the foot 
of the Reach, 18; to the mouth of Muskingum River, 30; to the Little Canawha River, 
12; to the mouth of Hockhocking River, 13; to the mouth of Le Tort's Creek, 40; to 
Kiskeminetas, 33; to the mouth of Big Canawha, or New River, 8; to the mouth of Big 
Sandy Creek, 40; to the mouth of Sioto, 40." Total, 349 miles. 

The following distances are given in Cumming's Western Pilot (Cincinnati, 1834): 
From Pittsburgh to Big Beaver, 28 J^ miles; to Little Beaver, 143^^; to Yellow Creek, 11 ; 
to Mingo Island, 19M; to Captina Creek, 38^; to Sunfish Creek, 53^; to Muskingum 
River,56; to Big Hockhocking, 25; to Great [Horse Shoe] Bend,24J^; to Great Kanawha, 
38; to Scioto, 89; total, 3503^ miles. 



The Conchake Route, and other Ohio Paths 199 

"10 Miles further, to a Branch of the same River, 10 yards 
wide. 

"Then 35 Miles, to the Lower Shawanoe Town. 

"The Country all the way from the Canoe place is well watered 
and free from large hills or Swamps. 

"From the Lower Shawanoe Town to the Salt Lick Town [on the 
west bank of the Scioto, near Columbus, and about opposite the Ohio 
Penitentiary], up Sioto, is 25 Miles; The Path takes Along the River 
through several Savannahs and A Rich Level Country. This Town is 
about 60 Miles from Waukautaumike. 

"Now, from the Lower Shawanoe Town again [on the east side of 
Scioto '], Along the Path that Leads to Sandusky, through Level Land, 
Swampy, & Shrubby in some places, 8 Miles, to A Branch of Sioto River 
[Little Walnut Creek?], 12 yards wide, at which is A good Fording. 

"5 Miles further is Another Branch of Sioto [Black Lick Creek?], 
12 yards wide, & A good Fording place. 

"Between these two Creeks is Abundance of underwood & wet 
ground but not very Swampy. Then 9 Miles, to A Savannah, better 
than A Mile wide. Most part of the way to the Savannah is Shrubby, 
and all the way very Level. 

"20 Miles further through Level, wet, low ground, but not Swampy, 
to Another Savannah, A Mile wide & 5 long. 

"Then 20 Miles, to A Creek 20 yards wide. This Creek has A good 
Ford and Runs into the White Woman's Creek; the Country very 
shrubby. 

"9 Miles further, over little, short Hills, through Timbered Land, 
to A very steep Descent, leading to a Creek, 17 yards wide, the Main 
Branch [Owl Creek, in the present Morrow County?] of White Woman's 
Creek; here is A good Fording. 

"Then 5 Miles, through Timbered Land and over short, small 
Hills, to the partings of the Road. 

"The Right hand Path leads over A Number of small Hills, 17 Miles, 
to the Owl's Town.^ 9 Miles from the partings of the Road, this path 
crosses A Creek, 10 yards wide, which has a good Fording. 

"Now, Return to the Partings of the Road and follow the Left Hand 
Path, which takes over Timbered Land & small Hills, 15 miles, to A 
Branch of White Woman's Creek [one of the branches of Black Fork of 
Mohican?], 8 yards wide. 

' Hutchins's map of 1778 shows the path from Scioto to Sandusky as on the west 
side of the Scioto ; but apparently this is a description of a path on the east side. 

' Hutchins's map of 1764 shows Owl's Town to have been located between the 
forks of Owl Creek and White Woman's River. This point is within the present 
township of Newcastle, Coshocton County, Ohio. 



200 The Wilderness Trail 

"Then, through Timbered, level Land, in general very level, and 
Shrubby in some places, 45 Miles, to Sandusky. 

"From Sandusky, the Path leads through several very Extensive 
Savannahs and A Rich level Country, well watered and Timbered, no 
Miles to Tuscarawas. 

"A little below this place the Muskingum forks. 

"After Crossing the Ford at Tuscarawas to the East side of the 
Creek, the Path leading to Cayahoga takes up a branch of Tuscarawas 
[the main branch], 5 Miles, to where the Path crosses the Creek, about 
17 yards wide [probably near the present Navarre]. 

"Then over Timbered Land, Swampy in some places, but not Hilly, 
16 Miles, to the same Creek, 8 yards wide. 

"After crossing of which the Path takes up the Creek about 7 
Miles, to where the same Creek Runs out of a Lake [Long Lake], 3 Miles 
broad and about 4 in Length. 

" Then, 5 Miles, through Swampy Grounds by the End of this Lake, 
to another Lake [Summit Lake], on the same side of the Path, near A 
Mile from the former one, which Conveys itself by A Creek 10 yards 
wide into Cayahoga River. 

"From this Lake to Cayahoga Town is 18 Miles, the Path mostly 
Along the Creek, through level Timbered Land free from Swamps. 
At the Town the [Cuyahoga] Creek is 17 yards wide. 

"After crossing the Creek, the Path Leads [eastward] through level 
Timbered land, 1 1 Miles, to a Branch of Cayahoga [the Main Branch] 
ID yards wide, at which [probably at Kent] is A good Fording. 

"Then, through Swampy Land, for 9 Miles, to A Swamp, two Miles 
over. This Swamp, the French, sometime ago. Bridged, by laying Logs 
A Cross the Path ; but it is now much out of Repair. 

"After Crossing the Swamp, the Path leads [south of Ravenna] 
by A Savannah on the Left hand and continues for 5 Miles through 
Thickets, but not Mirey; then [through the present townships of Edin- 
burg, Palmyra, and Paris, Portage County] Along level. Timbered 
Land, 15 Miles, to Mohoning Town on [the west side of Mahoning 
Branch of] Beaver Creek [probably at or above the site of the present 
Newton Falls]. 

"Half a mile below this Town, the Path crosses Beaver Creek at a 
good Ford, 8 yards wide. The path then leaves the Creek on the Left 
hand and takes through Low, wet, Swampy Land [across Newton, Lords- 
town, and Weathersfield townships, Trumbull County] for 9 Miles, to 
the Salt Lick Town, situate on the west [south] side of the same Creek 
[about a mile southwest of Niles]. 

"After crossing the Creek, which is 15 yards over at this Town, the 
Path to Shaningo takes through Timbered Land, about 4 Miles, to a 



The Conchake Route, and other Ohio Paths 201 

Branch [Squaw Creek] of the same Creek, 8 yards wide, at which is a 
Mirey ford. 

"15 Miles further, through low Land, Timbered with Beach, is 
Shaningo Town [below Sharon], on Another [Shenango] branch of Beaver 
Creek 15 yards wide. 

"After crossing the Creek at a good Ford the Path leads through 
level Land, 6 Miles, to the partings of the Venango Road. 

"The left Hand Path goes about 3 Miles to Pemeytuning [at or 
near the mouth of Pymatuning Creek], situate on the same Creek: After 
crossing of which, takes through level Land, well Timbered, 8 miles, to 
the same [Shenango] Creek again, 8 yards wide; here is a good Ford and 
A Number of Indian Graves. 

"Then 9 Miles, along Level, Shrubby Land, to A large Run [Otter 
Creek], 5 yards wide, very Swampy. 

"8 Miles further, through wet Land & Swampy in some places, to 
A Lake on the Right [Sandy Lake, in Mercer County], two Miles Long 
and half a Mile wide, the Head of Sandy Creek. 

"Then ^Yi Miles Along A Ridge, to the Crossing of Sandy Creek, 
8 yards over. 

"Two Miles further, down the Creek and Ascend A steep Hill, The 
Path then is over short Ridges, 14 Miles, to Venango. 

"Now, return to the Salt Lick Town on [Mahoning Branch of] 
Beaver Creek, The Path then to the Kishkushes [now Edenburg, Law- 
rence County] crosses the Creek 23^ Miles below the Town, at A good 
ford, 10 yards wide. 

"6 Miles fiu-ther, through level Timbered Land [back] to the Main 
branch of Beaver [Mahoning] Creek 18 yards over, A good Fording with 
A steep Descent to it. 

"The Path then takes down the Creek [west side], 7 Miles, along 
level, Rich Land, free from Swamps or Thickets, to A large Savannah, 
two Miles long and half a Mile wide. 

" 14 Miles further is the Kishkuskee Town on the [west] Bank of 
Beaver Creek, [Mahoning Branch]. This Town is 12 Miles from Sha- 
ningo, and the Country is made up with little Hills of Timbered Land. 

"From the Kishkuske to the Mouth of Beaver Creek the path 
takes down the Creek Along A Bottom 2 Miles, then Ascend A pretty 
large Hill & proceed Along A Ridge 5 Miles to the Creek again at an 
Old Town [near Newport]. 

"Then the Path leaves the Creek and goes over Timbered Land and 
short Ridges, 7 Miles, to A Steep Hill, which the Path ascends after 
crossing A large Run, 

"Then Along Timbered Land at about a Mile's Distance from the 
Creek, 14 Miles. 



202 The Wilderness Trail 

"Then Ascend A very Steep Hill and Continue on it about 2 Miles 
to A Steep descent, which is about ^ of A Mile from the mouth of 
Beaver Creek, to which the Land is level. " 

The following is Thomas Hutchins's description of "The Rout from 
Fort Pitt to Sandusky, and thence to Detroit," which was written by 
him in 1764 and revised and added to after 1778. The manuscript of 
this account is in the Library of the Pennsylvania Historical Society. 
Some few paragraphs of the original description of the road near Beaver 
Creek were used by Dr. William Smith in preparing the Account of 
Bouquet's Expedition: 

" Fort Pitt, which is 320 Miles by the Road and nearly due west from 
the city of Philadelphia, stands at the fork of the Allegheny and Monaun- 
gahela rivers, and their luiited streams form the river Ohio. For about 
three and a half miles, after crossing the Allegheny River, the road goes 
over rich, level land, with stately timber, to the Ohio, at the beginning 
of the Narrows, and from thence it follows the course of the river along a 
flat, gravelly beach, about six miles and a quarter, with two Islands on 
the left, the lower most [now Neville's Island] about six miles long, and a 
rising ground the whole distance on the right forming a defile. 

"At the lower end of this Island, the road leaves the river and 
inclines northerly through good land, broken with small hollows, to 
Loggs Town, situated seventeen miles and a half and 57 perches by 
the path from fort Pitt. This place was noted before the War of 1758 
for the great trade carried on there by the English and French; but its 
inhabitants, the Shawanoes and Delawares abandoned it in the year 1750 
[1758]- The lower town extended about 60 perches over a rich bottom 
to the foot of a low, steep ridge, on the simimit of which, near the declev- 
ity, stood the upper town, commanding a most agreeable prospect, over 
the lower, and quite a cross the Ohio, which is about five hundred yards 
wide here, and, by its majestic, easy current, adds much to the beauty 
of the place. 

"The road proceeds beyond Logstown at a small distance from the 
river and in some parts in sight of it, through a fine country, interspersed 
with hills and rich valleys, watered by many rivulets and covered with 
stately timber, to Big beaver creek, 25 miles and a half and 56 perches 
from fort Pitt, and 8 miles from Loggstown. 

"This creek is twenty perches wide, the ford stony and pretty deep. 
It runs through a rich vale, with a tolerable strong current, its banks 
high, the upland adjoining it very good, the timber tall and yotmg. 

"About a mile below its confluence with the Ohio stood formerly a 
large town, on a high steep bank, built by the French, of square loggs. 




'#>•• j 



^ 



The Conchake Route, and other Ohio Paths 203 

with stone chimneys, for some of the Shawanoe, Delaware, and Mingo 
tribes, who abandoned it in the year 1758, when the French deserted fort 
Duquesne. Fort Mclntoush [builtjin October, 1778] is situated on this 
spot. 

"Near the fording of Beaver Creek also stood several houses, which 
were deserted and destroyed by the Indians after their defeat at Bushy 
Run in 1763, when they forsook all their remaining settlements in this 
part of the country. 

"The road from Big beaver creek goes through a country interspersed 
with hills, rivulets, and rich vallies. Some of the hills are lofty, and 
afford a prospect over an extensive country, which in general have a 
pretty level appearance, with abundance of tall timber, to Little beaver 
creek [North Fork], fifteen miles three-quarters and twenty-five perches; 
and is 8 perches wide, with a good ford. 

"At six miles and 56 perches further is the third [second: Middle 
Fork] branch of beaver creek. 

"And at six miles three-quarters and 47 perches from thence is the 
Parting of the Road, ' where the path divides into two branches ; that to 
the south west leading to the lower towns on the Muskingum. In the 
fork of the path stand several trees, painted by the Indians in a hierogly- 
phick manner, denoting the number of wars in which they have been 
engaged and the particulars of their success in prisoners and scalps. 

"From the partings of the road to Yellow creek ^ [at the crossing of 
the Upper Path, near the northwest corner of Wayne Township] is 4 
miles and 27 perches. The path crosses the creek at a good ford, 50 feet 
wide ; and between the ford and this crossing, the country is very brushy 
and full of underwood, with some mirey spots, though rich and fertile. 
Yellow creek is close on the left for near a mile before the path crosses it, 

"The path continues through an alternate succession of small hills, 
and rich vales, finely watered with rivulets, 16 miles a half and 20 
perches, to a branch [Big Sandy Creek] of Muskingum river, about 50 
feet wide. Here the country is the same as described above, with a 
good deal of Free stone. 

"After crossing this Branch, the path goes through much fine land, 
watered with small rivers and springs ; proceeding likewise through several 
Savanahs or cleared spots, which are by nature extremely beautiful; 
the second which the path passes over being in particular one continued 
plain of near two miles, with a fine rising ground, forming a semicircle 
round the right hand side and the above mentioned branch, which is a 
pleasant stream of water, about a quarter of a mile distant on the left, 
to Nemenshehelas creek, which is 13 miles a }/i and 60 perches from where 

^ Near the northeast corner of Wayne Township, Columbiana County. 
' West Fork of Little Beaver. 



U 



204 The Wilderness Trail 

the path crosses the [Sandy Creek] branch already mentioned. Nemen- 
shehelas creek is about 50 feet wide at the ford, which is a little above 
where it empties itself into the aforesaid branch of Muskingum. Here 
there is a pleasant prospect over a large plain for near two miles on the 
left. 

"Between two and three miles further the path crosses another small 
branch or rivulet [Limestone Creek], about 50 perches above where it 
empties itself into the said branch of Muskingum. Here, a steep ridge 
on the right and the creek close on the left forms a narrow defile, about 
70 perches long. The path continues from hence over a very rich bottom 
to the main branch of Muskingum about 70 yards wide, with a good 
ford, four miles from Nemenshehelas creek and 94 miles a half and 64 
perches from fort Pitt. 

"A little below [the fording place] and above the forks of this river, 
[north of Sandy Creek], about a quarter of a mile from the ford, is 
Tuscarawas, a place exceedingly beautiful by situation, the lands rich 
on both sides of the river; the country on the N.W. side being one entire, 
level plain, upwards of five miles in circumference. From the ruined 
houses appearing here [in 1764], the Indians who inhabited the place, 
and are now with the Delawares, are supposed to have had about one 
hundred and fifty warriors. 

"Three paths branch out from Tuscarawas; the southermost leads 
to the Indian towns on the Muskingum and Sioto rivers and to the forks 
of the Muskingum, where General Bouquet had his sixteenth and last 
encampment, when he marched against the Ohio Indians in 1764, and 
where he redeemed from them upwards of 200 white persons who were 
prisoners amongst them, and also obliged them to give hostages for the 
punctual performance of their engagements with him. 

"This encampment is 35 miles ^ and 53 perches southwesterly from 
Tuscarawas, and 130 miles a 3^ and 17 perches by the path from Fort 
Pitt. 

"The Shawanoes Town on Sioto river is about eighty miles from this 
spot, which is besides surrounded by the other Indian settlements 
at the distance from 7 to 20 miles. 

"About two miles below Tuscarawas, on a very high bank, with the 
Muskingum at the foot of it, which is 100 yards wide at this place, with 
a fine, level country at some distance from its banks, producing stately 
timber, free from underwood, and plenty of food for cattle, was erected 
a small stockaded fort, to deposit provisions for the use of the troops on 
their return, and to lighten the convoy. 

"The path from this place to the forks of the Muskingum leads 
through a fertile country, interspersed with little hills and vallies, rivu- 
lets and springs, and at five miles and 46 perches from the fort, the path 



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The Conchake Route, and other Ohio Paths 205 

crosses a branch of the Muskingum called Margaret's creek [now Sugar 
Creek] about 30 feet wide, bordered with very rich land, producing a 
variety of timber. 

"The north, or Cayahoga path, from Tuscarawas, takes through 
level, good land for ten miles, and about two miles further reaches a small 
branch of the Muskingum; the first half of this distance over level, light 
soil, as just mentioned, and the remaining 5 (five) miles the land is 
something superior in quality to that last described. From hence to the 
sources of Muskingum, the country is fertile, interspersed with swamps 
and many small Lakes. 

"From this place to the Cayahogos town on the Western side of 
the Cayahoga river, the path crosses a number of little rises or gradual 
inequalities. This town is computed to be between 35 and 40 miles 
from Tuscarawas. u.. 

"The main branch of the Muskingum running by Tuscarawas com- 
municates with the Ohio 172 miles below fort Pitt, and is said to be 
navigable quite to its source; between which and a little Lake [Summit 
Lake] communicating with Cayahoga river, there is a level carrying place a 
Mile and a half over. Just below where the , stream of this Lake 
joins the Cayahoga, there is a fall, which|occasions a portage of about 
25 yards, after passing of which there is good navigation for Canoes to 
where this river discharges itself into Lake Erie, which is, by computa- 
tion, between 60 and 70 miles eastward of the entrance into Sandusky Lake. 

"The third, or middle path, leading from Tuscarawas to Sandusky, 
a distance of nearly one hundred miles, in general passes over a level 
and extremely fertile country, remarkably well watered with rivers, 
rivulets, brooks, and springs; and, except where extensive Savanahs or 
natural meadows intervene, well timbered with different kinds of oak, 
walnut, ash, hickory, mulberry, sassafras, etc. 

"The path, within the distance of two miles from Tuscarawas, 
crosses the Muskingum twice; and continues over a fertile soil, composed 
of gradual ascents and descents, free from underwood and very pleasant, 
six miles and a half further, to Margaret's creek [now Sugar Creek, in the 
south part of Sugar Creek Township, Stark County], 15 yards wide, 
with a mirey bottom at the ford. The second crossing of Margaret's 
creek is six yards wide and distant two miles from the first. 

"Five miles and a half further is a rivulet, also six yards wide, 
supposed to be another branch of Margaret's creek. 

"It is six miles from hence to the beaver Dams, where there is a 
brook, ^ the stream of which, when stopped by the beavers, occasioned a 
pond on the left; the remains of the Dam is still visible. 

' Probably one of the sources of the present Apple Creek in East Union town- 
ship, or of Salt Creek, in Salt Creek Township, Wayne County. 



2o6 The Wilderness Trail 

"From this place it is twenty-seven miles to the principal N.W. 
branch of the Muskingum [Mohican Fork], 25 yards wide at the ford, 
near to which was situated Mohickon John's Town [in Mohican Town- 
ship, Ashland County]. It consisted only of a few houses. The path 
takes over good land the whole of the above distance, well timbered, 
and watered at every two, three, and four miles, with rivulets from six 
to eight yards in width, easily crossed when not raised with freshes. 

"The remains of a Fort built by the Ottawas [probably the same 
place which De Lery called the "Fugitives' Camp"], at which there is a 
pleasant running brook, is ten [?] miles from Mohickon John's Town. 

"Four [?] miles further is the first crossing of Bald Eagle River 
[now Huron River]; three miles to the second; and eight miles to the 
third, which is 50 yards wide. 

" After passing this River [six miles after], the path takes along a 
very rich Savanah, six miles over, to a fine spring of Lime stone water 
[Castalia, in Margaretta Township, Erie County]. This Savanah, in a 
wet season, or in the spring of the year, is in some parts covered a few 
inches with water, on which account it is not very agreeable to travel 
over it. 

"The path continues from this Savanah, four miles and a half, to 
Junundat Town, which formerly consisted of Wyandot and Mohickon 
tribes; they could raise about 70 or 80 Warriors. 

"From hence it is three miles and a half, over rich level land, covered 
with a variety of timber, to Sandusky. 

"The French erected a Post here in the year 1754,' and abandoned 
it in the year 1759. This post was established, principally, with a view 
of keeping up the communications with Detroit, fort Dusquesne, and 
Presqu' Isle ; and of assisting parties of Warriors residing northward of 
the Lake Erie, when on their way to and returning from the frontiers 
of the different States. 

"In the year 1760, the British built a Block-house, surrounded with 
a Stockade, at Sandusky ; but on the commencement of the Indian War 
in 1763, the garrison, consisting of a subaltern's command, were made 
prisoners, several of them put to death; and the house and stockade 
destroyed. 

"Between 20 and 30 miles westerly from Sandusky, on a river of 
the same name, there was formerly an Indian town [Junqueindundeh], 
consisting of 100 Warriors of the Wyandot and Mohickon tribes. This 
town lay in the rout by land to Detroit ; but the usual communication is 
by water, coasting it along Lake Erie. 

^ De Lery's Journal shows that this statement is incorrect. Hutchins probably 
had in mind the French Fort built in the winter of 1750-51, on the north shore 
of Sandusky Bay, but which was abandoned before 1754. 



The Conchake Route, and other Ohio Paths 207 

"From Sandusky to the entrance of Sandusky Lake, 9 miles; to 
Rocky point, 9 miles; to the Riviere de portage, 33; to Cedar point, 35; 
to the Big Island in Detroit river, 18; and to Detroit, 9; in all, 104 miles 
from Sandusky [i.e., from the mouth of Sandusky Bay]." 

There seems to be an error in this account of the Sandusky Trail 
as given by Hutchins in so far as it relates to the distances between 
Mohickon John's Town, and the first crossing of Bald Eagle Creek (one 
of the branches of the Huron River) ; and between the last crossing of 
Bald Eagle Creek and Junundat. Hutchins gives the first distance as 
fourteen miles ; and the total distance between Mohickon John's Town and 
Junundat as thirty-five and one-half miles. This would indicate that 
Mohickon John's Town was at the head of the Black Fork of the Mohican 
River. In his map of 1778, Hutchins does locate Mohickon John's 
Town at the head of the Black Fork of the Mohican. In the distances 
on the Sandusky Route, printed as an appendix to his Account of Bou- 
quet's Expedition, Hutchins gives the distance between these two towns 
as forty-six miles. Rogers and his Rangers, who went from Sandusky 
to Fort Pitt in December and January, 1760-61, and whose Journal is 
printed in this chapter, estimated the distance between Junundat and 
Mohickon John's Town as fifty-nine miles. George Croghan, who 
preceded Rogers over the same path a few days earlier, gave the dis- 
tance between Junundat and Mohickon John's Town as forty-six miles. 
He has left the following account of the route : 

"December 16, 1760. We came [from Detroit] to the Little Lake 
called Sandusky, which we found froze over, so as not to be passable for 
some days. 

"The 22d. We crossed the Little Lake on the ice, which is about 
six miles over, to an Indian village, where we found our horses, which 
we sent from D'Troit. There were but five Indians at home, all the 
rest being gone a hunting. 

"23d. We came to Chenunda [Junundat], an Indian village, six 
miles from Sandusky. 

"24th. We started to hunt up some horses. 

"25th. We came to the principal man's hunting cabin, about 
sixteen miles from Chenunda; level road and clear woods; several 
savannahs. 

"26th. We came to Mohickon Village; this day we crossed several 
small Creeks, all branches of Muskingum ; level road, pretty clear woods ; 
about thirty miles. The Indians were all out a hunting except one 
family. 

"27th. We halted; it rained all day. 

"28th. We set off; it snowed all day; and come to another branch 
of Muskingum [Muddy Fork of Mohican], about nine^miles, good road, 



2o8 The Wilderness Trail 

where we stayed the 29th for a canoe to put us over, the Creek being 
very high. 

"30th. We set off and came to another branch of Muskingum 
[Killbuck Creek], about eleven miles; and the 31st we felled a tree over 
the Creek and carryed over our baggage, and encamped about one mile 
up a run. 

"January the ist [1761]. We travelled about sixteen miles, clear 
woods and level road, to a place called the Sugar Cabins [on or near 
Margaret's (now Sugar) Creek]. 

"2d. We came about twelve miles to the Beaver's Town [Tus- 
carawas]." 

According to the early settlers of Ashland County, Mohickon 
John's Town was located on the east bank of the Jerome Fork of the 
Mohican, near the present Jeromeville, in Mohican Township, Ash- 
land County. Doctor Thwaites locates it near Reedsburg, Wayne 
County, on the Muddy Fork of the Mohican. This is several miles 
east of Jeromeville, and much too close to the site of Tuscarawas Town. 
The distance between Mohickon John's Town and Tuscarawas, as given 
by Hutchins, was forty-nine miles ; and as given by Rogers and Croghan, 
forty-eight.^ Old Town Run, which flows into Jerome Fork of the 
Mohican from the west about two miles below Jeromeville, seems to 
mark definitely the site of Mohickon John's Town. The town pro- 
bably stood on the east bank of Jerome Fork opposite the mouth of 
that Run. 

There is a second and different draft of this same route in the Hutchins 
Manuscript Collection of the Pennsylvania Historical Society, which 
gives the coiurse of the path between the Beaver Dams, west of Tus- 
carawas, and Sandusky, in more detail. This fuller description reads 
as follows : 

"The second crossing of Margaret's Creek is six yards wide, and 
distant 2 miles from the first. Five and three-quarter miles further is 
a Rivulet, also 6 yards wide, supposed to be another branch of Margaret's 
Creek. 

"It is s^x miles from hence to the Beaver Dams, where there is a 
Brook, the stream of which, when stopped by the Beavers, occasioned a 
Pond on the Left. The remains of the Dam are still visible. 

"Foiir miles further, the Path crosses a Rivulet, 6 yards wide. 
Three miles from this is a Rivulet 8 yards over ; and at the same distance 
[3 miles] is another, 10 yards in width. 

"Seven miles further is a Swamp and Rivulet, 8 yards wide. 

"Proceeding 3 miles from the last, is a River, 15 yards across; 

I See Hulbert's Red Men's Roads, p. 18; the same article in Ohio Arch. Hist. Soc. 
Colls., viii., 376; Howe's Ohio, i., 255; Thwaites's Early Western Travels, i., 125. 



The Conchake Route, and other Ohio Paths 209 

and from this last to the principal North West Branch of the Muskingum, 
which is 25 yards wide, and on which stands Mohickon John's Town, 
it is 7 miles. This Town was always inconsiderable, consisting only of a 
few houses. 

"At 2 miles distance from this Town, the Path goes through a small 
Swamp; and 7 miles further it crossed the Muskingum Branch again, 
about 15 yards wide. 

"The remains of a Fort, built by the Ottawas, at which there is a 
pleasant running Brook, is 10 miles from Mohickon John's Town. 

"Four miles further is the first crossing of Bald Eagle [Huron] River; 
3 miles to the second; and 8 miles to the third Crossing, which is 50 
yards wide. 

"After passing this River it is 6 miles; the Path takes along a rich 
Savannah, 6 miles over, to a fine Spring [Cold Spring, at Castalia]. 
This Savannah, in a Wet season, or in the Spring of the year, is in some 
parts covered a few inches with Water, on which account it is not very 
agreeable travelling over it. ' 

"It is 43>^ miles from this Savannah to Junundat Town, which 
merely consisted of Wyandot and Mohickon Tribes. They had about 
70 or 80 Warriors. 

"It is 33^ miles further, over very rich Land, covered with a variety 
of Timber, to Sandusky. The French erected a Post here in the year 
1754 [1750-51]. principally to keep up the communication with Detroit, 
Fort Duquesne, and Presquile — ^another Post established in the above 
mentioned year, on the South side of Lake Erie, 150 miles eastward 
of Sandusky — and to assist to prevent a surprise. . . . 

"There was an Indian Town, consisting of about 100 Warriors of 
the Wyandot and Mohickon Tribes, situated on the Sandusky River, 
a few miles from where that River falls into Sandusky Lake, and between 
20 and 30 westerly from Sandusky. This Town [Junqueindundeh] lies 
in the Rout by Land from Sandusky to Det Troit. " 

In the same manuscript, Hutchins writes a portion of the last para- 
graph in another form, as follows: "Between 20 and 30 miles westerly 
from Sandusky, on a River of the same name, a few miles from where 
that River falls into Junundat or Sandusky Lake, formerly stood an 
Indian Town, consisting of," etc. 

If Hutchins's account and maps were correct, Mohickon John's 
Town was not located on the Jerome Fork of the Mohican at all, 
but some miles farther west, on the] Black Fork. If this be true, 
then the local historians of that country since its settlement have all 
been mistaken, and the name, " Mohican Township," in Ashland County, 

' Compare this paragraph with the similar paragraph in the first account on page 
206. 

VOL. II. — 14 



210 The Wilderness Trail 

which was supposed to mark the site of this town, has been appHed 
to the wrong township. Hutchins, himself, may have been mistaken. 

Hutchins's map of 1764 is printed in this volume. His map of 1778 
shows Killbuck's Creek, on the west bank of which he locates Killbuck's 
Town. He shows Mohickon John's Town on the east bank of Black 
Fork of Mohican, and places the Jerome Fork, Muddy Fork, and Lake 
Fork between the Black Fork and Killbuck's Creek. 

Rogers makes the distance between the two Mohican branches of 
Muskingum (one of the heads of Black Fork, and Jerome Fork) twenty 
or twenty-one miles; while Hutchins gives it as only nine miles. One of 
the heads of the Black Fork is in Plymouth Township, Richland County, 
some three or four miles south of one of the heads of the Hturon, in the 
same township, and about the same distance east of another head of 
the Huron in Auburn Township, Crawford County. To reach the 
divide in these townships from Mohickon John's Town, however, the 
path may have crossed the Black Fork twice. 

In July, 1775, Captain James Wood set out from Fort Pitt to visit 
the Indian towns in Ohio, for the purpose of inviting their chiefs to 
meet Virginia's Commissioners at that place, to enter into a treaty. 
He left Fort Pitt on the i8th of the month, accompanied by Simon 
Girty, who was to act as interpreter. On the 21st, Wood and Girty 
arrived at one of the Moravian towns on the Tuscarawas, either Schon- 
brunn or Gnadenhutten ; from thence they reached New Comer's Town 
the same night. The next day they passed through White Eyes' Town, 
and reached "Koshocktin" at one o'clock, where they remained until 
the 24th. Wood's Journal is printed in Thwaites and Kellogg's Revo- 
lution on the Upper Ohio. Under date of July 24th it proceeds: 

"I then hired a man to go with me to the Seneca towns. Set off 
in a hard rain. Passed through a town of the Muncys [on the north 
bank of Walhonding, just above Killbuck Creek], and made them 
acquainted with my business. Kept up White Woman's Creek, crossing 
it six times, and Corcosan [Kokosing, i. e., Owl] Creek once. Lodged at 
Mohickin's Old Town, now inhabited by Delawares. Travelled about 38 
miles this day, the course nearly west [from Coshocton]." 

From this point Wood and Girty travelled west to the Seneca Town, 
which Dr. Thwaites says was situated on the trail between Wapatomica 
and Upper Sandusky, in what is now Hardin County; thence to the 
Wyandot Town at Upper Sandusky; from there, up the Sandusky and 
down the Olentangy branch of Scioto to Pluggy's Town which stood on 
the site of the present Delaware, Ohio. From here they went to the Big 
Salt Licks Town, on the west bank of the Scioto, near Columbus (about 
opposite the site of the Ohio Penitentiary) ; and thence to the Shawnee 
towns on the Pickaway Plains and Deer Creek, between the present 



The Conchake Route, and other Ohio Paths 211 

Circleville and Chillicothe. They started on their return August 3d, 
passing through White Eyes' Town, New Comer's Town, Gnadenhutten, 
and Logstown, and reaching Fort Pitt on the nth. 

Wood's coiirse can be followed most readily on Crevecoeur's maps, — 
printed in this volume. 



CHAPTER VII 

JOHN FINLEY; AND KENTUCKY BEFORE BOONE 

IN a letter received from Dr. Reuben G. Thwaites in March,. 1902, 
replying to an inqtury about John Finley, the Indian Trader who 
piloted Daniel Boone into Kentucky by way of the Cumberland Gap 
in 1769, the writer was informed that "the late Dr. Lyman C. Draper 
was, in his day, the greatest Hving authority on all appertaining to Daniel 
Boone and the settlement of Kentucky. He gathered an immense 
amount of materials on the subject, which is now in the library of the 
State Historical Society of Wisconsin, at Madison; but as yet unindexed. 
He commenced writing a Life of Boone, but did not get very far into the 
subject. In this fragment, which he intended to be a ponderous work of 
many voltmies, he goes into great detail, giving all the information he 
had at hand." Dr. Thwaites adds: "I enclose all that Draper gives 
relative to Findley (he preferred this spelling), save the details of his 
visiting Boone upon the Yadkin." 

In the following pages is the material from the Draper manuscripts 
relating to John Finley to which Dr. Thwaites refers, and which he has 
kindly furnished. It comprises all of Chapter VI of Draper's unfinished 
Life of Daniel Boone, together with the two closing paragraphs of Chapter 
II, which are here inserted as a foot-note on the second page. In a 
subsequent letter, received from Dr. Thwaites in January, 1907, that 
gentleman writes as follows : 

Dr. Draper's authorities for his statements concerning John Findlay 
(so spelled in autograph, says Draper) were the early gazettes, especially 
the Maryland Gazette (1753), Filson's Kentucky (1784), and personal 
interviews with Boone's relatives — notably one with Daniel Bryan, 
some time before 1851. Draper concludes from the evidence you cite — 
Trent's letter, April 10, 1753, and a similar remark in the Maryland 
Gazette, May 17, 1753, that the visit of Findlay to Kentucky was in 
the autumn of 1752, and the attack made at the same time a^ that upon 
McGinty — although Filson's date is 1767. The details, as Draper has 
given them, are taken from Bryan's accoimt, who remembered, or had a 
tradition of, Findlay 's visit to Boone on the Yadkin in 1769. The evi- 
dence is scarcely conclusive, and had a less careful student given it, 



1 



John Finley; and Kentucky before Boone 213 

might be rejected. Draper's conclusions were, however, frequently- 
formed from cumulative evidence, all of which is not extant, even in his 
notes; he was always careful in drawing conclusions, so that his account 
seems probable, although not positive. Draper thinks that the "Little 
Pict Town" was Eskippakithika, on Lulbegrud Creek of Red River of 
Kentucky, twenty-five miles south of Upper Blue Licks, where the 
Warriors' Road crossed the Licking. This town was settled (1745) by 
a band of Shawnee under Peter Chartier, acting in the French interests, 
and broken up about 1748. A few warriors either remained here or 
returned in the hunting season until about 1755. Authorities cited on 
this point: Penn. Col. Records; Gordon's ^History of Pennsylvania ; 
Rupp's History of Western Pennsylvania; Adair's Southern Indians, 
pp. 2, 3, 155, 156, 410; Maryland Gazette, July 5, Aug. 2, 1759; Haywood's 
Tennessee; statements of Black-hoof, a Shawnee chief. 

LYMAN C. DRAPER'S ACCOUNT OF JOHN FINLEY 

"The memory of John Findley, the precursor and pilot of Boone to 
Kentucky, merits a brighter page on western history than the meagre 
facts extant will possibly warrant. 'Of all the pioneers,' exclaims 
Ex-Gov. Morehead, in his Boonesborough Address, 'the least justice 
has been done to Finley.' The truth seems to be, that such was the 
wandering character of his life, but little comparatively can be learned 
of him at this remote period. He appears to have been a native of the 
north of Ireland,' and early emigrated to the region of Carlisle, Cum- 
berland County, Pennsylvania, which was almost wholly settled by a 
hardy race of Scotch-Irish protestants. As early as February, 1752, we 

' The Rev. Dr. Samuel Finley, President of Princeton College, and ancestor of 
Prof. S. F. B. Morse, the inventor of the Electric Telegraph, was a native of Armagh 
County, Ireland, to which his parents fled from Scotland on account of persecution, and 
he emigrated, in 1734, at the age of nineteen, to Pennsylvania. He was one of seven 
brothers, some of whom settled in Cumberland County, in that province, and the records 
of the early settlers there show not less than half a dozen of the name of Finley or 
Findley during the period of 1750 to 1757, some of whom bore the name of John, and 
one particularly, was many years a justice of the peace. From these Cumberland 
Finleys or Findleys, descended the late Gen. Thos. Finley of Chillicothe, and the Rev. 
J. B. Finley, of Columbus, Ohio; and, on the authority of the latter, we state, that 
John Findley, the early Kentucky explorer, was related to the Finleys of Cumberland. 
The late Daniel Bryan, who remembered Findley 's visit to Boone in 1768-9, was well 
aware that Findley was from Pennsylvania. 

There were other Findleys in Pennsylvania. A distinct family settled in Franklin 
County, from whom descended Gov. Wm. Findlay, of Pennsylvania, Gen. James 
Findley, of Cincinnati, and Thos. Finley, late Postmaster at Baltimore. William 
Findley, who served in the Revolutionary War, and subsequently settled in Westmore- 
land County, and was a member of the Pennsylvania convention of 1789, and after- 
wards of Congress, came directly from Ireland to this coimtry. He was one of the old 
Scotch dissenters, and was author of a work on the Funding System, and another on the 
Western Insurrection. — D. 



214 The Wilderness Trail 

find Findley engaged among the Shawanoes as an Indian Trader, ' and the 
following year, with other traders, was robbed and driven off.^ The 
breaking |out|of the French and Indian War put a stop to the Indian 
trade for several years, during which he probably served on the Penn- 
sylvania frontiers against the common enemy; for certain it is, that 
Boone met him in 1755, on Braddock's fatal campaign, which both 
fortunately survived. We have already adverted to this casual meeting, 
and how Boone first learned from Findley something of the charming 
El Dorado of Kentucky.' And during that meeting, Boone, no doubt 
acquainted Findley of the locality of his distant Yadkin home, and of 
the many Pennsylvanians settled in that country. 

"During the winter of 1768-9, Boone was agreeably surprised by 
the arrival of his old comrade Findley at his rustic home on the Upper 
Yadkin. How Findley succeeded in finding him, after a lapse of over 
thirteen years since they had met amid the din and clangor of war, and 
since which Boone had removed sixty miles westward from his old home, 
we can only conjecture. Findley was now employed with a horse as a 
pedler, and had probably visited the Forks of Yadkin; and there learning 
of Boone's removal, he was probably induced to follow him up, from 
early attachment formed while mutually sharing the same martial toils 
and dangers; and very likely, moreover, Findley thought his chances 
of driving a good trade in the sale of pins, needles, threads, and Irish 
linens, would largely increase the farther he should go from Salisbury to 
the westward, even to the western confines of civilization, where Boone 
had erected his humble cabin and consecrated his home in the quiet 
valley and amid the rugged mountain scenery of the rapid-rolling 
Upper Yadkin. It is very possible, too, that in their early interviews 

^ Penna. Colonial Records, v., 570; Penna. Archives, ist Series, ii., 14; 2d. Series, 
ii., 532.— H. 

2 Virginia State Papers, i., 247; Darlington's Gist, 192. — H. 

3 It was on Braddock's expedition that Boone first met with John Findley, an Irish 
lover of adventure, who had been engaged in the wandering life of an Indian Trader. 
Under what circumstances these congenial spirits were brought together, tradition does 
not inform us. Findley was probably one of the party who, under George Croghan, 
had tendered their services to Braddock, and were received in so cold and indifferent 
a manner. In Boone an eager listener was found to the simple narrative of Findley's 
rambles and discoveries in the Ohio Valley, and more especially in the Kentucky country, 
the El Dorado of the West. He described to Boone how he could, from North Carolina, 
find that unequalled land; by passing in a northwestwardly direction, and penetrating 
the Cumberland or Ouasioto Mountain at the great Gap, thence pursuing the ancient 
" Warriors' Path" towards the Ohio. 

This new stock of border information furnished Boone a fruitful topic for study, 
precisely suited to his peculiar taste and temperament. He scarcely dared to express 
openly what he secretly cherished — the hope that he might at no distant day be per- 
mitted to feast his eyes upon that goodly land, the description of which so completely 
filled his beau ideal of a hunter's paradise. — D. 



John Finley ; and Kentucky before Boone 215 

about the Kentucky country, in which Boone evinced such uncommon 
interest, some agreement was made that Findley, after the war, should 
join Boone, and both go in search of the Eden of the West ; and thinking, 
perhaps, that Findley had forgotten his promise, or, peradventure, had 
gone to his grave, Boone had attempted to reach the beautiful level of 
Kentucky, by way of Sandy, in 1767, which, as we have seen, proved a 
signal failure, 

"In the minds of both, the thought of Kentucky was uppermost. 
It was the last subject about which, thirteen long years before, they had 
held delightful converse, and which they now gladly and eagerly renewed. 
Boone related artlessly his fruitless attempt to discover the delectable 
land, and how he had found and killed many a noble buffalo, and wintered 
among the mountains of Sandy. Findley, too, rehearsed his Kentucky 
knowledge and experience. He had, in the autumn of 1752, descended 
the Ohio in a canoe with three or four assistant voyageurs and a cargo 
of goods suitable for the Indian trade, in which he had been for some 
considerable time engaged. He went as far down as the Falls of the 
Ohio, and was greatly pleased with the freshness and beauty of the 
country bordering upon the river. There were, at that period, not 
unfrequently camps of Indians temporarily sojourning at the Falls. 
He may have found none on this occasion, and returning, met a company 
of Shawanoes at the mouth of Big Bone Creek, who doubtless took him 
to view the wonderful mammoth bones only three miles distant. These 
Indians were going to take their fall and winter hunt in the interior of 
Kentucky, where game was plenty, and they invited Findley to go along 
with them, promising to assist him in transporting his merchandise to 
their hunting-ground, and to trade with him as fast as they should suc- 
ceed in obtaining pelts and furs — the common currency and medium of 
exchange with the Indians. 

"To this invitation, he yielded a ready assent, and passing from 
Big Bone Creek through the rich lands of Kentucky, along an Indian 
trail traced on Evans's old map, they arrived at an Indian settlement 
situated a mile west of the oil spring on Ltdbegrud Creek, ^ a northern 
tributary of Red River of Kentucky. This town is evidently the one 
laid down on Evans's map, between Licking and Kentucky rivers, and 
called by the uncouth name of Es-kip-pa-ki-thi-ki.'' It was directly 

1 The name of Lulbegrud was given to the stream by a party of early explorers 
encamped on its banks, who happened to have a copy of Gulliver's Travels with them, 
from which they derived the unpleasing appellation; but its original orthography, 
Lorbrulgrud, or Pride of the Universe, has become in the course of time somewhat meta- 
morphosed. — MS. letter of Wm. Flanagan, Esq., of Winchester, Ky. 

2 "Indian Old Corn Fields," where this town stood, were so called by Kentucky 
settlers after 1800; located about eleven miles east of Winchester in Clark County, 
Kentucky. The present hamlet of Indian Fields, on Lulbegrud Creek, marks the site 



21 6 The Wilderness Trail 

on the route of the great Warriors' Road leading from the Ohio south- 
ward through Cumberland Gap; and was doubtless the town alluded 
to by Franklin when he asserted, that 'in the year 1752, the Six Nations, 
Shawanesse, and Delawares had a large town on Kentucke River.'' 
The locality of the settlement, on a small prairie, was extremely beau- 
tiful, with a more level region adjacent, and a better quality of land, than 
was generally found in the country. 'I do not know,' said the late 
venerable pioneer, Samuel Plummer, 'but one other place to please the 
eye as well.' 

"Here Findley came, erected a cabin for a trading-house, and dis- 
played his gaudy wares to the admiring gaze of the Indians. His tawdry 
neighbors occupied a number of rude huts, and had a growing crop of 
com, beans, and pumpkins. Other Traders also found their way there. 
Driving a brisk traffic awhile, disputes at length arose between the 
Traders and a large party of straggling Canadian Indians ; when several 
of the Traders collected at Es-kip-pa-ki-thi-ki or the Little Pick Town, 
were captured, [six carried to Montreal],^ some killed, the goods seized, 
while others, among whom was Findley [and James Lowrey], decamped 
in safety to the settlements. This occurred, as has previously been 
stated, January 26, 1753; and was another verification of the ominous 
name of the Dark and Bloody Ground, and sometimes the Middle Ground, 
by which, as Findley learned, the country was then only known to the 
Indians, — where scenes of strife and carnage had long been familiar to 
the warlike sons of the forest. 

"Such was Findley 's auspicious advent to this western paradise, 
and such its unhappy issue; and yet he loved Kentucky. He was not 
the man to get soured by misfortune. 'This country,' says Filson, 
'greatly engaged Mr. Finley's attention.' He looked more kindly 
upon the bright, rather than the dark side of things; and thus it was, 
that he dwelt so naturally and so particularly upon the real loveliness 
of the country, the richness of the soil, and the abundance of the game. 
Perhaps his enthusiastic love of nature occasionally betrayed him into 
descriptions that might seem to smack somewhat of extravagance; for 
he assured Boone, that such was the strength of the current at the Falls 
of the Ohio, and so plenty were wild geese and ducks there, ^ they were 

of these fields, and probably, also, the site of Eskippakithiki. The Iroquois name for 
"the place of many fields," or "prairie," as applied to this tract of land (containing 
about 3000 acres), was kenta-ke, from whence comes the name of the state in which 
they are situated. — H. 

' Franklin's Ohio Settlement, Lond. 1772, p. 44. — D. 

' Col. Records, Penna., v., 626, 627, 643, 663. Their names were, Alexander McGinty, 
Jabez Evans, Jacob Evans, David Hendricks, William Powell, and Thomas Hyde. — H. 

3 Filson, writing'jin 1784, says: "On these waters, and especially on the Ohio, the 
geese and ducks are amazingly numerous. " — D. 



John Finley ; and Kentucky before Boone 217 

continually drawn over the cataract, dashed against the rocks and killed^ 
and a person had only to go in a canoe below, and pick up as many of 
these fowls, fat and plump, as he wanted. Of bears and buffaloes, elk 
and deer, their number was legion; and at many of the large salt-licks 
of the country they congregated in such prodigious herds that the sight 
was truly grand and amazing. 

"Daniel Boone and his brother Squire, who was present, heard 
these recitals with feelings of peculiar delight. The subject, for several 
years past, had been one of unusual interest to them. Carolina was 
getting altogether too thickly settled, and game so scarce as to render a 
roast wild turkey or a venison steak quite a rarity. Florida had been 
tried and found wanting; the sterile hills and laurel mountains of 
Sandy were entirely uninviting; but the country which Findley had 
seen, and which he now so bewitchingly described, seemed to fire their 
imaginations, and promised to fulfill completely their long-cherished ideal 
of terrestrial beauty and perfection. 

"Men like the Boones and Findley were probably not in the least 
influenced by the result of the Fort Stanwix treaty, if indeed, which is 
not very likely, they had heard a syllable of it. They had little studied 
the effect of treaties, and perhaps had not much faith in an Indian's 
plighted word, even when solemnly backed by their customary hiero- 
glyphics affixed to treaty papers. Such a glowing account of the coun- 
try as Findley gave, was alone a sufficient inducement to a man of Daniel 
Boone's taste and temperament, to eagerly desire to pay it a personal 
visit. Findley, at this period, was somewhat advanced in years, and 
made no pretentions to the skill of a woodsman. In his western journey- 
ings, the streams or Indian trails had been his guides. He felt quite 
sure that there was a better route across the mountains than that which 
Boone had taken to reach Sandy, as war-parties of the Northern 
and Southern Indians frequently passed and re-passed along the great 
Warriors' Road through Kentucky; and he rightly conjectiu-ed, that the 
only certain way of reaching Kentucky through the wilderness, would 
be to penetrate farther to the westward than Boone had done, until the 
Indian war-path should be gained, which would lead through the Ouasi- 
oto or Cumberland Mountains. If Boone thought from this vague infor- 
mation that he could pilot a party to the war-trace and gap in question, 
Findley was ready and willing to attempt the daring enterprise. ' 

"When the hope of discovering a new and desirable country was 

J This account of Findley's visit to' Boone, his representations of Kentucky, and 
the project for attempting its discovery, is made up from the MS. narrative of Daniel 
Bryan, and notes of conversations with Daniel Bryan, Col. Nathan Boone and lady, 
Moses and Isaiah Boone, and the Hon. Edward Coles, who visited Boone in Missouri; 
together with Boone's Narrative, Filson's Kentucky, and the Md. Gazette. — D. 



2i8 The Wilderness Trail 

held out to Boone, he was emphatically a minute-man; his mind was 
always made up for such an undertaking. Boone and his brother at 
once resolved on the exploration. Their brother-in-law, John Stuart, 
already much experienced in such matters, and residing in the Bryan 
settlement in the Forks of the Yadkin, together with three of Boone's 
Upper Yadkin neighbors, Joseph Holden, James Mooney, and William 
Cooley, ' readily volunteered to share the dangers of the bold adventure. 
Holden, Mooney, and Cooley were employed by Boone to act as common 
hunters and camp-keepers. How Mrs. Boone acted on this occasion, we 
do not exactly know; perhaps she kindly intimated a doubt of the wisdom 
of such a tramontane exciursion, but her gentle nattue would never have 
permitted her to throw any serious obstacles in the way. Let her good 
man and Findley put in the spring crop, and Stuart, Holden, and Cooley 
theirs, and the women and children could keep down the weeds and bestir 
the soil, and Squire Boone could remain to aid all the respective families 
in gathering the harvest.^ Findley and Mooney, it is believed, were 
alone unblessed with wife or home. Such seem to have been their pla^s 
and arrangements. Winter soon glided away, and cheerful spring with 
its busy scenes came on; the seed was quickly planted, and the simple 
outfit of the party speedily completed. ,, 

"On the morning of the ist of May, 1769, the adventurous band 
started from Boone's residence, near the head of Yadkin, on their long 
and toilsome journey 'in quest of the country of Kentucke.' They 
bade their wives, friends,- and little ones adieu, and with alternate hopes 
and fears, turned their faces toward the great North- West. If a tear 
now and then stole unbidden down their manly cheeks, it was an indi- 
cation that they were not destitute of the finer feelings of humanity. 
Each was equipped with a trusty rifle upon his shoulder; on his right 
side was his tomahawk with its handle thrust under the leathern belt 
that encircled his body, and on the left was suspended the hunting-knife 
in its sheath attached to the belt, and a powder-horn and bullet-pouch of 
ample dimensions. They were attired in the simple, convenient, and 
beautiful hunting-shirt, or loose open frock, generally made of dressed 
deer-skins, with leggins or drawers of the same material fastened to the 
body belt, and tied around below the knee; and the usual deer-skin 

^ Filson's orthography is Cool. But it is the unanimous testimony of Daniel 
Bryan, Moses and Isaiah Boone, Col. Nathan Boone and lady, that Daniel and Squire 
Boone invariably pronounced the name Cooley. Probably Filson or his printer inad- 
vertently dropped the final syllable. 

' Daniel Boone chiefly raised his nephew, Jesse Boone, son of Israel Boone, and he 
was probably at this period a member of his family, and aided in the labors of the farm 
during his uncle's absence. He was the grandfather of the late Hon. Ratliffe Boone, of 
Indiana, and was always unfortunate in his younger days, first breaking a leg, and then 



John Finley ; and Kentucky before Boone 219 

moccasins covered their feet. An uncouth fur cap generally completed 
the equipage, but Boone despised the article and always wore a hat. 
Each of the party was mounted upon a good horse, with a blanket or 
bear-skin fastened behind, together with a camp kettle, a little stock of 
salt, and peradventure a small supply of provisions to last till the game 
region should be reached, when the wild woods alone would be relied on 
for subsistence alike for man and beast. 

"First scaling the lofty Blue Ridge, they soon reached the Three 
Forks of New River, and then passed over the Stone Mountain at a 
place called ' The Stairs,' and thence over the Iron Mountain into Holston 
Valley; and continuing their course westwardly, they crossed the valley, 
passing through Moccasin Gap of Clinch Mountain, and crossing suc- 
cessively Clinch River, Powell's Mountain and Walden's Ridge, they 
at length entered Powell's Valley.^ This lovely vale must have elicited 
their admiration, and there, too, they must have fallen in with Joseph 
Martin's party, engaged in making their settlement and improvements. 
Iji Powell's Valley they doubtless struck the Hunters' Trail,^ which 
led them to the anxiously looked-for Cumberland Gap. That point 
reached, and finding the Warriors' Road so distinctly marked, must have 
imparted new life and energy to the fearless adventurers. A dozen 
miles farther along the same route, probably, that Walker's party had 
pursued nineteen years before, brought them to Cumberland River, 
crossing which at the old Indian ford, they continued down that stream 
a few miles to Flat Lick, where they left the Indian path, and bore off 
more to the left, crossing Stinking, Turkey, and Richland Creeks, and 
Robinson's Creek, by Laurel River, and thence across Rockcastle River, 
and up its west branch; or Round-Stone-Lick Fork, near to its head, 
where they encamped awhile. 

"Boone and Findley began to think that the beautiful level of 
Kentucky could not now be very far distant. While the rest of the party 
were encamped to recruit themselves and horses, and kill game and pro- 
vide a supply of jerk, Boone, all eager to catch a glimpse of Findley's 
western paradise, shouldered his rifle and directed his course to the dis- 
tant ridge dividing the waters of Rockcastle and Kentucky, and ascending 
the highest knob, called the Big Hill, obtained a fine view of the gently 
undulating region which now comprises the counties of Garrard and 
Madison, and thought he could see still further beyond the level region, 

^ MS. statement of Daniel Bryan, who had himself passed several times over 
the same route, the first time only eight years after this primitive adventure of Boone, 
Findley, and their companions. 

^ The letter of Joseph Martin, which has already been given [in the Draper MS.], 
dated|in Powell's Valley, May 9, 1769, probably about ten days before Boone and 
party passed along, speaks of the hunters' trail as a fixed fact anterior to that date. 



220 The Wilderness Trail 

to discover which had so long been the darHng object of hisf thoughts by- 
day, and his dreams by night. With a gladdened heart hefrettimed to 
camp, and related his discoveries. Once ready to renew their journey, 
they crossed the ridge near the knob which Boone had ascended,'^which 
was not far from the head of Paint Lick Creek, a small tributary of 
Kentucky, on the confines of the present counties of Garrard and Madi- 
son. They then bore more to the north-east, striking the waters of 
Station Camp Creek, probably the Red Lick Fork, and made their 
Station camp, from which circumstance the main creek derived its name. ^ 
This stream, which must ever, from this early historical association, 
maintain a distinguished notoriety, is chiefly in Estill County, and flows 
into the Kentucky River, from the south, nearly opposite to Irvine. 

"It was probably owing quite as much to the weather, which had 
for some time been the most uncomfortable, as to the abundance of game, 
that led, at that time and place, to the location of the Station Camp. 
They soon erected a desirable shelter, and while Boone and his com- 
panions were heartily engaged in hunting, Findley started off in search 
of his old trading-place on Lulbegrud Creek. He could have had but 
little difficulty in finding it, for the Warriors' Road ran along the western 
bank of Station Camp Creek to its mouth, and crossing the Kentucky 
a short distance below, led directly to the old Indian town of Es-kip-pa- 
ki-thi-ki, or Lulbegrud. In about ten days Findley returned, reporting 
that he had found the place, and though the Indian huts were burned, 
some of the stockading and gate-posts were yet standing.^ Boone and 

' Peck erroneously supposed this camp was "on the waters of Red River, and, so far 
as can now be ascertained, within the present boundaries of Morgan County." If 
Findley's old trading-place is here alluded to by Dr. Peck, he still placed the locality 
a good many miles too far to the eastward. Boone's carelessly expressed Narrative does 
rather convey the idea that the main camp was located at the point where Findley had 
formerly traded with the Indians; but Daniel Bryan, who was Boone's nephew, and went 
to Kentucky as early as 1777, and had a good opportunity of learning the fact, says ' 
it was "on the waters of Station Camp Creek." The venerable Samuel Boone, another 
nephew of the old pioneer, who resided many years in the region of Station Camp Creek, 
says it was on that stream that Boone and Findley had their main camp, but does not 
know its precise locality. Spalding's Sketches of Kentucky, upon what authority we do 
not know, corroborates this view. The very name of the stream carries with it evidence 
of the correctness of the position here taken; and the late Maj. Bland W. Ballard, who 
hunted upon Station Camp in 1779, well remembered it then bore its present name, the 
origin of which, however, he did not know. Col. Nathan Boone can only say that his 
father's and Stuart's subsequent camp was on the north side of Kentucky River, but does 
not know where the first or Station camp was located, and would fully credit Daniel 
Bryan's statement on that head. When one of the writers visited the venerable Daniel 
Bryan, early in 1844, the particular spot where this famous camp was pitched was not 
a subject of thought or conversation; and since the passage of that old pioneer to the 
tomb, it can probably never be determined with more precision than here stated. 

' In the early settlement of the country, according to the statement of the late 



John Finley ; and Kentucky before Boone 221 

Stuart now accompanied Findley there, which they reached on the 7th 
of June, and found it precisely as he had stated, which fully corroborated 
in their minds all that he had related of Kentucky, if they had cherished 
a doubt of it before. Now returning to the Station Camp in high spirits, 
all felt assured that Kentucky was really discovered. ^ 

"While the others continued in the exciting occupation of hunting, 
Boone and Findley determined to make a more thorough examination of 
the country. They had not gone far when Findley was taken sick, and 
though not dangerous, yet he felt himself unfit to undergo the hardships 
and exposures of the journey. So Boone, having provided him a com- 
fortable shelter, and a,supply of meat, proceeded alone on his course, north 
of Kentucky River, towards the garden spot of the West. At length 
he ascended an eminence, and with joy and wonder beheld the beautiful 
landscape of Kentucky spread out invitingly before him.^ Boone must 
have felt something as Moses did when he had toilingly reached Pis- 
gah's lofty summit, and had a distant view of the promised land, through- 
out its whole extent, with, however, this important difference, that the 
Lord's prohibition of Moses ever going thither, did not happily apply 
to Boone's case. 

"That must have been a joyous day, and a proud sight, for Boone, 
looking out upon the broad valleys and fertile bottoms of Kentucky. 
'We have no doubt,' exclaims the eloquent Simms, 'he felt very much 
as Columbus did, gazing from his caraval on San Salvador; as Cortes, 
looking down from the crest of Ahualco, on the Valley of Mexico; or 
Vasco Nunez, standing alone on the peak of Darien, and stretching his 
eyes over the hitherto undiscovered waters of the Pacific.'^ Having 
thus 'proceeded alone to the heights,' as Boone himself enthusiastically 
expressed it, 'which overlook this terrestrial paradise, he descended into 
those fertile plains which are unequalled on our earth, and laid the fairest 
claim to the description of the garden of God.'" Returning to Findley, 
who had measurably recovered, ;they made together a more thorough 
survey of the rich country in the Elkhom region, and, finally retracing 
their steps to camp, informed their companions of their discoveries. 

"The forests, prairies, and cane-brakes were all filled with game, and 
several months were now delightfully employed, either in the pleasures of 
the chase, or in sallying forth from their Station Camp to reconnoitre the 

Samuel Plummer, there were some remains of huts still to be seen at the old Indian town 
on Lulbegrud, and a pair of cedar gate-posts which one Webb cut down to get the iron 
hinges. 

^ Bryan's MS. statement. 

* Filson's Kentucky; Bryan's Narrative; Boone's Memorial to the Kentucky Legis- 
lature. 

sSimms's Southern Magazine, April, 1845; also, Simms's Views and Reviews. 

4 Boone's Memorial. 



222 The Wilderness Trail 

country. Hunting, however, formed their chief occupation. The 
summer and fall hunt was necessarily confined almost exclusively to deer, 
whose skins were then in good condition, while the pelage of the furry 
tribe was not fit for use at that season of the year. The party paired off, 
each couple taking different directions, and all returning to camp on 
a specified day. Boone and Stuart were hunting companions. Not 
infrequently a couple woiild remain to keep camp, and prepare the skins 
for packing and transportation. 

"Hunters, half inclined to indolence, were fond of watching the 
salt-licks, and there waylaying and killing the unsuspecting deer. But 
Boone preferred roaming, without restraint, through the noble forests. 
He would start at the peep of day, when the leaves were moistened with 
the nightdew, and he cotdd steal noiselessly upon his game. There are 
two periods during the twenty-four hours when deer are either feeding 
or walking around — about the rising of the moon, and again early in the 
morning; and to these periods, experienced hunters pay great attention. 
When on their feet and moving about, the deer are more easily discov- 
ered than when lying down; and although they were more particularly 
engaged in feeding at those respective periods, yet the hunters did not 
generally relax their efforts but with the expiring day. ' 

"Preparing deer- skins for market was something of a labor. Both 
the hair, and the outer grain in which the hair takes root, were scraped 
off with a knife, as a currier dresses leather; and then, when dry, the 
skin was thoroughly rubbed across a staking-board until rendered quite 
soft and pliant, thus stripping it of all unnecessary weight and fitting it 
for packing more compactly. This process, in hunter's parlance, was 
denominated graining, and the skins were then pronounced half-dressed ; 
and a horse, heavily laden, coiild carry something like a hundred half- 
dressed deer-skins, averaging two and a half pounds each, worth in 
market, at that day, about forty cents per pound. 

"Instead of the cache, or subterranean receptacle for skins, so 
common in the Rocky Mountain region, it was customary with Boone 
and the hunters of his time, to place their half-dressed skins across poles, 
elevated several feet from the ground, with several layers upon each other, 
and a pole fastened on top, and still another on each side, suspended by 
tugs, to keep the skins closely together, covered with elk or other out- 
spread skins, or peeled bark, to protect them from the weather. When 
enough of these skins were thus collected to form a pack, they were 
nicely folded and packed into a bale, two of which, one swung on either 
side, would constitute a horse-load. The packs, until sent off, were 
placed on scaffolds, protected from the weather; and were thus elevated, 
as were those on poles, so as to be beyond the reach of hungry bears and 

' Conversations with Col. Nathan Boone. 



John Finley ; and Kentucky before Boone 223 

ravenous wolves, who will not fail to eat, tear, and destroy them whenever 
an opportunity occurs. 

"No value was attached by hunters to buffalo, bear, and elk skins, 
as they were too bulky to convey so great a distance to market, and it is 
quite doubtful if they were then marketable at any price. They were, 
however, killed in their season for meat. Buffaloes were in the best order 
in the fall, after feeding upon wild grass, buffalo clover, and pea vine, and, 
to some extent also, upon acorns, beech-nuts and chestnuts; the clover, 
a kind with a large white blossom, lasting the entire growing season, but 
the pea vine only affording sustenance in the latter part of summer and 
early autumn. The bear does not seem to lose flesh during his torpid 
state in winter, but coming out from his den in the spring and greedily 
devouring young nettles and other tender herbs, seldom any grass, which 
acting as a cathartic, soon very much reduces him in flesh. During the 
early summer bears eat very little, and that chiefly worms and bugs, 
which they paw out of the ground, and scratch from decayed logs and 
trees, until berries and other wild fruits appear, and finally acorns, hazel, 
hickory, beech, and chestnuts, when they fatten very rapidly; and it is 
the quickness with which this flesh is acquired that gives wild bear meat, 
in its appropriate season, so sweet and tender a taste, and renders it so 
incomparably superior to that of the tamed bear, as, in the latter case, 
the animal is always kept in good order. 

"Elk meat was considered equal to venison, and was used for variety, 
or when buffalo, deer, or bear coiild not be obtained. The hunters 
occasionally killed elks to convert their hides into tugs or straps, with 
which to pack their deer and other skins. Both elk and deer are fattest 
in the autumn, and subsist upon the same kinds of food as the buffalo. 
About Christmas, they all commence falling away in flesh, and become 
extremely poor in the latter part of winter and early spring, and some- 
times in May they begin to improve again. Wild turkeys, which make 
such excellent meat in the fall, winter, and spring, become very poor in 
summer, in consequence of wood- ticks, and scarcity of desirable food. 
A roasted buffalo marrow-bone, or a choice cut from the buffalo hump, 
was esteemed most delicious eating. Besides these rich and tempting 
viands which necessarily formed the hunter's repast, berries, plums, 
grapes, and nuts, towards the close of summer and during the autumn, 
added largely to the delicacies of the wilderness. ^ 

"There were then no bees in Kentucky, and so our hunters could 
have had no wild honey; for bees generally keep pace with, and not 
much precede the advancing settlements. Hence originated the narrws of 

^ These remarks on summer and fall hunting, graining and scaffolding skins, and 
the appropriate season for best securing pelts and wild meats, are based entirely on 
notes of conversations with the venerable Col. Nathan Boone, of Missouri. 



224 The Wilderness Trail 

English flies bestowed upon them by the Indians, who used to say to each 
other, when they saw a swarm of bees in the woods, "Well, brothers, it is 
time for us to decamp, for the white people are coming." ^ 

"So passed away, prosperously and happily, Boone's first summer 
and autumn in Kentucky. Numerous packs of skins were collected by 
the skill and industry of our sturdy hunters, and secured upon scaffolds, 
at the Station Camp, and at several outcamps. The horses had regained 
their strength; a generous store of buffalo, bear and elk meat, venison, 
and turkeys had been provided, when in their best condition in autumn, 
and jerked for winter and spring supply. The arrival of Squire Boone 
was rather daily hoped for, than really expected, with supplies of salt, 
traps, and ammunition, and love-messages from their sweet-hearts, wives 
and little ones; and to conduct, on his return, the loaded pack-horses to 
the Yadkin settlements. Never did Daniel Boone seem happier, or his 
prospects more bright and hopeful. From June till December, he had, 
in common with his companions, ranged the noble forests, and prose- 
cuted their sports, without meeting a solitary Indian, or discovering the 
least sign of any in the country. But a change was at hand — a storm 
portending, boding no good to these fearless hunters in the sequestered 
wilds of Kentucky.^ 

"On the twenty-second of the latter month [December, 1769], 
Boone and Stuart again sallied forth, perhaps for the hundredth time, 
into gorgeous forest, never once dreaming that danger lurked in their 
path, . . . 

"Near the close of this beautiful day, while roaming all unconcerned, 
through a region of incomparable beauty, near the Kentucky River, in 
ascending the brow of a small hill, a large party of Indians, with guns, 
knives, and tomahawks, rushed out from a thick cane-brake, and made 
Boone and Stuart prisoners. The Indians were too near, and the sur- 
prise too sudden, to admit of the escape of our unwary hunters. The 
Indians proved to be a party of Shawanoes, who were returning from 
a fall hunt on Green River, to their homes north of the Ohio. Their 
leader's name was Captain Will. Finding men with guns, and perhaps 
with skins packed upon their backs, the Indians sternly demanded them 

'Moses' Kentucky, eaixion 1794, p. 508; Kalm's Travels', Grahame's Colonies, 
Boston ed., i., 564; conversations with Col. N. Boone, who added that there were no 
bees in the woods of Missouri till the white settlements expanded. 

* In Perkins's "Sketch of the Pioneers of Kentucky," in the N. A. Review for Jan., 
1846, and republished in Perkins's Memoirs, it is suggested that Boone and Findley must 
have been engaged in the Indian trade during all this period of over half a year, as such 
a party of half a dozen whites could hardly have so long scoured the choice hunting 
grounds of the natives without discovery. But this volunteer guess-work cannot be 
suffered to override Boone's own Narrative, corroborated by Daniel Bryan's narrative, 
and Daniel and Squire Boone's statements to their children. 



John Finley ; and Kentucky before Boone 225 

to show their camps, threateningly intimating with their uplifted toma- 
hawks the fatal consequences of tardiness or refusal. 

" Boone, like a true philosopher, invariably took things coolly. . . . 
On this occasion, he readily consented to comply with all the whims and 
demands of his captors. But while he and Stuart were piloting them to 
the nearest camp, Boone's thoughts were busUy employed upon the best 
course of procedure in these trying circumstances. Reaching the first 
camp, and finding one of the camp-keepers there, Boone managed to 
start him off unnoticed by the Indians, who were busily engaged in secur- 
ing the plunder, to give timely notice to the rest of the party quickly to 
remove, from the Station Camp, the packs of skins and every thing of 
value, beyond the grasp of the rapacious plunderers. 

"Sad was the disappointment of Boone and Stuart, after leading the 
Indians, with comparative cheerfulness, to each successive camp, where 
the booty obtained was but trifling, and finally reaching the Station 
Camp, to find nothing whatever carried out of the reach of the Indians. 
'The time of our sorrow was now arrived,' says Boone in his Narrative; 
all their horses, a large quantity of pelts of great value, guns, ammunition, 
and every article of comfort and convenience, were all appropriated by 
this robber-band of Shawanoes. Whether Findley and the camp-keepers 
were absent hunting, and thus failed to receive the notification of the 
messenger, or the craven spirit of fear had seized upon them, utterly 
paralyzing their efforts, is not now known, but they were, at all events, 
completely out of harm's way. 

"At no time had the Indians apparently designed keeping Boone 
and Stuart as prisoners of war, for it was then professedly a time of peace. 
Having gained their object, they dismissed their captives, presenting each 
with two pairs of moccasins, a doe-skin for patch-leather, a little trading- 
gun, and a few loads of powder and shot, so that they might supply 
themselves with meat on their way back to the settlements, and then 
gave them this parting advice: 'Now, brothers, go home and stay 
there. Don't come here any more, for this is the Indians' hunting 
ground, and all the animals, skins, and furs are ours; and if you are so 
foolish as to venture here again, you may be sure the wasps and yellow- 
jackets will sting you severely.' . . . 

"Several days were consumed in going the rounds, and sacking the 
hunters' camps. The Indians once on their way towards the Ohio 
richly laden with their ill-gotten spoils, Findley and the others made their 
appearance. Gloom depicted every countenance save Boone's. His 
was always hopeful. He stoutly pr6tested against letting the affair 
pass off without making a single effort to recover something of their losses. 
Findley, Holden, Mooney, and Cooley were evidently bent on returning 
home, and giving up the enterprise, so far at least as the peltries were 



226 The Wilderness Trail 

concerned, as a bad job. Boone proposed if they would remain at the 
camp, that he and Stuart would pursue the Indian Trail, make a vigorous 
attempt to regain possession of some of the horses, and return to camp 
in the course of two or three days. Destitute of everything needful for 
the approaching winter, and plundered even of their goodly store of jerk, 
Boone keenly felt the need of securing at least one or two horses to 
enable some of the party to return to the Yadkin for supplies of am- 
munition and other necessaries. He was, therefore, willing to run some 
hazard, with the hope of effecting an object so desirable. Nor was 
Stuart less anxious to engage in the enterprise. 

"When the Indians were thought to have advanced a sufficient dis- 
tance towards home to feel themselves secure against pursuit, Boone and 
Stuart started, leaving the others at the Station Camp to await the resiilt 
of their wild adventure. After two days, they overtook the Indians en- 
camped at evening, and, undiscovered, our sturdy soldiers secreted them- 
selves in the cane or bushes, and waited patiently the approach of denser 
darkness, and the slumbers of the Indians, to aid them in the accomplish- 
ment of their purpose. They permitted the night well nigh to pass 
away, until they believed the Indians were profoundly locked in sleep, 
when they sallied forth from their silent covert. The horses were easily 
found, not very far from the Indian encampment, some of them hoppled, 
and belled also — the latter, often practised by frontier whites, as well as 
Indians, having a tendency to keep the herd together; and they suc- 
ceeded in obtaining four or five horses. It was nearly day-light before 
they got started with their prize, as Stuart spent a considerable time 
unavailingly in search of his horse; and, in default of which, he had 
recourse to the law of retaliation, and had taken one of the Indians'. 
But Boone, more fortunate, had obtained his worthy nag. 

"The ensuing day and night they kept up their flight on the return 
trail unremittingly, and ventured to tarry a brief period early in the 
second morning, to give the poor horses a momentary respite and enable 
them to refresh themselves on the wild grass, clover, and pea vine by the 
wayside. As the two weary adventurers were reclining upon the sunny 
side of a hill or sloping ground, Boone basking himself, after a chilly 
night, in the rays of the rising sun, and Stuart at the moment engaged 
in tying his moccasins, the former thought, with his ear to the ground, 
that he heard something like a rumbling noise, and raising his head and 
casting a look behind, beheld with astonishment a party of Indians gal- 
loping on horseback over the crest of the hill, with their guns glittering 
brightly in the sunbeams. This unexpected cavalcade was too near to 
allow Boone and Stuart the least chance of escape. So they wisely 
submitted themselves to their fate with the best grace they could. 

"Having quickly missed their horses, the Indians knew well enough 



John Finley; and Kentucky before Boone 227 

where they had gone. So a dozen of the most active of their party, at 
the head of whom was Captain Will, mounted their fleetest animals, and 
took the trail in pursuit. When they came upon Boone and Stuart, some 
of the Indians appeared quite angry, shaking their tomahawks at the 
white men's heads; but generally evincing cheerful countenances, they 
whooped and laughed wildly, as though they were making sport at the 
expense of the recaptured prisoners, for not having exhibited sufflcient 
smartness in carrying out their bold design. Taking one of the bells 
from the horses, and fastening it around Boone's neck, they compelled 
him to caper around and jingle it, chiding him, every now and then, in 
broken English, with the derisive inquiry, 'Steal horse, eh?' Satisfied 
with this sport, the Indians at length, with their captives and booty, set 
out leisurely on their return. . . . 

" On the evening of the seventh day, ' Captain Will's party of Shawa- 
noes pitched their camp beside a large, thick cane-brake in the primeval 
forests, when the last rays of sunset had departed. This was probably 
at a point not very far east of May's Lick, in Mason County, on the old 
Warriors' Road which led past the Upper Blue Licks to the mouth of 
Cabin Creek on the Ohio, a little above the present Maysville, Ky. In all 
that fertile region, cane-patches were frequent, and of a luxuriant growth. 
While the Indians were somewhat scattered, some engaged in hoppling 
the horses, some in gathering wood, and others in making a blazing fire, 
Boone gave a sign or hint to his companion, which sufficed for a proper 
understanding between the captives. Casting a furtive glance around 
them, they each simultaneously seized a gun and some ammunition, 
which had just been temporarily laid aside by the Indians, — one of the 
party luckily obtaining his own, the other a poorer Indian gun; and dash- 
ing into the thick cane, they were out of the clutches of the savages before 
the latter had time to recover from the surprise caused by the celerity 
with which it was done. Going a little distance, and the darkness becom- 
ing almost impenetrable, they hid themselves awhile ; during which they 
inferred by the noise and evident movements of the Indians, that some 
of them immediately commenced gathering up their horses, lest they 
should again lose them, while others seemed to hasten either way around 
the cane-brake, apparently intending to head the fugitives should they 
attempt to emerge from it. So dark was it in the cane, and so difficult 
to make any headway in pursuit, that the Indians made no efforts to 
follow or search for them there. When the confusion was over, and all 
was quiet again, Boone and Stuart ventured, with the utmost circum- 
spection, to make their way through the tangled cane, and, by dint of 
hard traveling, were soon beyond the reach of their inveterate foes.^ 

' Probably about the 4th of January, 1770. 

' The particulars of Boone and Stuart's first captivity and camp-robbery are 



228 The Wilderness Trail 

"Guided by the light of the stars by night, and the moss upon the 
northern side of the trees by day, not daring, in all likelihood, to follow 
the old Indian war-trace, they returned 'speedily,' as Boone expresses 
it, to their old camp, having accomplished a journey probably within 
twenty-four hours, on which the Indians had consumed seven days. 
They found, to their great grief, their camp abandoned, and their com- 
panions gone ; the dying embers of their camp-fire indicated but a recent 
departure. No time could be lost by oiir adventurers if they hoped to 
overtake Findley and his party; so, weary as they were, they hurriedly 
pursued their outward trail, and fortunately came up with the fugitives, 
thirty-five or forty miles from the Station Camp, on Rockcastle River. 
Here Boone, amid so much misfortune, was happily surprised to meet 
his brother Squire among the company. Having gathered the summer 
and fall crops, he had come out from Carolina with various supplies, 
and also to explore the country, and when he reached the New River 
region he had been joined by Alexander Neely. Following the Hunters' 
Trail through Powell's Valley, and the Warriors' Road through Cumber- 
land Gap, which led thence to Station Camp Creek, they accidentally 
found the camp of their friends of whom they were in search. Learning 
of the hazardous mission of Daniel Boone and Stuart, and drawing the 
worst apprehensions from their having so long overstaid their time, the 
whole company soon resolved, in their disheartening situation, on re- 
turning to Carolina. . . . While he really loved his wife and children, 
he [Boone] did not yet care to go back to the plow so long as he could 
live comfortably by his rifle in the wilderness. And more than this, 
he had incurred no small expense, and sustained no inconsiderable losses, 
in the inception and prosecution of this enterprise ; and now that Sqtiire 
Boone had so opportunely arrived, with more horses, traps, and a fresh 
supply of ammunition, he could not help thinking that it was his duty 
to remain, and procure a load of valuable fiurs to pack home, with which 
to wipe off all indebtedness against him. Stuart, always faithful to 
Boone's wishes and interests, thought so too; and Squire Boone and 
Neely concluded they would also like to remain, and take a hand in 
hunting, trapping, and exploring the country. 

"The thing was soon arranged satisfactorily, these four resolving to 
continue in the wilderness, while Findley and the others were equally 

given mainly on the authority of Daniel Bryan, while the details of their excursion to 
recover their horses, their re-captivity and escape, are partly from Bryan's statement, 
but chiefly from the recollections of the venerable Nathan Boone and lady, who often 
heard Col. Daniel Boone rehearse them in their presence. Filson furnished no minute 
narration of these events, except, by some unaccountable blunder, to make Boone and 
Stuart steal away from the Indians in the night, when their captors were fast asleep; 
but such was not the manner in which Col. Boone himself invariably related the incident 
to his family. 



John Finley ; and Kentucky before Boone 229 

determined on abandoning this Eden-land, which, though all beautiful 
to the eye, had been to them the scene of so much disappointment and 
misfortune. The parties respectively bade each other a hearty adieu, 
and parted. No unusual event happened to the homeward-bound party 
until reaching Holston Valley, when Findley took the left hand road, 
passing through the frontier settlements of Virginia, bending his course 
towards his home and kindred in Pennsylvania, while Holden, Mooney, 
and Cooley pursued more to the right, over the mountains to the head 
of Yadkin. Thus were the Boones, Stuart, and Neely left alone in the 
forests and cane-brakes of Kentucky. ^ 

"Holden, Mooney, and Cooley never after, it is believed, ventured 
to visit the West, this early adventure having proved too disastrous again 
to think of trying their fortunes in that quarter. Holden and Cooley 
were common neighbors of Boone on the Upper Yadkin, and lived and 
died there. Poor Mooney was one of the morning hunters prior to the 
battle of Point Pleasant, whose companion, Hickman, was killed, and he 
himself fell during the contest of that memorable day. 

"The Boones never heard a word of Findley afterward. But in the 
Upcott Collection of Newspaper Cuttings, in the New York Historical 
Society, is a published extract from a Philadelphia letter, dated Jan. 3, 
1772, evidently addressed to some London correspondent, containing 
the following intelligence: 'Several Senecas have lately been killed 
by our people, and the Indians, in revenge, have murdered a whole 
family on Buffalo Creek, and four farmers on Youghiogany; and they 
have likewise killed Robert Parsons, the trader, and robbed John Find- 
ley of above five hundred pounds' worth of goods. ' As this was nearly 
two years after Findley had parted from the Boones in Kentucky, we 
may conclude that he at once re-engaged in the Indian trade upon his 
return to Pennsylvania, but with no better success in the sequel than 
formerly. And as we hear no more of him, save a vague tradition of the 
Rev. J. B. Finley, that he was lost in the wilds of the West not long after 
his Kentucky exploration with Boone, he probably did not long survive 
this last robbery, which occurred evidently towards the close of 1771; 
but whether this early and meritorious adventurer sickened and died 
alone, somewhere in the fertile valley of the Ohio, or fell a victim to 
savage cruelty, remains a mystery, and must unquestionably remain so 
forever." 



The Pennsylvania Archives show that John Finley was licensed as an 

' Bryan's MS. Narrative; MS. notes of conversations with Daniel Bryan, and 
also with Col.'^Nathan Boone and lady. 



230 The Wilderness Trail 

Indian Trader in the years 1744, 1745, and 1746. His name also appears 
on a list of "Traders unlicensed from August 10, 1747, to August 10, 
1748. " He appears as one of the witnesses to a "Message to the Gover- 
nor from the Shawonese," sent by four chiefs of the Lower Shawnee 
Town at the mouth of the Scioto, dated February 8, 1752. The name is 
there written "Findley." 

Dr. Draper's account shows that Finley descended the Ohio River 
in a canoe as far as the Falls (now Louisville), in the fall of 1752, and 
from there proceeded to the Shawnee Town of Eskippakithiki, or the 
Little Pict (a corruption of Pequea, the name of one of the Shawnee 
clans) Town, on the Red River of Kentucky. 

In a letter written by Thomas Cresap to Governor Dinwiddle late in 
1 75 1, which is undated, but to which Dinwiddle replied January 23, 1752, 
Cresap informs the Governor of Virginia that "one James [John?] Finley 
and another [Trader] are suspected to be taken and carried off by the 
French, who make a practice of taking off our men every year; there- 
fore, I think it highly necessary to take the French that are at Logstown, 
and detain them till those of ours taken last year, as well as those 
suspected to be taken this year, are restored." 

As Dr. Draper shows, Finley was not captured in January, 1753, 
although his goods were stolen. In a deposition made before Col. James 
Patton, Lieutenant of Augusta County, Virginia, by "John Finley, of 
the Province of Pennsylvania," Finley swears "that he was at Shenop- 
pini Indian Town [on the site of Pittsburgh] about the fourteenth or fif- 
teenth of June, 1753, where William Russell was, by a commission from 
under the hand of the Honble. William Fairfax, to negotiate affairs with 
the Indians relating to the trouble with the French . . . that I was in 
company with the said William Russel the fifteenth and sixteenth day of 
the said June . . . that the said Russel was sober all the time he was 
in his company," etc. 

The account of the attack on the Little Pict Town, about the begin- 
ning of the year 1753, is given in a letter written by Captain William 
Trent, George Croghan's partner, to Governor Hamilton, dated, "Vir- 
ginia, April 10, 1753." Trent's letter reads as follows: 

May it please your Honour : 

I have received a letter just now from Mr. Croghan, wherein he 
acquaintes me that fifty odd Ottawas, Conewagoes, one Dutchman, and 
one of the Six Nations, that was their captain, met with some of our 
people at a place called Kentucky, on this side Allegheny river, about 
one hundred and fifty miles from the lower Shawanese town. They took 
eight prisoners, five belonging to Mr. Croghan and me, the others to 
Lowry: they took three or four hundred pounds worth of goods from 
us ; one of them made his escape after he had been a prisoner three days. 
Three of John Finley's men are killed by the little Pict Town, and no 



John Finley ; and Kentucky before Boone 231 

account of himself. They robbed Michael Teaff 's People near the Lakes. 
There was one Frenchman in Company. The Owendots secured his 
people and five horse loads of skins. 

Mr. Croghan is coming thro' the Woods with some Indians and 
Whites, and the rest of the White men and the Indians are coming up the 
river in a body ; though 't is a question whether they escape ; as three 
hundred Ottawas were expected at the lower Town every _ day, and 
another party of French and Indians coming down the river. The 
Indians are in such confusion that there is no knowing who to trust, I 
expect they will all join the French except the Delawares; as they 
expect no assistance from the English. 

The low Dutchman's name that was with the Party that robbed our 
People, is Philip Philips. His mother lives near CoL Johnson's. _ He 
was taken by the French Indians about six years ago, and has lived 
ever since with them. He intends sometime this summer to go and see 
his mother. If your Honour please to acquaint the Governor of New 
York with it, he may possibly get him secured, by keeping it secret and 
acquainting Col. Johnson with it, and ordering him to apprehend him. 
If the Dutchmen once come to understand it, they will contrive to send 
him word to keep out of the way. 

I intend leaving directly for Allegheny, with provisions for our 
People that are coming through the woods and up the river. I am your 
Honour's most obedient humble servant, 

William Trent. 

So far as the writer has been able to discover, these are all the ref- 
erences to John Finley, as a Trader, which appear on the printed 
records of Pennsylvania and Virginia prior to the time of the Braddock 
campaign, in which, according to Draper, Finley participated. 

The early tax-lists and land records of Pennsylvania show the fol- 
lowing persons of this name to have been landowners in the Province 
prior to 1755: 

John Finley, East Nottingham Township, Chester County, 1729, 

1747- . 

John Finley, Philadelphia County, 1730, 

John Finley, West Bradford Township, Chester County, 1732, 1734, 
1735. 1737. 1739. I740» 1747- Died in West Bradford Township, 

1749- 

John .Finley, London Britain Township, Chester County, I734» 

1737- 

John Finley, Londonderry Township, Chester County, 1737, 1740. 

John Finley, Sadsbury Township, Chester County, 1737, 1740. 

John Finley, Paxtang Township, Lancaster (now Dauphin) County, 
1747. 

John Finley, Sr., Lurgan Township, Cumberland (now Franklin) 
County, 1 75 1. An elder in Middle Spring Church in 1744. The brother 
of Revs. Samuel and James Finley. Died before 1758. He left a son, 



232 The Wilderness Trail 

John, who was under fourteen in 1762, afterwards a lieutenant in the 
Revolution. 

John Finley, Esq., Lurgan Township, 1751. Died 1783, leaving 
seven children, among whom was a son, John, who died in 1791. 

John Finley, sawyer, Lurgan Township, 1751. 

John Finley, East Pennsborough Township, Cumberland County, 

1752. 

John Finley, East Nantmeal Township, Chester County, 1753. 

John Finley, Chanceford Township, York County, before 1754. 
Born 1726; died in York County, 1782; served as a Major of York 
County militia in the Revolution. 

John Finley, Cumberland County, died before 1764, leaving a 
widow, Alice, who, in that year was the wife of James Adams. 

John Finley, Lurgan Township, killed by the Indians in Joseph 
Steenson's field, near Shippensburg, July 20, 1757, and his son carried off. 
He may have been either the John Finley, Sr., whose estate was adminis- 
tered in 1758; or the John Finley, sawyer in 1751. 

Eliminating the John Finleys whose names appear as landowners 
prior to 1740, as being probably too old to have piloted Daniel Boone into 
Kentucky in 1769, we may consider which, if any, of the Finleys of 
Lurgan, Paxtang, or East Pennsborough, was John Finley, the Indian 
Trader. John Finley, Sr., and John Finley, Esq., we know were not; as 
they Hved and died in Cumberland County. The latter was one of the 
Justices for the county in 1750. John Finley, sawyer, was possibly 
the one who was killed by the Indians near Shippensburg in 1757; and 
he may have been the first husband of Alice, who, in 1764, appears as the 
wife of James Adams. 

We now come to John Finley of Paxtang Township, 1747, and John 
Finley of East Pennsborough Township, 1752. These two townships 
are on opposite sides of the Susquehanna River, where Harrisburg stands. 
The two names on the tax-lists may have referred to the same person, 
owning lands in both townships. If so, this John Finley was in aU proba- 
bility the same as the "John Findlay " who, on September 16, 1744, was 
married by the Reverend John Elder, of the Paxtang Presbyterian 
Church, to Elizabeth Harris,^ daughter of John Harris, the Indian Trader 
at Harris's Ferry on the Susquehanna • (whose son, John Harris, Jr., 
afterwards established the town of Harrisburg). Elizabeth Harris 
Finley died in 1769. John Harris, Sr., besides owning a large tract of 
land on the site of Harrisburg, had taken up several hundred acres of 
land on the west side of the river, above Conodoguinet Creek in East 
Pennsborough Township, Cumberland County, and below Yellow 
Breeches Creek, in Newberry (now Fairview) Township, York County. 

' Penna. Archives, Sec. Series, viii., 797. 



John Finley ; and Kentucky before Boone 233 

In the records of the Pennsylvania Land Office it appears that 
Samuel Neave, on March 11, 1752, filed a caveat against a survey made 
for one, Hugh McCormick, under a warrant dated April 9, 1750, for 
land in Paxtang Township, Lancaster County, for the reason "that 
John Finley has a prior warrant, whose right thereto is now in the said 
Samuel Neave." This was probably the land for which Finley received 
a grant May 11, 1747,' which was taxed in 1747, and which he had 
apparently disposed of to Neave before March 11, 1752. 

There is on record in Cumberland County, Pennsylvania, a deed 
made by "John Finley," dated September 20, 1772, acknowledged before 
William Patterson eight days later, and signed by John Finley 's mark; 
"J. F." This deed describes John Finley as "late of the Province of 
South Carolina," and speaks of Elizabeth Finley, his late wife, formerly 
Elizabeth Harris, daughter of John Harris. It releases to Finley's 
daughters, Esther Finley, wife of WilHam Patterson of Juniata, and 
Margaret Finley (afterwards married to William Wurtz), his life estate 
in 290 acres of land in Newberry Township, and 172 acres in Paxtang 
Township. 

By a process of elimination, as suggested above, and from the facts 
that the daughter of the Indian Trader, John Harris, married a man 
who spelled his name "John Findlay" (which Draper says was the cor- 
rect spelling of the name of Boone's pilot), and that this individual had 
taken up his residence in a place so remote as South Carolina (on the 
borders of which Daniel Boone dwelt prior to 1769), the writer is. 
inclined to believe that John Finley, Boone's companion, was probably 
the son-in-law of John Harris. 

Finley, as we have seen from Draper's account, had first met Daniel 
Boone on the Braddock campaign, in which JBoone had taken the humble 
part of a waggoner, accompanying the North Carolina militia. In a letter 
written by John Harris, Jr., the brother-in-law of John Findlay, to 
Edward Shippen, dated at Paxtang, Dec. 28, 1754, Mr. Harris says: 
"This week Captn. Andrew Montour has made his interest so good with 
my brother, William Harris, as to persuade him to go with him to our 
camp [Braddock's army, at Will's Creek], and engages that he shall 
receive a lieutenant's commission under him; upon the strength of which, 
and the willingness to serve his king and country, he resolves to go. 
Their Company of white men I expect to have completed by Monday 
next. They expect to march for Will's Creek by way of Oughwick [George 
Croghan's station], in order to take a number of Indians with them. , . . 
Upon my brother's inclining to go, the young men about here enlisted 
immediately with the small encouragement I gave them, which was but 
my desire ; and I hope that this Company will act their part so well as to 

' Egle's Dauphin and Lebanon Counties, p. 24. 



234 The Wilderness Trail 

be a credit to our river men, which almost the whole consists of." Andrew 
Montour wrote to Richard Peters from Paxtang two days later: "I 
design to-morrow to march with my Company, men raised here, for 
Will's Creek, by way of Oughwick." 

This was doubtless the manner in which John Finley became 
attached to Braddock's expedition. After 1755, his trade with the 
Indians was interrupted for some years. A record in the Pennsylvania 
Archives (vol. i., Sixth Series), shows that a John Finley, born in Ireland, 
aged thirty-six, was enlisted by Charles McClung in Salisbury Township, 
Lancaster County, May 25, 1758, for service in the Pennsylvania Regi- 
ment. It is possible he may have been the Indian Trader. 

After the building of Fort Pitt, Finley seems to have settled there, 
with George Croghan, and a number of other Cumberland County 
Traders. In a list of the inhabitants at Fort Pitt, in July, 1760, not 
belonging to the army, the name of John Finley is given, together with 
that of Lazarus Lowrey, Edward Ward, William Trent, Hugh Crawford, 
and more than eighty other men, the greater part of whom were Traders. 
A second census of Fort Pitt, dated April 14, 1761, shows most of the 
same persons living there, including Finley, whose house was occupied 
by two men. 

As to John Finley's whereabouts during the next two or three years 
no records have come under the notice of the writer. Whether or not he 
was in Fort Pitt during the time of its siege by the Shawnees and Dela- 
wares, in June and July, 1763, it has not been possible for the writer to 
determine. Captain Ecuyer, Commandant of that fort during the 
siege, wrote to Colonel Bouquet June 2d: " My garrison consists of 250 
men, as many regulars as militia." His Journal of the siege states that 
all the inhabitants of the settlement moved into the Fort on May 30th. 
On June 26th he wrote Bouquet, "The garrison consists of 330 men, all 
counted, 104 women, 106 children; total 540 mouths, of which 420 
receive the provisions of the King." In none of the lists of Traders who 
were killed or taken during the Pontiac uprising, nor of the Traders at 
Fort Pitt in 1764, have I been able to find the name of John Finley; 
though it is quite possible he may have been there. If not, he returned 
either before or after Bouquet's expedition of 1764 against the Indians 
at Muskingum, and was at Fort Pitt in the early spring of 1766. 

About the beginning of the year 1766, Messrs. Baynton, Wharton & 
Morgan, of Philadelphia, then the largest firm engaged in the Indian 
Trade, sent John Jennings to Fort Pitt, with instructions to prepare boats 
and carry a large cargo of goods down the Ohio River to Fort Chartres, 
which had been occupied by the English in the latter part of the preceding 
year. 

Joseph Dobson, a trading agent of this firm, wrote to them from 



John Finley ; and Kentucky before Boone 235 

Fort Pitt on the 26th of January, announcing the arrival of Mr. Jennings. 
He wrote again from Fort Pitt, March 9, 1766, as follows: 

To Mrsss. Benton, Wharton & Morgan: 

Gentlemen — This Day Mr. Jennings, Long, and Batteaus Loaded 
with your Goods, are Sailed for ye Illinois. They might have Gone a 
week a Go, Butt for Mr .Winston, who has behaved Very ill, and absented 
himself when most Wanted. I Refer you to Mr. Jennings' Letter to 
know ye Particulars of his Behaviour. The[y] Could not take all ye 
Goods; the have left above 40 Bundles, Besides some Kegs with Knives, 
and some Bundles of Sadies, which I will take Care of till some of you 
Comes up or Gives Orders for them. 

Mr. Jennings' trouble has been Very Great hear, settleing with 
Every one before he went away; he has Given several Orders on me, 
which I was Obliged to Accept, to make ye people Easey, to the amount 
of about 40 pounds, that he might Gett away in pace. 

Your Peltry shall be sent By Every Oportunity. . . . Your Carpen- 
ters are hear. Butt has not Done much yett. They have one [batteau] 
on ye Stocks, and are making Ready for a Nother two, I believe wiU Be 
Done in about two Weeks. There is None hear. Theare was Butt ye 
5 that Mr. Jennings took with him. 

Mr. Masionvile is hear, and [Dennis?] Croghan, his interpreter [not 
George Croghan]. The Did not Go with Mr. Long, as Intended. 

I will, accoring to your Desire, use all ye means in my power to 
Induce ye Carpenters to be Diligent in getting Ready as many Batteaus 
as the Can against your Coming up. 

I have nothing Material to say more. Butt that Mr. Jennings has 
taken Kiasuta and two more Seneca Chiefs with him, which I Believe 
was highly Necesary att this time. 

I am, Gentlemen, your Most Humb. Servant, 

Joseph Dobson. 

John Jennings's Journal of this voyage down the Ohio River has 
been printed in the Pennsylvania Magazine. -^ As we have seen from 
Dobson's letter, Jennings started from Fort Pitt on March 8, 1766. On 
Sunday, March 9th, he writes: "This morning at seven o'clock, left 
Long Island [now Neville's Island, seven miles below Pittsburgh] and 
proceeded down the river, with the five following batteaus, viz., The 
Ohio Packet, which I commanded; T/ie i5gaz;er. Captain William Long; 
The Dublin, Joshua Moore; The Good Intent, WiWiaxa Davenport; and 
The Otter, John Finley." The expedition reached the mouth of the 
Ohio on March 28th without serious mishap; although the Otter boat 
lagged behind and had to be lightered during the voyage down. No 
further reference is made by Jennings to John Finley. Jennings himself 
remained at Fort Chartres, as store-keeper for Baynton, Morgan & Whar- 
ton, until June 24, 1768, when he made a trip down the Mississippi to 

' Vol. xxxi., p. 145. 



236 The Wilderness Trail 

New Orleans, returning to Philadelphia the following October. He was- 
joined at Fort Chartres by George Croghan and George Morgan and 
their party in the summer of 1766. 

How long John Finley remained on the Mississippi we have no 
means of knowing; but, of course, he returned from there before the 
close of the year 1768, as he was on the Yadkin at the beginning of 1769. 
If we can trust Filson as to dates, Finley was in Kentucky in 1767. 
Filson begins his History of Kentucky by saying: "The first white man 
we have certain accounts of, who discovered this province, was one, 
James McBride, who, in company with some others, in the year 1754, 
passing down the Ohio in canoes, landed at the mouth of Kentucky 
River, and there marked a tree with the first letters of his name, and the 
date, which remain to this day [1784]. . . . From this period it [Ken- 
tucky] remained concealed till about the year 1767, [1752], when one, John 
Finley, and some others, trading with the Indians, fortunately travelled 
over the fertile region now called Kentucky. . . . This country greatly 
engaged Mr. Finley's attention. Some time after, disputes arising be- 
tween the Indians and Traders, he was obliged to decamp ; and returned 
to his place of residence in North Carolina, where he communicated his 
discovery to Col. Daniel Boone." 

Finley's adventures with Daniel Boone in Kentucky are familiar 
to English readers the world over; although they are here for the first 
time fully presented, in Dr. Draper's account. After Finley parted 
from Boone near the beginning of the year 1770, he is said by Draper ta 
have proceeded by way of the Holston Valley to his home in Pennsyl- 
vania. If the writer's surmise is correct, that John Finley, the Trader, 
was the son-in-law of John Harris, then he probably travelled up the 
Virginia Valley to Cumberland County, and learned on reaching home, 
that his wife had died in 1769, during his absence in Carolina and Ken- 
tucky. The extract from the London newspaper, dated January 3, 1772,, 
shows that he must have largely increased his resources or his credit 
after leaving Boone to have been possessed of £500 worth of goods in the 
latter part of 1 77 1 . This would be accounted for if he inherited a portion 
of the estate of one of the daughters of John Harris, Sr., a Trader himself ^ 
who carried on a successful traffic with the Indians for a number of years, 
and was a large landowner at the time of his death. From the deed 
executed by John Finley, the surviving husband of Elizabeth Harris^ 
September 20, 1772, it appears that he had inherited a life interest in at 
least two separate tracts of land. 

What became of Finley after 1772 is still undetermined, as it was 
when Dr. Draper wrote. ^ There is an entry on the court records 

' The representatives of the family of John Harris, living at Harrisburg to-day, 
have no knowledge beyond his name, of the John Findlay who'married Elizabeth Harris . 



John Finley ; and Kentucky before Boone 237 

•of Washington County, Virginia, still extant, which reads as follows : 

At a Court continued and held for Washington County, February 
26, 1777. . . . John Finly, making it appear to the satisfaction of the 
Court of Washington County that he, upon the twentieth day of July, 
1776, received a wound in the thigh in the battle fought with the Chero- 
kees near the Great Island [in Holston River], and it now appears to the 
said Court that he, in consequence of said wound, is rendered unable to 
gain a living by his labor, as formerly; therefore, his case is recommended 
to the consideration of the General Assembly of the Commonwealth of 
Virginia. 

This record has led Mr. John P. Hale, to remark, in his Trans- 
Allegheny Pioneers, "John Finley, the long-time frontiersman and wilder- 
ness pilot, being old, and poor, and wounded, asks Washington County, 
Va., for aid." 

While Mr. Hale's assumption may be correct, it is proper to state 
that there were a number of John Finleys living in Virginia during the 
middle of the eighteenth century, besides the numerous persons of that 
name in Pennsylvania. There was a John Finley who was a member 
of Captain John Smith's company in the Augusta County militia in 1742. 
John Finley, Sr., and John Finley, Jr., both appear, from Henning's 
Statutes, to have received compensation from the Legislature for services 
in the Augusta County militia in September, 1758.' Indeed, an indi- 
vidual of the same name was a member of the Surry County militia as 
early as 1687. However, there is another entry on the records of Wash- 
ington County, Virginia, relating to John Finley of the Holston. It is 
a conveyance made by him October 31, 1792, of a certain tract of land. 
He is described as a resident of Knox County, in the territory of the 
United States southwest of the River Ohio. This instrument re- 
cites: "This land patented to John Finley, 22 October 1785, on the 
head waters of the East Fork of Wallen's Branch of the waters of 
the North Fork of the Holston, adjoining lands of George Finley'' 
(Deed Book i, p. 305). The Book of Land Entries (2, p. 295) men- 
tions Finley as "having proved to the court that he was entitled to 
the same [premises], by actual settlement made in 1774, this first day 
of Sept., 1781." 

The records of Lord Dunmore's War show that John Finley of 
Watauga was a member of Captain Evan Shelby's company of militia 
in 1774. 

This was doubtless the John Finley who took part in the battle of 

Possibly some of the descendants of Captain William Patterson, or of William Wurtz, if 
any are living, might be able to throw some light on this question. 
^ See also, West V a. Hist. Mag., iii., 131. 



238 The Wilderness Trail 

the Great Island; but whether or not he was John Finley the Indian 
Trader would be very difficult to prove. 

In Mr. H. Addington Bruce's recent book on Daniel Boone, and 
the Wilderness Road (N. Y., 1910), that writer states that one Stephen 
Pomeroy, the first settler in what is now Huntsburg, Geauga County, 
Ohio, found living there in 1808, when he first went to that country, a 
trapper and Trader named John Finley, whose place of residence was 
on a stream still known as Finley Creek; and who told Pomeroy, ac- 
cording to the statement of his great-grandson, that he had been with 
Boone in Kentucky, and had fought under Wayne. Mr. Bruce states 
that this John Finley enlisted in the War of 1812, returned to Hunts- 
burg after that war, and, about 18 18, removed, it was thought, to 
Maryland. 

As John Finley, the Trader who led Boone into Kentucky, must 
have been born about 1720, it is scarcely probable that he could have 
been in active military service at the age of ninety or more ; or that he 
was a trapper and Trader at the age of eighty- eight or thereabouts. 

The first authenticated record of the visit of white men to the ter- 
ritory now comprising the State df Kentucky, if we except the probable 
residence there of Arnold Viele and his party from Esopus in 1693, was 
that of the French party which descended the Ohio, at least as far as 
the Big Bone Lick, in 1729. The 1744 map of Nicholas Bellin published 
in Charlevoix's New France, and reproduced in this volume, contains an 
inscription at a point south of the Ohio River and near the "Falls," 
stating, endroii oil on a trouve des os d' Elephant en 172Q. While "they" 
may have been Indians, it is more probable that it means Frenchmen. 
Darlington states that this party (or another party in the same year), 
was led from Fort Niagara down the Allegheny and Ohio as far as the 
mouth of the Big Miami, by Chaussegros de Lery, engineer of the 
Niagara fortifications, which had been begun two or three years before 
1729. This statement was based on the record in Bellin's Remargues 
on his map of 1755, already quoted in Chapter V. of this volume. As 
there pointed out, Darlington confused De Lery's expedition of 1729 
with that of Celoron, twenty years later, which went down the Ohio 
only to the mouth of the Big Miami. De Lery's expedition went down 
at least as far as the Big Bone Lick, and probably to the Falls, or 
below. 

A second French expedition, under the Baron de Longueuil, Major 
of Montreal, traversed the whole course of the Ohio below Conewango 
Creek in the summer of 1739; and this party in all probability must 
have encamped on the southern side of the river during its progress 
along the Kentucky shore. 

The history of this expedition of Longueuil, or so much of it as 



John Finley ; and Kentucky before Boone 239 

has been preserved, has already been given. It was the first white war 
party to travel on the Ohio, and its full history, if we could recover it, 
would have more romantic interest than that of any other flotilla that 
has passed down the Ohio from that day to this. Among the officers 
who accompanied this party were Major de Lignery, Lieutenants, de Vas- 
san, Aubert de Gaspe, Du Vivier, de Verrier, Le Gardeur de St. Pierre, 
Chevalier de Villiers, de Portneuf, de Sabrevois; Father Vernet, chap- 
lain; Cadets, Joncaire de Closonne, Le Gai de Joncaire, Drouet de 
Richarville the younger, Chaussegros de Lery the younger, de Cannes, 
Chev. Benoist, de Morville, de Selles, and seventeen others. The rank 
and file consisted of three sergeants, six corporals, six lance corporals, 
twenty-four soldiers, forty-five habitants, one hundred and eighty-six 
Iroquois from the Saut, fifty-one from the Lake of the Two Moun- 
tains, thirty- two Algonquins and Nipissings, fifty Abenaquis from 
St. Frangois and Becancour; Father La Bretonnier, Jesuit, Queret, 
missionary. 

Besides these Frenchmen, we may be sure that the Kentucky soil 
was trod by James Le Tort, who traded near the mouth of the Kanawha 
many years before 1740; as well as by numerous others of the Allegheny 
Traders whose names appear in these pages. Unfortunately for our 
purpose, these Traders have left no written records behind them. The 
first record of an Englishman's visit to the shores of Kentucky is that of 
John Peter Salley, a Pennsylvania German. In company with John 
Howard, Josiah Howard, Charles Sinclair, and two others, Salley claimed 
to have started March 16, 1742, from his house in Augusta County, five 
miles from Cedar Creek, near the Natural Bridge, proceeding thence to 
the Kanawha, where they built a boat frame and covered it with the 
hides of five buffaloes. They used this boat for a voyage of two hundred 
and fifty-two miles down the river, until they were obliged to abandon it 
on account of the falls. Taking a southwest course by land, Salley says 
they travelled eighty-five miles, and then came to another small river, 
where they built a boat large enough to carry two men and their pro- 
visions. The balance of the party travelled by land for two days, until 
they came to a large river, a tributary of the Kanawha, where they 
enlarged their boat sufficiently to carry their entire party. They then 
travelled down to the Kanawha River and ninety-two miles below the 
mouth of this branch, where they entered the Ohio, four hundred and 
forty-four miles above the "Great Falls." Proceeding down the Ohio, 
they reached the Mississippi, and were eventually captured by a party 
of French and Indians, who carried them to New Orleans. Here they 
were thrown into prison, and kept for eighteen months. They escaped 
in October, 1744, and after many vicissitudes, marvellous adventures, and 
a perilous journey through the wilderness, they finally reached the house 



240 The Wilderness Trail 

of one, "Finlas, an Indian Trader j who lives among the Uchees."' On 
the first of March they arrived at Fort Augustus, in Georgia; and, after 
being again captured by the French and released, finally reached home in 
May, 1745. 

The adventures of Howard's party, as related by Salley, were so 
remarkable that there is some doubt as to whether or not his account is 
based on facts. His story was made use of, however, by the British in 
their disputes with France, to bolster up the EngHsh claim to the Ohio 
Valley. Like some of the evidence, on the other side, as to La Salle having 
descended the Ohio in 1669, Sallej^'s Narrative looks as if it might have 
been manufactured, in part at least, for that specific purpose. 

Peter Chartier also, who, with his Shawnees, fled down the Ohio 
from Chartier 's Town in 1745, was undoubtedly an early Trader on the 
soil of Kentucky. An account of the village of Eskippakithiki, built by 
his band on Lulbegrud Creek, as given by Dr. Lyman C. Draper in his 
manuscript Life of Boone, is as follows: 

" This Town is evidently the one laid down on Evans's map, between 
Licking and Kentucky Rivers, and called b}^ the uncouth name of 
Es-kip-pa-ki-thi-ki. It was directly on the route of the Great Warriors' 
Road, leading from the Ohio southward through Cumberland Gap; and 
was doubtless the Town alluded to by Franklin when he asserted {Ohio 
Settlement, p. 44) that 'in the year 1752, the Six Nations, Shawanese, and 
Delawares had a large Town on Kentucky River. ' 

"This Indian town was settled under the following circumstances. 
Peter Chartier, a half-breed Shawanoe, and a Trader of considerable 
influence, debauched a portion of the Shawanoes into the French interest ; 
and, after seizing a couple of Indian Traders and plundering them of 
goods to the value of sixteen hundred pounds, they left the rest of their 
nation, near the Forks of the Ohio, early in 1745, and commenced the 
settlement of this town of Es-kip-pa-ki-thi-ki. Prosperity attended the 
colony for two or three years, but roving bands of Northern Indians 
found out their new location, and killed and harassed them continually. 
The Shawanoes of the Forks of Ohio hearing of these attacks on their 
wayward brethren, and commiserating their misfortunes, urged their 
speedy return; but the disorganizers, with Chartier at their head, reso- 
lutely refused, believing that the injuries done them had been at the insti- 
gation of their brethren at the Forks of Ohio, in order to dishearten them 
in their isolated home and compel their early return to the great body of 
the nation. The depredations of their enemies — probably the Iroquois, 
who claimed the country by former conquest, and hence warred upon 
all intruders — increasing, the Shawanoes, numbering about four hundred 

' William Atchison Finley was the name of a "constable of the Creeks, " in 1747. 
See Georgia Col. Rec, vi., 187. 






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John Finley ; and Kentucky before Boone 241 

and fifty souls, abandoned Es-kip-pa-ki-thi-ki ; and betaking themselves 
to their canoes, passed down Lulbegrud Creek and Red River into Ken- 
tucky, thence descending the Ohio, and ascending the Tennessee to 
Occachappo or Bear Creek, and up that stream thirty miles, where they 
left their canoes, and commenced an unprovoked war upon the Chicka- 
saws, killing several of that nation. This warlike people quickly 
resented this dastardly conduct, embodied and drove off this vagabond 
band of intruders, who retired among the Creeks, and settled a town 
seventy miles above the French Alabama Garrison, and between the 
Creek towns of Ooe-asa and Coosa. 

"Several of the Shawanoe chiefs, with a band of followers, retraced 
their weary steps, in 1748, to their brethren on the Ohio; and the others, 
after residing awhile among the Creeks, and still restless, commenced 
their return northwardly. They tarried for a season on Cumberland 
River, where several French Traders located amongst them, and hence 
the locality subsequently became known as the French Liclc, now the 
site of the city of Nashville. Here the Chickasaws found them rudely 
fortified, and attacked them on the morning of the 5th of April, 1756, 
killing twenty of the Shawanoes, and, seizing two hundred and forty 
head of horses, returned in triumph to their nation; and these were the 
first horses ever possessed by the Chickasaws. The Shawanoes, whose 
numbers were now estimated at two hundred and seventy, made their 
way down Cumberland River, the women, children, aged and disabled 
men, in canoes, and the warriors as a guard along shore; intending to 
rejoin their brethren, who were now located on the Ohio, chiefly at the 
Lower Shawanoe Town, at the mouth of the Scioto; but when they 
entered the Ohio, the heavy spring flood was rolling down, against which 
their progress was so slow and tedious, that they stopped a few miles 
below the mouth of the Wabash, at the present locality of Shawneetown, 
Illinois. Remaining there awhile, the French Traders and Kaskaskia 
Indians invited them to take up their abode at Kaskaskia, which 
they did a couple of years, when a strong deputation of their 
Shawanoe brethren arrived, conducted them back by water to 
their kindred and friends, when a re-union was effected after an 
eventful separation of sixteen years. The distinguished Shawanoe 
chief Catahecassa, or Black Hoof, then quite a young warrior, was with 
this clan in all their wanderings ; and when he visited the Lulbegrud 
region, in 1815 or '16, he could readily point out and accurately describe 
the ancient locality of Es-kip-pa-ki-thi-ki, and all the surrounding 
country. 

"After the departure of Chartier and the Shawanoes from Es-kip-pa- 
ki-thi-ki, a few must have remained during each hunting season, or 
large hunting parties frequently resorted there, or more probably both, 

VOL. II. — 16 



242 The Wilderness Trail 

to have made it an object for so many Traders to repair to that point, at 
the time of Findley's visit and decampment [in 1752-53]-"' 

In March, 1751, Christopher Gist received from the employes of 
Robert Smith, a Trader at Pickawillany, two of whom he met on the Ohio 
River about eighteen miles below the Lower Shawnee Town, two teeth 
of a mastodon, which, Robert Smith had previously informed him, were 
found at the Big Bone Lick south of the Ohio seven years before. This 
would indicate the presence of English Traders in that part of Kentucky 
as early as 1744. 

The first of the explorers of Kentucky who has left on record a 
detailed account of his journey was Dr. Thomas Walker, who, in the 
interest of the Loyal Land Company of London and Virginia, started 
from his house in Albemarle County, Virginia, March 6, 1750, "to go to 
the Westward in order to discover a proper place for settlement." He 
was accompanied by Ambrose Powell, William Tomlinson, Colby Chew, 
Henry Lawless, and John Hughes. On March 21st the party reached 
Reedy Creek and encamped near the house of James McCall. This 
was on the New River, not far from the present Wytheville, From here 
the party proceeded down the stream towards the Holston Middle Fork, 
reaching the camp of Samuel Stalnaker on the 23d. Under date of 
March 24, 1750, Dr. Walker writes: "April, 1748, I met the above- 
mentioned Stalnaker between the Reedy Creek Settlement and Holston's 
River, on his way to the Cherokee Indians." The party followed Reedy 
Creek to where it joins the Holston, at the foot of Long Island, reaching 
that point March 31st. "We went down the River to the North Fork, 
and up the North Fork about a quarter of a mile, to a ford, and then 
crossed it. In the Fork between Holston's and the North River, are 
five Indian houses built with logs and covered with bark, and there were 
abundance of bones, some whole pots and pans, some broken, and many 
pieces of mats and cloth. On the west side of the North River, is four 
Indian houses such as before mentioned. We went four miles below 
the North River and camped on the bank of Holston's, opposite to a 
large Indian Fort." 

Walker writes that they left the Holston on April 2d, and travelled 
to a rocky ridge (Clinch Mountain), which they crossed on the 5th, 
(probably at Looney's Gap), "and camped on a small branch, about a 
mile from the top." Here they remained, on account of wet weather, 
until the 7th. On that day they travelled eight miles "over broken 
land," and remained in camp over the 8th, which was Sunday. On the 

' Evans's Map and Analysis, 1755; Pa. Col. Records; Gordon's Hist. Pa.; Rupp's 
Hist., TFe5f. Pa.; Haywood's Tennessee; Adair's Southern Indians; 2, 3, 156, 410; Md. 
Gaz., July 5th, and Aug. 2d., 1759; MS. Statement of Jos. Ficklin, Esq., derived from 
Black Hoof; MS. letter of Wm. Flanagan, Esq.— L. C. D. 



John Finley ; and Kentucky before Boone 243 

9th, "We travelled to a river which I suppose to be that which the 
hunters call Clinches River, from one, Clinch, a hunter, who first found 
it." They built a raft and crossed this stream, camping five miles below 
the crossing place on the night of the loth. "April nth. Having 
travelled 5 miles to and over an high mountain, we came to Turkey- 
Creek [now Big Sycamore Creek], which we kept down 4 miles. It 
lies between two ridges of mountains, that to the eastward being the 
highest. I2th. We kept down the Creek 2 miles further, where it 
meets with a large branch coming from the southwest, and thence runs 
through the east ridge, making a very good pass; and a large Buffalo 
Road goes from that Fork to the Creek over the west ridge, which we took, 
and found the ascent and descent tolerably easy. From the mountain 
we rode four miles to Bear-Grass River [now Powell's River]. . . . April 
13th. We went four miles to a large creek, which we called Cedar Creek, 
being a branch of Bear-Grass, and from thence six miles to Cave Gap 
[named later by Dr. Walker, Cumberland Gap], the land being level. 
On the north side of the Gap is a large spring, which falls very fast, and 
just above the spring is a small entrance to a large cave, which the spring 
runs through. . . . On the south side is a plain Indian Road. On the top 
of the Ridge are laurel trees marked with crosses, others blazed, and 
several figures on them. . . . This Gap may be seen at a considerable 
distance, and there is no other that I know of, except one about two 
miles to the north of it [a depression but not a pass], which does not 
appear to be so low as the other. The Mountain on the north side of the 
Gap is very steep and rocky, but on the south side it is not so. We 
called it Steep Ridge. At the foot of the hill on the northwest side, we 
came to a branch that made a great deal of flat land. We kept down it 
2 miles, several other branches coming in to make it a large creek; 
and we called it Flat Creek [now Yellow Creek]. . . . We rode 13 
miles this day. April 14th. We kept down the Creek 5 miles, chiefly 
along the Indian Road. 15th. Easter Sunday. Being in bad grounds 
for our horses, we moved 7 miles along the Indian Road to Clover 
[now Clear] Creek. April i6th. Rain . . . 17th. Still rain. I went 
down the Creek a hunting, and found that it went into a river about a mile 
below our camp. This, which is Flat Creek and some others joined, 
I called Cumberland River. i8th. Still cloudy. We kept down the 
Creek to the River, along the Indian Road to where it crosses. Indians 
have lived about this ford some years ago." 

This was the place where the Great Warriors' Path, leading from 
the mouth of the Scioto, crossed the Cumberland River, and joining the 
trail down which Dr. Walker and his party at this time travelled, passed 
through Cumberland Gap, and thence to the country of the Catawbas 
and the Cherokees. Mr. J. Stoddard Johnston, from whose edition of 



244 The Wilderness Trail 

Walker's Journal^ these excerpts are taken, says that this ford was long 
known as Cumberland Ford, the crossing of the Indian War-path and the 
Wilderness Road, blazed by Boone in 1775. "This crossing was just 
below the present Pineville Station of the Louisville and Nashville Rail- 
road, and the bridge which crosses from it to Pineville, the county-seat 
of Bell County, immediately opposite." 

Walker's party travelled down the south side of the Cumberland 
some fifteen miles and camped on the river bank again on April 20th at 
the mouth of Licking Creek (now Swan Pond Creek — so named by 
Daniel Boone). Here they remained a few days, built a canoe, and, on 
the 23d, Walker, Powell, and Chew crossed the river to the north side, 
leaving the others in camp, "to provide and salt some bear, build an 
house, and plant some peach-stones and com." This camp was located 
about four miles below the present site of Barbourville, Knox County, 
Kentucky. 

From the 23d to the 25th of April, Walker travelled in a west and 
southwest direction, a distance which he computed to be thirty-six miles, 
reaching Cumberland River again at the mouth of Rocky Creek [now 
Patterson's Creek], about twenty miles below where he had crossed to 
the north bank on the 23d. On the 26th, he "went up the north side of 
the River eight miles, and camped on a small branch." 

"April 27th. We crossed Indian [now Maple] Creek, and went 
down Meadow Creek [still so called] to the River. There comes in 
another from the southward as big as this we are on. Below the mouth 
of this Creek, and above the mouth [of the other?] are the remains of 
several Indian cabins, and amongst them a round hill, made by art, 
about 20 feet high and 60 over the top," 

Mr. Johnston states that a mound, corresponding to the one here de- 
scribed by Dr. Walker, though reduced in size, was still in existence in 
1898, near the bank of the Cumberland, west of Meadow Creek, on the 
Evans farm, in Whitley County. 

This may possibly have been the site either of Chaskepe, Meguat- 
chaiki, or Cisca, the three Shawnee towns located near the Skipakicipi 
(Cumberland) River on Franquelin's map of 1684, at the head of the 
"Path taken by the Casquinampos and Shawnees in trading with the 
Spaniards" of Florida. 

Walker kept up the river the next day, and reached the camp where 
he had left the other members of his company. "The people I left," he 
writes, "had built an house, 12 by 8, cleared and broke up some ground, 
and planted corn and peach-stones." 

On the 30th the entire party crossed the river, and proceeded in a 
northerly direction to the head waters of the Rockcastle River, where, 

^ First Explorations of Kentucky (Journals of Walker and Gist), Filson Club, 1898. 



John Finley ; and Kentucky before Boone 245 

on May ist, they reached and travelled "along an Indian Road, much 
frequented, to a mouth of a creek on the west side of the River, where we 
camped. The Indian Road goes up the Creek, and I think it is that which 
goes through Cave Gap."' Between the ist of May and the nth, they 
travelled as far north and west as to Hughes' Fork of Rockcastle River, 
in the present county of Rockcastle. Here they remained for three or 
four days, sheltered by a rocky cave or depression, and made new moc- 
casins of elk-skin. Leaving their rock castle on the 14th, they travelled 
in a northeasterly direction into what is now Jackson County. On the 
17th they camped on a branch of Naked Creek, a stream which Mr. 
Johnston thinks was probably the Laurel Fork of Middle Fork of Rock- 
castle River,. in Jackson County. 

" May 1 8th. We went up Naked Creek to the head, and had a plain 
Buffalo Road most of the way [the Great Warriors' Path]. From thence 
we proceeded down Wolf Creek, and on it we camped. 19th. We kept 
down ye Creek to Hunting Creek, which we crossed and left. . . . 22d. 
We went down the branch to Hunting Creek, and kept it to Milley's 
River." 

Milley's River was the same as the Kentucky River. Johnston 
identifies Hunting Creek with Station Camp Creek, which empties into 
the Kentucky just above Irvine, county-seat of Estill County. "At 
the mouth of this creek," he says, "Daniel Boone lived alone in 1770, 
while his brother, Sqmre Boone, returned to North Carolina for ammu- 
nition, and there they spent the following winter. The Indian trace up 
Station Camp Creek was known as 'Ouasiota Pass,' and when they 
reached the summit they thought they were on top of the Cumberland 
Mountains, the name, 'Ouasiota' Mountains being given to that range, 
together with all the elevated region eastwardly to the main chain." 

Mr. Johnston is of the opinion that the Ouasiota Gap was at this 
place, and was not identical with the Cumberland Gap. He notes that 
"Ouasiota Pass" is laid down on Pownall's 1776 map, with routes con- 
verging to it from the Big Bone Lick, the Lower Shawnee Town, and the 
mouth of the Totteroy or Big Sandy; and quotes Evans and Hutchins, 
the former of whom wrote that the Northern Indians "land at Sanduski, 
and go by a direct path to the Lower Shawnee Town, and thence to the 
Gap of Ouasiota, on their way to the Cuttawas' country " ; and the latter 

' This was afterwards the route of Boone's Trace and the Old Wilderness Road. It 
left the Great Warriors' Path about fifty miles north of Cumberland Gap, and bore off it). 
a westerly direction to the "Hazel Patch," on Laurel River; thence up Rockcastle 
River and Roundstone Creek, through Boone's Gap in Big Hill (Madison County); 
thence down Otter Creek to its mouth at Kentucky River. About one mile below the 
mouth of Otter Creek, Boone built his stockade, and called it Boonesborough. See 
Filson's map of Kentucky, printed in this volume. 



246 The Wilderness Trail 

of whom, in describing the Kentucky River, states that it is "passable 
with small boats to the Gap, where the war-path goes through the 
Ouasiota Mountains." 

Dr. Walker's party attempted to go down or up the Kentucky River 
from the mouth of Station Camp Creek, but were unable to proceed either 
way. They then built a bark canoe on the 23d and 24th, and crossed 
to the north bank of the Kentucky. Thence they travelled in a north- 
easterly coiirse, and on the 28th came to the Red River or Warriors' 
Fork of the Kentucky at a point between the present Clay City and 
Stanton, in Powell County, and some fifteen to twenty miles east from 
the^Indian Old Fields and from Lulbegrud Creek, near which Boone, 
Finley, and their companions lived in 1769. Thus, withou,t knowing it, 
they passed very near the Shawnee town of Eskippakithiki, which stood 
on Lulbegrud Creek from 1745 to 1753, or later; and thus they just 
missed the knowledge of the beautiful country lying between the Ken- 
tucky River and the Licking. 

Travelling east up the North Fork of Red River, they "crossed a 
mountain and went through a Gap," on June ist, and camped "on the 
head of a branch." The next day they went down the branch to a river, 
seventy yards wide, which Walker named Frederick's River. This was 
the present Licking River, which they reached near the site of Salyers- 
ville, Magoffin County. On the 7th they came to a river, one hundred 
yards across, which they called Louisa River, now West or Louisa Fork 
of the Big Sandy. On the 14th they camped on top of the divide between 
the waters of Louisa and Tug Forks of the Sandy. On June 19th they 
got to Laurel Creek, one of the head waters of Tug Fork; and on the 28th, 
camped on the "New River, just below the mouth of Green Bryer," 
the present site of Hinton, Summers County, West Virginia. From here 
the party followed the trail up the Greenbriar River, crossed the Alle- 
ghany divide on the 8th of July, spent the 9th at Hot Springs, and 
reached home on the 13th. Dr. Walker concludes his Journal by stating 
that his company killed during the journey, thirteen buffaloes, eight elks, 
fifty-three bears, twenty deer, four wild geese, about one hundred and 
fifty turkeys, besides small game. 

In February, 1843, Daniel Bryan, a nephew of Daniel Boone, and 
then about eighty-six years of age, furnished Dr. Lyman C. Draper with 
an account of Walker's travels in Kentucky, which he got from the 
mouth of William Tomlinson, one of Walker's companions. This 
account was in part as follows : 

They started from low down in Virginia, travelled westwardly across 
Allegheny Mountains to Chissel's Lead Mine, on New River; thence 
into the Holston Valley; thence down the Valley to Moccasin Gap in 
Clinch Mountain; thence over Walden's Ridge and Powell's Mountain 



John Finley ; and Kentucky before Boone 247 

into Powell's Valley. Powell's Mountain, Valley, and River took their 
name from this same Ambrose Powell. They then continued down the 
Valley, leaving Cumberland Mountain a small distance on their right 
hand, until they came to Cumberland Gap. This Mountain and River 
Dr. Walker called Cumberland in memory of Lord Cumberland, of Eng- 
land. At the foot of this Mountain they fell into an Indian Path leading 
from the Cherokee towns on Tennessee River to the Shawnee Indian 
towns on the Ohio; which Path they followed down Yellow Creek to the 
old ford of Cumberland River. . . . Thence they went on the Path down 
the River to the Flat Lick, eight miles; here they left the River, turning 
more north, crossing some of the head branches of the Kentucky River 
over a poor and hilly country, until they concluded there was no good 
country in the West. They then took an easterly course over the worst 
mountains and laurel thickets in the world, having to cut the laurel 
thickets with' their tomahawks in order to pass through. They crossed 
the Laurel or Cumberland Mountain and fell into the Greenbriar country; 
almost starved to death ; they were obliged to eat their dog to keep from 
famishing, and reached home with life only to pay for all their trouble and 
suffering. 

The next explorer of Kentucky after Dr. Walker and his party, was 
Christopher Gist, the surveyor employed by the Ohio Company of Vir- 
ginia to make a report on the lands lying to the westward of the moun- 
tains. In the chapter on the Lower Shawnee Town we have followed 
Gist in his travels to that point. From there he made a visit to the 
Pickawillany town of the Miami Indians, located on the Great Miami 
River; and returned to Lower Shawnee Town on March 8, 1751. The 
next day, "In the Shawnee Town," Gist writes, "I met with one of the 
Mingo chiefs, who had been down to the Falls of the Ohio [now the site 
of Louisville]. ... He told that there was a party of French Indians 
hunting at the Falls, and if I went there they wotild certainly kill me 
or carry me away prisoner to the French; for it is certain they would 
not let me pass. However, as I had a great inclination to see the Falls 
and the land on the east [south] side the Ohio, I resolved to venture as 
far as possible." 

Gist accordingly crossed the Ohio to the Kentucky side on the 12 th 
of March, and the next day, accompanied by the negro boy whom he had 
brought with him from Maryland, he reached a point on the Ohio about 
eighteen miles below the mouth of the Scioto (" S. 45 W. 8 m. then S. 10 
m.") Here he met Hugh Crawford the Trader, and two employes of 
Robert Smith, another Trader. They delivered to Gist two mastodon's 
teeth, "which they were bringing from [Big Bone Lick] towards the 
Falls." He also met four Shawnees coming up the river in their canoes, 
who informed Gist that there were some sixty French Indians encamped 
at the Falls. On the 14th he travelled "down the river S. 15 miles," 
and on the 15th, " S. 5 m. SW. 10 m., to a creek that was so high that we 



248 The Wilderness Trail 

could not get over that night. i6th. S. 45 W. about 35 m. 17th. The 
same course 15 m., then N. 45 W. 5 m. i8th. N. 45 W. 5 m., then SW. 
20 m., to the lower Salt Lick Creek, which Robert Smith and the Indians 
told me was about 15 m. above the Falls of the Ohio. ... I concluded 
not to go to the Falls, but travelled away to the southward till we were 
over the Little Cuttawa [i.e., Little Cherokee, now the Kentucky] 
River. . . . After I had determined not to go to the Falls, we turned 
from Salt Lick Creek to a ridge of mountains that made towards the 
Cuttawa River, and from the top of the mountain we saw a fine level 
country SW. as far as our eyes could behold, and it was a very clear day ; 
we then went down the mountain and set S. out 20 W. about 5 m. thro' 
rich level land. . . . March 19th. We set out S. and crossed several 
creeks running to the SW. ; at about 12 m. came to the Little Cuttawa 
River. We were obliged to go up it about i m. to an island, which was 
the shoalest place we could find to cross at. We then continued our 
course, in all about 30 m. through rich level land, except about 2 m. which 
was broken and indifferent. This level is about 35 m. broad, and as we 
came up the side of it along the branches of the Little Cuttawa, we 
found it about 150 m. long; and how far towards the SW. we could not 
tell, but imagined it held as far as the Great Cuttawa [Cherokee, i.e., 
the present Tennessee] River, which would be upwards of 100 miles 
more, and appeared much broader that way than here, as I could discern 
from the tops of the mountains." 

It is impossible to determine from Gist's courses and distances 
between the 13th and 19th of March just what part of Kentucky he 
travelled over, for the reason that on the 14th, he states that he travelled 
"down the River [Ohio] south 15 miles," from the point he had 
reached the day before, which was eighteen miles below the mouth of the 
Scioto. From this point the river runs west and northwest; so that 
if Gist travelled down the river, he did not go south ; and if he travelled 
south, he did not go down the river, but away from it. It has been sug- 
gested that some of the courses and distances as given in the printed 
Journal are either errors in transcription or in printing. 

The first printed edition of Gist's Journal was that of Thomas 
Pownall (London, 1776), which appeared in connection with Pownall's 
edition of Lewis Evans's map of 1755, and Analysis of the same, published 
for the use of the British army in its campaigns against the American 
Revolutionists. Pownall has traced on the Evans map a dotted line, 
showing the supposed route of Gist through Kentucky. He has also 
traced the supposed course of the Ohio River, made to coincide with 
Gist's courses below the Lower Shawnee Town; and has erroneously 
made the river to run southwest from the Scioto to the mouth of ' ' Little 
Salt Lick," beyond the Little Miami, when, as a matter of fact, it runs 



John Finley ; and Kentucky before Boone 249 

west and northwest. Pownall thought that Gist travelled almost 
directly south from Lower Shawnee Town nearly to the crossing of Great 
Salt Lick (Licking River); thence southwest, crossing the "Path to the 
Cuttawas' Country" (Great Warriors' Road) about fifteen miles above 
the Shawnee town of Eskippakithiki (which was located on Lulbegrud 
Creek, on or near the site of the present hamlet of Indian Fields, in the 
eastern corner of Clark County) ; and to the head waters of ' ' Little Salt 
Lick"; thence northwest and southwest nearly to the mouth of that 
creek, where he crossed; thence south to and across the Kentucky River; 
thence east across the South Fork of that river to the pass which led to 
the Ouasiota Mountains (the mouth of Station Camp Creek); thence 
south by way of that pass to the head of Station Camp Creek; thence 
east by northeast above the head waters of the Holston into Virginia. 

Mr. William Darlington, in his edition of Gist's Journals (Pitts- 
burgh, 1893), was of the opinion that Gist reached a point near the site of 
Vanceburgh on the 13th of March; near the site of Washington, Mason 
County, on the 14th; crossed the Licking River at the Lower Blue Licks 
on the 15th, having "travelled thus far by an old trail from the Ohio"; 
through the present counties of Hamilton (misprint for Harrison), 
Nicholas, Scott, and Franklin, to the Kentucky River, or near it, above 
Frankfort, on the i6th; and by the i8th to the Lower Salt Lick, "now 
known as Salt River," possibly at what was known later as Bullitt's 
Licks, in Bullitt County, but more probably at the Lick on Floyd's 
branch of Salt River, where Floydsburgh, Oldham County, now stands. 
On the 19th, Darlington supposed. Gist crossed the Bullskin, Gist's and 
other branches of Brashear's Creek in Shelby County, and, reaching the 
Kentucky River about where the city of Frankfort now stands, crossed 
at the island above, thence southeast through the present counties of 
Woodford and Fayette to the border of Clark. 

The latest editor of Gist's Kentucky Journal, Mr. J. Stoddard John- 
ston (Filson Club, Louisville, 1898), says that it is easy to determine 
where Gist did not go. "He did not follow the Ohio and cross the Licking 
at its mouth. . . . Nor did he go to Big Bone Lick, as Pownall states 
[Pownall, on his map, shows that Gist did not go there]. ... He was 
not on the i8th at Bullitt's Lick, fifteen miles south of the Falls, as 
others [Darlington] claim. ... I am of the opinion that he was at the 
Lower Blue Licks, or the Olympian Springs, in Bath County, both an 
hundred miles from the Falls as the crow flies. ... It is most probable 
that he skirted the Blue-grass region to the Upper Kentucky River, and 
passed from the Red River, which was known as the Warriors' Fork, to 
the North Fork, and thence found his way through Pound Gap. He 
then passed in a general course eastward down what is known as Gist's 
or Guesse's Fork of the Clinch, in Wise County, Virginia, and passing 



250 The Wilderness Trail 

the divide, came upon the waters of the Bluestone, a tributary of New 
River." 

The distances he travelled, as given by Gist, from the time he left 
the Lower Shawnee Town to the night of March 19th, aggregate one 
hundred and sixty- three miles, the last seventeen of which were on the 
south side of the Kentucky. His general course was to the southwest. 
From his camp of the 19th, Gist went to the top of a mountain on the 
following day, to view the country, and found that "to the SE. it 
looked very broken and mountainous, but to the eastward and SW. 
it appeared very level." 

Mr. Johnston thinks that this mountain was probably Pilot Knob, a 
few miles north of Clay City, Powell County, referring to which same 
mountain Daniel Boone is quoted by Filson as stating that "On the 
seventh of June [1769] we found ourselves on Red River, where John 
Finley had formerly been trading with the Indians, and from the top of 
an eminence saw with pleasure the beautiful level of Kentucky." 

It seems rather improbable that Gist could have been on or near 
Pilot Knob at this time, for the reason that the northern spur of this 
mountain, which has an altitude of three hundred to four hundred feet 
above the surrounding country, is but three miles distant from and over- 
looks the present hamlet of Indian Old Fields, situated on Lulbegrud 
Creek, in the eastern comer of Clark County. These Indian Old Fields 
are in all probability the site of the Shawnee town of Eskippakithiki, 
which stood on Lulbegrud Creek from about 1745 until 1753 or later, and 
which was occupied as a place of residence by the Shawnees and other 
Indians very nearly all of that time. That it was so occupied at the 
very time when Gist was in the vicinity seems probable from the facts 
set forth in a deposition made February 27, 1777, by George Croghan, the 
Trader, who had accompanied Gist in his journey as far as to the Lower 
Shawnee Town. This deposition reads in part as follows : 

The Deponent being first sworn, &c., Deposeth — That in the year 
1750 or 1 75 1 [the winter of 1750-51], he then being trading among the 
Shawanese at the mouth of Scioto, he saw several Shawanese and Chero- 
kees [Gist himself speaks of meeting some of them while he was at Picka- 
willany, as will appear in the following chapter], who had just come over 
the Allegheny Mountain from the Cherokee Country; on which a Council 
was called of all the Indians thereabouts, when the Shawanese informed 
the chiefs of their nation who resided at Scioto, that they were returned 
from the Cherokee Nation, and had left their women and children, with 
several of their young men at the Blue Licks on Kentucke River [the Upper 
and Lower Blue Licks are near the Licking River, the Little Blue Licks, in 
Madison County, are near the Kentucky River], where they intended to 
reside and hunt that season; then added, pointing to the Cherokees: 
"those Cherokees are about fifty or sixty in number, and have come over 



John Finley; and Kentucky before Boone 251 

with us to solicit you to make up a difference subsisting between them 
and the Wiandots." There were at the Council several Wiandots, 
Delawares, and Six Nations. The Cherokees then addressed themselves 
to the Six Nations, and requested they might have liberty to hunt 
between the Allegheny Mountain [Cumberland Range] and the Ohio for 
the season; as they knew the country belonged to them. 

Gist left his camp of March 19th on the 21st and travelled S. 45 E. 
15 m., S. 5 m. ; on the 226., SE. 12 m.; 24th (he stayed in camp on the 
23d), E. 2m., NE. 3m., N. im., E. 2m., SE. 5m., E. 2m., N. 2m., SE. 7m., 
"to a small creek, where we encamped. . . . The reason for our making 
so many short courses was, we were driven by a branch of the Little 
Cuttawa [Kentucky] River (whose banks were so exceedingly steep that it 
was impossible to ford it) into a ledge of rocky laiu-el mountains which 
were almost impassible." The next day, "set out SE. 12m., N. 2m., E. 
im., S. 4m., SE. 2m. We killed a buck elk here, and took out his 
tongue to carry with us." On the 26th he travelled twenty miles, three 
on SW. courses and seventeen SE. "These two days we travelled through 
rocks and mountains full of laurel thickets which we could hardly creep 
through without cutting our way." Gist remained in camp to rest on 
the 27th, travelling 15m. SE. on the 28th, "crossing creeks of the 
Little Cuttawa River;" and the same course, twelve miles, on the fol- 
lowing day. He rested his horses again on the 30th, and covered fifteen 
miles SE. on the 31st. On Monday, April ist, he "set out about the same 
course, about 20m. Part of the way we went along a Path, up the side 
of a little creek, at the head of which was a Gap in the mountains ; then 
our Path went down another Creek to a lick." He proceeded S. 2m., SE. 
im., NE. 3m., on the 2d; and on the 3d, " S. im., SW. 3m., E. 3m., SE. 2m., 
to a small creek on which was a large Warriors' Camp [abandoned], that 
would contain 70 or 80 warriors ; their captain's name or title was The 
Crane, as I knew by his picture or arms painted on a tree."* Gist re- 
mained in camp for two days at this place, and on the 6th, "went along 
the Warriors' Road S. im., SE. 3m., S. 2m., SE. 3m., E. 3m." 

From the 21st of March to the 6th of April, Gist travelled about 
one hundred and sixty-five miles, in a general southeastern direction, 
passing from the waters of the Red River to those of the North Fork of 
Kentucky, through the counties of Powell, Lee, Breathitt, Perry, and 
Letcher; thence through Pound Gap, or Stony Gap, about twelve miles 
southeast of Whitesburg, in Letcher County, to the head of Pound Fork 
of the Big Sandy River, in Wise County, Virginia. The Warriors' Camp, 
which he reached on April 3d, Mr. Darlington locates on the stream 
called Indian Creek, the middle head fork of the Big Sandy, in Wise 
County. Evans's and Pownall's maps both show an Indian trail leading 
' There was a Crane clan in the Miami tribe, and a Heron clan in the Seneca tribe. 



252 The Wilderness Trail 

from the mouth of Guyandot Creek on the Ohio, to and up the east side 
of the Totteroy or Big Sandy, thence across that stream and southwest 
to the beginning of the Ouasiota Pass at the mouth of the present Station 
Camp Creek on the Kentucky River. In John Jennings's "Journal from 
Fort Pitt to Fort Chartres"^ (March- April, 1766), that traveller writes 
under date of March 12th: "At twelve passed by Gyandot Creek. 
Here the Six Nations Indians throw away their canoes when they go to 
war against the southern Indians, At half-past one o'clock in the after- 
noon passed Tottery, or Big Sandy Creek [eleven miles below the mouth 
of the Guyandot]." This Warriors' Road which was travelled by the 
Iroquois, should be distinguished from the Great Warriors' Road which 
led from the mouth of the Scioto by way of the Blue Licks and Lulbe- 
grud Creek to the point on the Kentucky River where the pass through 
the Ouasiota Mountains began. The latter trail was that generally fol- 
lowed by the Shawnees and Wyandots in their war expeditions against 
the Catawbas and Cherokees. 

The final episode in the early history of Kentucky was that of the 
capture of the Traders by the French Indians near the Little Pict Town 
or Eskippakithiki, at the time when John Finley was robbed at that 
town. The letter from William Trent, dated Virginia, April 10, 1753, 
printed in the middle part of this chapter, relates that "fifty odd Ottawas, 
Conewagos [French Mohawks], one Dutchman, and one of the Six 
Nations, that was their captain, met with some of our people at a place 
called Kentucky, on this side Allegheny River, about one hundred and 
fifty miles from the Lower Shawanese Town. They took eight prisoners, 
five belonging to Mr. Croghan and me, the others to Lowry. They took 
three or foiu- hundred pounds [;£300 or £400] of goods from us. One of 
them [James Lowrey] made his escape after he had been a prisoner three 
days." 

The history of this affair is best told in the words of the victims 
themselves, and their accounts are here given in the same way that they 
were first brought to the attention of the Pennsylvania Government. 
At a meeting of the Pennsylvania Council held August 7, 1753, there was 
read a letter from George Clinton, Governor of New York, in which he 
•stated that "Some of our Indian Traders were taken prisoners by a party 
of Cognawago, or Praying French Indians, as they were trading with the 
Cuttawas, one hundred miles from the Lower Shawonese Town on Ohio, 
and stripped and plundered of their goods and skins, and carried prisoners 
to Montreal, from whence they sent a letter to Mr. Saunders, Mayor of 
Albany." Governor Clinton enclosed a copy of this letter, which read 
as follows: 

^ Penna. Mag., xxxi., 146. 



John Finley ; and Kentucky before Boone 253 

Montreal, June 9, i753- 
Loving and Unacquainted Friends : 

These come to let you know that there are six EngHshmen of us 
here in this place that are taken prisoners by the French Indians. We 
were taken from off the south side of Allegheny River, about one hundred 
miles, on the twenty-sixth of last January, and the Indians brought four 
of us along to this place, and two of us they sold to a French Captain on 
the road as we came; and when we came here to this place, the Indians 
thought to have sold us to the French General, but he would not buy us 
nor release us from the savages. So we live, us four, with the savages 
still; but we do not know how long, for our lives are in danger daily of 
being taken by them; and now the other two lads are sent down here, and 
them they have shut up in prison; so we are all in a very poor state, and 
can hear of no remedy or relief for us; but we expect, if this comes safe 
to your hands, you will be so compassionate as to use the best endeavors 
you can to work our deliverance from them; for our lives seem bitter to 
us whilst with them. . . . We are all of us from Lancaster County, 
Pennsylvania, and were all Indian Traders. . . . 

Alexander McGinty, David Hendricks, 

Jabez Evans, William Powel, 

Jacob Evans, Thomas Hyd. 

Governor James Hamilton on receiving this letter, had instructed 
Conrad Weiser, who set out for the country of the Six Nations on July 
26th, to call on Mr. Saunders as he passed through Albany, and to under- 
take some measures for securing the release of these prisoners. In the 
meantime, the following letter had also reached Albany from the im- 
prisoned Traders: 

June ye i2th, 1753, 
Dated from ye Conawagos Town, 

Sirs and Christian Gentlemen of ye City of Albany Greeting : 

I am an English Trader of ye River Ohio ; was taken on ye 26th of 
January last; lost 40 horses, whereof 35 was loaded with skins and goods 
to ye value of £110 or upwards; me and six of my men was taken. 
Three of us are in this Town. One more is in another Town, about 
seventeen mile distant, in custody of ye Indians, as I am; and two more 
of us are in jail in Montreal, in a dungeon. In a manner, sirs, we see 
there is no way that we can see for to get away, but by your means — to 
demand us from them; for ye French General has delivered us to ye 
Indians, to do what ye please; and they tell me if you will ask us from 
them, we shall be delivered without any molestation, and speedily; which 
I pray that you may take it in consideration and deliver us from this 
life of misery, of dying a thousand deaths, which is death itself, is pre- 
ferable before life to me in this place. For Christ's sake, do what you 
can for us, and your petitioners are in duty bound, shall ever pray of 
your healths. I am of an ancient race of the inhabitants of Pennsyl- 
vania. Sirs, do your endeavor. If you expend anything, I am still able 



254 The Wilderness Trail 

to make you restitution for it if I was got into Philadelphia. I beg 
your care and expedition. 

David Hendricks, Jabous Evans, 

Alexander McGintey, Jacob Evans, 

William Powell, Thomas Hide. 

All from your unknown friend and humble servant. 

David Hendricks. 

On June 226. David Hendricks wrote a third letter to Albany, dated 
"from ye damned Papist Church at ye Conewagoe Town, hard by 
Mount Rail." In this he states that he is "at present kept by ye 
Indians as their own, not for a slave, but as one of their own children > 
which death I abhor to die. . . . You being Christians and Hollanders,, 
as I am, I write to you . . . for here I die a thousand deaths." 

Conrad Weiser returned to Philadelphia from Albany on September 
2d, and stated that he had met the Mayor of Albany and the Indian 
Commissioners on August 8th. 

A French Indian squaw was sent for, who had one of the prisoners, 
to-wit., Jabez Evans, in her family, given to her instead of Degarihogon, 
her son or relation, who died two years ago. . . . She being asked how 
it came that these poor people were taken prisoners in time of peace, she 
made answer, that some of the Caghnawaga [French Mohawk] warriors 
went to fight the Oyadackuch-raono [i.e., Flat-heads,' in this case 
Cherokees], and happened to meet some of them at some distance from 
their country, accompanied by these white men, who, when they saw 
that the Caghnawagas would or had a mind to kill or take the Oyadack- 
uchraono, they, the English, made resistance, and wounded one of their 
men with a musquet ball in his arm; upon which they resolved to take 
the white people as well as the Indians; and brought them away to 
Canada, leaving their horses and things upon the spot; and when they 
came to Canada, they presented the said prisoners to the Governor Gen- 
eral, and told him how things happened; and that the Governor made 
answer, he would have nothing to do with these prisoners; upon which 
they, the Indians, took them to their towns, and three of them were given 
to an Indian living in Caghnawaga; one to the Indians at Canassategy; 
and two were imprisoned at Quebec, for what reason she did not know. 

t ^:"^Alexander McGinty, one of these imprisoned Traders, returned to 
Philadelphia early in October, and on the twelfth of that month made 
a deposition in which he related the circumstances of his capture. He 
also presented a petition for relief to the Governor and Council, which 
was laid before the Assembly four days later, and McGinty was voted the 
sum of six pounds towards defraying the expenses of his return to Cum- 
berland County. His petition and deposition read in part as follows : 

' N. Y. Col. Doc, v., 386. 



John Finley ; and Kentucky before Boone 255 

" That on the twenty-sixth of January last your petitioner, in com- 
pany with six other Indian Traders, being on their return from a trading 
journey among the Cuttawas [Cherokees], an Indian nation withi. the 
territories of Carolina, was met and taken prisoner by a party of French 
Indians, who took from your petitioner in goods, skins, and horses to the 
value of two hundred and twenty pounds, being all that your petitioner 
had in the world, and was even stripped of all his clothes ; and being now 
reduced to extreme poverty and want. . . . 

"The Deposition of Alexander McGinty, of Cumberland County, 
Indian Trader: . . . 

"That this Deponent, with six other Traders, vizt., David Hendricks, 
Jacob Evans, William Powel, Thomas Hyde, and James Lowry, all of the 
Province of Pennsylvania, and Jabez Evans, of the Province of Virginia, 
being on their return from trading with the Cuttawas, a nation who live 
in the Territories of Carolina, were, on the twenty-sixth day of January, 
last, attacked and taken prisoners by a company of Coghnawagos, or 
French Praying Indians [converted by the Jesuits, and induced to 
remove from the Mohawk Valley to the vicinity of Montreal], from the 
River Saint Lawrence, being in number seventy (with whom was one 
white man, called Philip, a Low Dutchman) at a place about twenty-five 
miles from the Blue Lick Town [Eskippakithiki],^ and on the south hank of 
Cantucky River, which empties itself into Allegheny River about two 
hundred miles below the Lower Shawnee Town; this Deponent and 
the said six Traders having then with them in goods, skins, and furs, to 
the value of seven hundred pounds, Pennsylvania money, which were 
all taken away from them by the said French Indians. That from thence 
the said Deponent, with the said David Hendricks, Jacob Evans, William 
Powell, Thomas Hyde, and Jabez Evans (the said James Lowry having 
made his escape soon after they were taken as aforesaid, and returned 
into Pennsylvania, as this Deponent hath since heard), were carried by 
the said Indians to a French Fort on the Miamis or Twightwee River, and 

' It will be noticed that Evans's map of 1755 shows the distance on the Great 
Warriors' Path leading south from the Lower Shawnee Town, to be sixty miles from the 
mouth of the Scioto to the crossing of Great Salt Lick (now Licking) River ; and the 
Great Buffalo Lick (now Lower Blue Licks) on that stream, to be fully twenty -five miles 
below the crossing, and that far west of the Path. From the crossing of the Licking 
to Eskippakithiki, Evans gives the distance as forty miles ; and from thence south to 
the Warriors' Branch of the Kentucky, twenty-five miles. In the Analysis of his Map, 
Evans speaks of having secured his information regarding the Ohio and its branches 
from the Indian Traders, and for the description of the river from the Scioto to the 
falls, he was indebted to Alexander McGinty and Alexander Lowrey. This being the 
case, there can be no doubt that the Blue Lick Town in Kentucky in Finley and Mc- 
Ginty 's day was identical with the town which Evans calls Eskippakithiki; and was not 
located either at the Lower or Upper Blue Lick of the Licking River, as known in later 
years; but on a fork of the Red River branch of the Kentucky. 



256 The Wilderness Trail 

from thence to Fort De Troit, and there the said Jacob Evans and 
Thomas Hyde (as they informed this Deponent at the said Fort) were 
sold by the said Indians to Monsieur Celoron, Commandant of that Fort. 
And this Deponent, with the said David Hendricks and Jabez Evans 
were carried forward by the Lake Erie to Niagara, and so through Lake 
Ontario to the City of Mont Real, and there brought before the General 
of Canada, who said he would have nothing to do with them, for they 
were the Indians' prisoners, and at their disposal. That the said Jacob 
Evans, Thomas Hyde, and William Powel, were also afterwards sent to 
Montreal, where this Deponent saw the said Jacob Evans and Thomas 
Hyde in prison, but were sometime after sent away to Old France, as 
this Deponent was told at Montreal. That the said William Powel was 
sent to Canessatawba Town, twenty-six miles from Montreal, and this 
Deponent to a small Indian Town in the neighborhood of Montreal, 
where he was kept a prisoner by the said Indians who took him, but was 
sometimes permitted to go to Montreal. 

"That the Indians of the Town where he was prisoner, near Mon- 
treal, told him that there should not be a white man of the English 
Nation on Ohio before the next Cold, meaning the winter, for the land 
was their Father's, the French, and no Englishman should remain there. 
" That in their passage from Fort DeTroit to Niagara, in March last, 
they met on Lake Erie seven battoes at one time, and fifteen at another; 
and afterwards, in their passage from Niagara to Montreal, they saw on 
Lake Ontario 160 battoes, or upwards; in all which battoes were em- 
barked French soldiers, with arms and ammunition, some of them having 
twelve, some ten, and some eight men on board." 

In George Croghan's deposition, given on page 250, he speaks of 
the "Blue Licks on Kentucke River," as the site of the Shawnee town 
which Evans calls Eskippaki-thiki, its Indian name. 

Gallatin gives eskipakehah as the Saiik word for "blue," and this 
is exactly the meaning of the Shawnee word, skipaki or eskippaki. Thiki 
means "place." 

The name, Skipaki -cipi, or Riviere Bleue, given to a river in this 
vicinity on Franquelin's map of 1684 (reproduced at page 92 of this vol- 
ume), made up from data furnished by La Salle, is significant in con- 
nection with the term "Blue Licks." It shows that the name, "Blue," 
possibly "Blue Licks," was the prehistoric Indian name of a river in 
this part of the Ohio Valley, on which river were located the Shawnee 
towns of Chaskepe and Meguatchaiki. From what has been given 
above, it is safe to conclude that this river was either the Cumberland 
or the Kentucky. The common belief, accepted in the preceding pages, 
that the Cumberland was the prehistoric Riviere des Chaouanons, may 
have to be altered in favor of the Kentucky. 



CHAPTER VIII 

THE PICKAWILLANY PATH 

SABREVOIS DE BLEURY'S Memoir on the Savages of Canada, etc., 
17 1 8, relates that "the St. Joseph [in Michigan] is a River on which 
formerly lived the Miamis and the Poutouatamis, who had mission- 
aries among them; and it is not so very long since they were there. 
I believe they have departed from it only on account of the wars waged 
by the Renards, the Saquis, the Outaouacs, and all the other nations in 
that country. ... I return to the River of the Miamis [now the Maumee]. 
Its entrance from Lake Erie is very wide, and on both sides, for a dis- 
tance of ten leagues in ascending, there is nothing but continuous 
marshes. . . . Thirty leagues up is a place called La Glaise ["the place 
of clay"; i.e., a salt-lick] where one always finds wild cattle, who eat 
the clay and roll in it. . . . The Miamis are sixty leagues from Lake 
Erie. They number 400 men, all shapely and well tattooed. They have 
abundance of women. They are very industrious, and raise a kind 
of Indian corn which is unlike that of our tribes at Detroit. Their corn 
is white, of the same size as the other, with much finer husks and much 
whiter flour. These people dress in deer-skins; and when a girl is 
married, and associates with another man than her husband, the latter 
cuts off her nose, and has no more intercourse with her. . . . The women 
are well covered, but the men wear very little covering, and have their 
bodies tattooed all over. ^ From this village of the Miamis, there is a 
portage of three leagues to a very narrow little river; and that river, 
after following it 20 leagues, falls into the Oyo River, or Beautiful 
River; the latter empties into the Ouabache, another fine River which 
falls into the Misisypy, 40 leagues from Cascaskias. Into this Ouabache 
River enters also the Casquinampo [Tennessee], by which one goes 
to Carolina; but it is a long distance, and always against the current. 
It is on this Ouabache River that the Ouyatanons are settled. They 
have five villages, all built close together. One is called Ouyatanons; 
another, Peanguichias ; another, Peticotias; and another Les Gros; as 

^ They were known as the Naked Indians to the Marylanders and Pennsylvanians 
from about 1690 to 1730. See chapter on the Shawnees, Vol. i. 
VOL. II. — 17 257 



258 The Wilderness Trail 

for the last, I do not remember its name.' But they are all Ouya- 
tanons. They speak like the Miamis, and are their brothers." 

Charlevoix visited the French post of the Miamis in 1721, at which 
time it was located on the St. Joseph River near the site of the present 
city of Niles, Michigan. It is shown on the map of Bellin, published in 
Charlevoix's Journal Hisiorique (Paris, 1744). The latter author writes 
of the Miamis : 

"Fifty years ago, the Miamis were established at the southern 
extremity of Lake Michigan, at a place called Chicagou, from the name 
of a small river which flows into the Lake [Sauk, Fox, and Kickapoo, 
shekagua, "skunk," and shekakoheg, "place of the skunk"]; its source is 
not far from that of the Illinois. The Miamis are now separated into 
three villages: one of these is on the River Saint Joseph; the second 
upon another river which bears their name [Maumee], and flows into 
Lake Erie; and the third upon the Ouabache River, which discharges its 
waters into the Mississippi ; these last are better known under the name 
of Ouyatanons [their later popular name was Wees]. It can hardly be 
doubted that this tribe and that of the Illinois were, not very long ago, 
one and the same people, in view of the close affinity which is observed 
between their two languages." 

The Miamis are first mentioned on the pages of the Pennsylvania 
records in April, 1728. On the i8th, at a meeting of the Provincial 
Council, Governor Patrick Gordon informed the Board, "that James 
Le Tort, an Indian Trader, was lately come down from Chenastry, on 
the upper parts of the River Sasquehannah, to acquaint this Government 
with a matter he had been informed of by Mistress Montour . . . the 
import of which is, that the people of the Five Nations had sent to 
the Miamis and Twechtweys [usually spelled Twightwees], called also the 
Naked Indians, settled at the western end of the Lake Erie, within the 
French claims, desiring them to engage and take up the hatchet of war 
against the English and Christians, and that the said Le Tort was now 
attending, who, being called in and examined on oath, gave the following 
account : That intending last Fall to take a journey as far as the Miamis 
Indians or Twechtweys, to trade with them, he had consulted Mrs. Mon- 
tour, a French woman, wife to Carondowana, about his journey thither, 
who, having lived amongst and having a sister married to one of that 
Nation, he believed might be a proper person to advise him." 

Beauharnois, Governor of New France, wrote the French Ministry 
from Quebec, October 14, 1733, that he had sent the Sieur Desnoyelles 
to gather together the Miamis. He speaks of one party, which had 

^ A Twightwee chief at Logstown in the latter part of 1754 gave the names of the 
Miami tribes as Twightwee, Piankishaw, Waywawjachtanon, and Muskoo (i.e., Mas- 
coutin). Penna. Col. Rec, vi., 198. The Tepicon clan seems to have been another. 



The Pickawillany Path 259 

established itself on the "Riviere Blanche," and of two other bands, 
one of which had settled on the upper part of the Kiepigon River, and 
the other between the River St. Joseph and the Miamis (Maumee). 
October 7, 1734, Beauhamois reported that Desnoyelles had faithfully 
performed the task of once more gathering the scattered Miamis in their 
village at the head of the Miami River (now the site of Fort Wayne, 
Indiana). The village at this place was, by the French of De roit, 
called Kiskakon or Kekionga, after the name of one of the Ottawa clans; 
and was a French trading post before 17 19. 

The vSieur Douville, Commandant at the Miami Fort, wrote from 
Detroit August 25, 1747, that, after some delay, he had arrived at that 
post from the Miamis, bringing with him two Miami chiefs, from whom 
he had received speeches ; that everything was quiet at their village since 
his departure on July 3d; and that he had had assurances that the 
Senecas had given an English belt to La Demoiselle, chief of a portion 
of the Miamis, to procure the assassination of Douville and of Lon- 
gueuil, Commandant at Detroit. In forwarding this report to the French 
Ministry, La Galissoniere, Governor of Canada, wrote November loth, 
that he had received a later letter from the Detroit Commandant, dated 
October 226., who informed him that "The Miamis and perhaps also the 
Ouyatanons, are in disorder. The former allowed themselves to be 
gained over by the belts of Nicolas [the Huron or Wyandot chief at 
Sandusky, who revolted from the French, and removed to Conchake 
in the White River country], who represented to them that Detroit had 
been razed by the Lake tribes ; that consequently they could no longer 
defer killing the French who were among them. The Miamis have 
listened to this message; they first seized eight Frenchmen who were 
in the fort of that post, whom, however, they did not injure; they after- 
wards seized the property and burned a portion of the buildings. Two 
of the eight Frenchmen, whom the Miamis had allowed to leave un- 
harmed, arrived at Detroit on the 7th of October. . . . Jaret, a Miamis 
chief of the village of Tepicourt, was at Detroit during all this disorder. 
M. de Longueuil has thought proper to send him without delay to try and 
restore good order, and more particularly, to save the six Frenchmen 
who are detained prisoners." La Galissoniere adds the news written 
from Kaskaskia August nth, that Berthet, the Commandant there, had 
been informed by a Huron returning from the Chickasaw War, who 
had spent the winter at Sonnioto (Scioto — Lower Shawnee Town) with 
the Chaouenons, of a league formed by the latter to destroy the Upper 
Country posts. "La Demoiselle, the Miamis chief, is the concocter of 
this league. . . . Ensign Douville, who commanded at that post [Miamis] 
. . . was at Detroit at the time the Indians committed the pillage." 
M. de Longueiiil accordingly sent Ensign Dubtiisson with thirty men 



26o The Wilderness Trail 

to spend the winter at the Miami post, and keep possession of the 
fort. 

The Detroit Commandant wrote to Quebec again in February, 1748, 
that Dubuisson reported to him "that the unfriendly tribe having La 
Demoiselle as its chief, had resolved to return to its duty, and was 
already on the way to Detroit, when it received a deputation reported 
to be composed of Chaouenons, which dissuaded the Miamis from taking 
this step." Longueuil also reported that a Frenchman had been killed 
at the gate of the Miami Fort, supposedly the work of the Iroquois; and 
that his scalp had been carried to the village of the Huron rebel chief, 
Nicolas, on Sandusky Bay, whom the English of Philadelphia had visited 
twice during the winter, and had been well received. La Galissoniere, 
in his next annual Journal of occurrences in Canada, sent to the French 
Ministry, October 23, 1748, remarks of the Miami affair: "That nation 
was divided into two parties, whereof one that appears attached to the 
French is, I believe, the most considerable, and has remained at the 
village. . . . Sieur Dubuisson . . . subsisted until Spring at a consider- 
able expense to the King, and kept up negotiations with the chief of the 
hostile party, who, probably, will alter his course." 

The following letter, the original of which was poorly spelled, and 
written, probably, by the hand of one of Croghan's Traders, for the chiefs 
of the Mingoes and Shawnees at Logstown, Kuskuskies, and Lower 
Shawnee Town, apparently in the interest of the Miamis of La Demoi- 
selle's band, and bearing date "Aleggainey, April ye 20th, 1747," was 
received by the Governor of Pennsylvania about the first of the following 
month : 

Brother of Philadelphia: 

The Inomey Nation, in our treaty with them, told us to encourage 
their Brother to suffer his people to deal with them, for their wives and 
children are suffering for want of clothing, and the nations in friendship 
with us, that trades with the English, will oblige us if they encourage 
their Brother to look on them as an inoffensive people, ready to stop 
their ears from hearkening to the French deluding speeches; and hope 
that this small present of ten deers' skins and five beaver skins will be 
accepted of as a token of their sincerity; and having an answer, doth 
resolve to quit their towns and habitations, and will settle in a conven- 
ient place, called Inomey Creek [the Maumee and the Great and Little 
Miami rivers are called "Mineami" on Evans's map of 1755], for the 
Traders that will deal with them may have the less trouble in coming 
to them; and farther desires the favor of having a little more powder 
given us by the Traders for our pay, as formerly they did; and farther 
sayeth, it is not a nation that speaks, but all the nations about. Five 
Nations and others, with a string of wampum, as our custom is when we 
speak truth. Expecting an answer, we will give a farther account con- 
cerning our affairs. 



The Pickawillany Path 261 

Signed by the marks of the following Indians: Adecaghlonadoe, 
Mingo; Tanareeco [Tanacharisson], Mingo; Orscanyadee [Scarrooy- 
ady], Mingo; Coghcowagcoo [Kackewatcheky], Shawnee [of Logstown]; 
Noochegronow [Neucheconno], Shawnee [of Lower Shawnee Town]; 
Tomeney Buck, Mingo [ Shawnee (?), of Lower Shawnee Town]. 

This letter was submitted to the Pennsylvania General Assembly 
on August 1 8th, with the information from the President of the Council 
that Inomey Creek, on which these Indians were seated, runs into Lake 
Erie. "Inomey" is either a misprint, or a variant of the uneducated 
Trader who had written the letter, for Omee, or Oumeami, or Maumee, 
which were French pronunciations of the name Miami, as applied to the 
river still called the Maumee. 

From what has been printed above and from what follows, it would 
appear that the band of La Demoiselle departed from the Miami fort in 
the summer of 1747, probably for the head of St. Mary's River (the 
southwest branch of the Maumee) , and either at that time or soon after- 
wards, they seated themselves on the west side of the Great Miami 
River, just below the mouth of what, since about 1769, has been known 
as Loramie's Creek. The site of this village is in Washington Township, 
Miami County, Ohio, about two miles north of the present Piqua. 
They came here in order to be nearer their allies, the Shawnees of Lower 
Shawnee Town, and the English Traders who made that town their 
headquarters, and kept a considerable supply of goods there. The 
town of the Miamis or Twightwees was called by the Shawnees Pkiwi- 
leni {i.e., "dust, or ashes, people"), a name given also to many of their 
own towns which were settled by the Pkiwi or Pequa clan — ^more 
familiar in the common form of Piqua or Pickaway. The Traders 
adopted the Shawnee name, and usually called the Twightwee town, 
Pickawillany. It is given on Evans's map of 1755 as "The English 
Tawichtwi [Twightwee] Town, or Picque Town." 

On July 19, 1748, three Twightwee deputies from Pickawillany, ac- 
companied by Scarrooyady and another Oneida chief from the Ohio, one 
Seneca and two Mohawk chiefs, and three Shawnees, met the Commis- 
sioners of the Pennsylvania Government in a conference at Lancaster, 
which lasted until the 23d inst. The Six Nations chiefs informed the 
Commissioners of what had passed between them and the Twightwees 
previous to their coming to Lancaster, which was in effect, that "last 
Fall they [the Twightwees] sent a message addressed to all the tribes of 
Indians at Ohio and elsewhere in amity with the English, which was 
delivered to the Shawonese, as living nearest to them, and by them com- 
municated to us [the Six Nations] at Kuskuskies and Logstown." The 
Twightwees said they were desirous of entering into the English chain 
of friendship, and wished that a Council Road might be opened between 



262 The Wilderness Trail 

them and the English Governments. The Six Nations replied that they 
were afraid this resolution might have been taken hastily, and advised 
the Twightwees to take full time to consider the matter, and then they 
would give them all the assistance in their power. The Miamis sent a 
second message in the spring, repeating their request, and adding that it 
did not come from the mouth only, but from the heart. After this, the 
Six Nations chiefs about Kuskuskies agreed to send the present deputa- 
tion. The Twightwees, who had come to Lancaster, then addressed the 
Pennsylvania Commissioners directly, and told them, among other things, 
that their party had received a calumet pipe from some of their allies, 
consisting of twelve towns or nations, who expected also to apply for 
admission into the English chain of friendship, in case the present appli- 
cation was successful. The Commissioners agreed to admit the Miamis 
into the English alliance, and a treaty was written, and signed by the 
various parties present on July 23d. 

The next account we have of Pickawillany is that of Captain Celoron, 
who floated down the Ohio River from the outlet of Lake Chautauqua 
to the mouth of the Great Miami in July and August, 1749. We parted 
with him in the chapter on the Lower Shawnee Town. He left that 
place on August 26th, at ten o'clock in the morning. His Journal 
proceeds : 

"27th. I arrived at White River about ten o'clock at night. I 
knew that three leagues in the interior there were six cabins of Miamis, 
which caused me to camp at this place." 

Dunn, in his Indiana, erroneously identifies this particular White 
River with White Oak Creek, in the present Brown County, Ohio, about 
sixty-five miles below the mouth of the Scioto. This White River of 
1749, however, was the Little Miami, the mouth of which is ninety-eight 
miles below the Scioto. George Croghan passed down the river in May 
and June, 1765; leaving the Scioto on the 28th of May, he travelled 
"sixty miles" that day, and, "the river being wider and deeper, we 
drove all night," and came to the Little Miami on the 29th, "having 
proceeded sixty miles last night." John Jennings, also, accompanied a 
party down the Ohio in March, 1766. He passed the Scioto at eleven 
o'clock on the morning of the 14th; at half -past five on the morning of 
the 15th, he writes, "left our camp, which is about fifty miles below 
the Scioto. ... At half-past four, passed by the Little Mineami 
River." 

Celoron sent Coulon (?) de Villiers and his own son to the cabins 
of the Miamis, to request them to come and speak with him, and when 
they came, he engaged them to accompany him to the village of La 
Demoiselle. The town of six cabins is shown on Bonnecamps' map of 
the Ohio as Le Baril (which was the name of its chief), situated a little 



The Pickawillany Path 263 

below the mouth of R. Blanche. '^ Celoron reached the mouth of the 
Great Miami on the 30th of August, and buried one of his leaden plates 
there on the 31st. He then ascended the Miami, and arrived at the vil- 
lage of La Demoiselle (Pickawillany) on the 13th of September. Here 
he found two English Traders, whom he made to depart. "Those who 
had passed the summer in trading there had already gone away with 
their effects by the land route ; they have paths of communication from 
one village to the other." 

Celoron made presents of goods and ammunition to the Miamis, and 
tried to induce them to return to Kiskakon, their ancient village (at the 
site of the present Fort Wayne, Indiana). "It is in that land, my 
children," he told them, "that you will enjoy the pleasures of life, being 
the spot where repose the bones of your ancestors, and those of Monsieur 
Vincennes [the elder], whom you loved so well, and who governed you 
always in such manner that your affairs always went well." 

While at Logstown, Celoron had told the Indians there that he was 
going down the river "in order to whip home some of our children, that is, 
the Twightwees and Wyandots. ' ' 

The chief. La Demoiselle, whom the English Traders, from his 
attachment to the English, called "Old Britain," replied to Celoron by 
promising to reflect during the winter on what he had told them, and to 
return to Kiskakon the next spring. On the 19th, a new interpreter 
arrived, for whom Celoron had sent to the Miami fort. The latter 
sadly writes: "I waited, to try, by means of Roy, to induce La Demoi- 
selle, with some other chiefs, to go with me and relight their fires and 
replace their mats at Kiskakon. In this I could not succeed. They 
kept saying always and assuring me that they would return next spring." 

Celoron burned his canoes and marched overland to the French 
Miamis fort at Kiskakon. Here he held a conference wdth the chief 
Le Pied Froid (Cold Foot) and others of the Miamis who had remained 
faithful to the French; and told them of his reception at Pickawillany. 
Of this chief Celoron writes: "After having listened with much atten- 
tion, he arose and said to me: 'I hope I am mistaken, but I am suffi- 
ciently attached to the interests of the French to say that La Demoiselle 
lies. My chief chagrin is to be the only one that loves you, and to see 
all the nations of the South exasperated against the French.'" 

Celoron concludes his Journal by saying that liis journey to the 
posts on the Ohio and its tributaries had been one of more than twelve 
hundred leagues. "All that I can say is, that the tribes of those localities 
are very badly disposed toward the French and entirely devoted to the 
English. I do not know by what means they can be brought back. . . . 

' Bonnecamps writes: "They had established themselves there a short time before 
and formed a village of seven or eight cabins a league distant from the River. " 



264 The Wilderness Trail 

If we send to them for trade, our Traders can never give our merchandise 
at English prices, on account of the costs that they are obliged to incur. 
Besides, I think it would be dangerous to make conditions easier for 
those who inhabit the Beautiful River than for those of oiu" posts of 
Detroit, Miamis, and others. It would depopulate our ancient posts 
and perpetuate the tribes on the Beautiful River, which are convenient 
to the English Government." 

Father Bonnecamps, the Jesuit chaplain who accompanied Celoron's 
expedition, writes of the visit to Pickawillany : "On the 13th of Sep- 
tember, we had the honor of saluting La Demoiselle in his Fort. It is 
situated on a vast prairie which borders Riviere d la Roche [the French 
name for the Great Miami]; its latitude is 40° 34'. This band is not 
numerous; it consists at most of 40 or 50 men. There is among 
them an English Trader. Monsieur de Celoron did not talk 'v\dth La 
Demoiselle until the 17th, because he awaited an interpreter from the 
Miamis, for whom he had asked Monsieur Raimond. But weary with 
waiting, and seeing the season already advanced, he determined to take 
for an interpreter an old Sounantouan [Seneca], who was in Le Baril's 
company. On the i8th, La Demoiselle replied, and in his answer prom- 
ised to take back his band to their old village in the following spring. . . . 
But the arrival of the Miami interpreter put him in a bad humor; he for- 
got all his promises, and in spite of all that we could do, he constantly 
refused to see us. We then left him." 

At a meeting of the Pennsylvania Council held July 31, 1750, the 
Governor presented "a message from the chiefs of the Four Nations of 
the Twightwees, which was spoke to Mr. Hugh Crawford, Indian Trader, 
in one of the Twightwee Towns on the Owabach, where he was trading 
last winter, and which he put down in writing." This message was to 
inform Governor Hamilton, and through him the other English Gov- 
ernors, "that last July [September] about two hundred French and 
thirty-five French Indians came to their towns, in order to persuade them 
to return back to the French settlements from whence they came; or 
if fair means would not prevail with them, they were to take them away 
by force; but the French, finding that they were resolved to adhere to 
the English, and perceiving their numbers to be great, were discouraged 
from using any hostile measures, and began to be afraid lest they them- 
selves should be cut off. The French brought them a present, consisting 
of four half-barrels of powder, four bags of bullets, and four bags of 
paint, with a few needles and a httle thread, which they refused to 
accept of, whereupon the French and their Indians made the best of 
their way off, for fear of the worst, leaving their goods scattered about. 
. . . The Indians sent by Hugh Crawford to the Governor four strings 
of wampum to confirm their message, and two strings more, that the 



The Pickawillany Path 265 

Traders of Pennsylvania may be encouraged by him to go out and deal 
with them." 

In the Service Journal of Captain Raymond, Commandant of the 
Miamis Fort at Kiskakon, a letter was entered which he had received 
from Benoiest de St. Cler (also written St. Clin), Commandant at Fort 
Chartres on the Mississippi, dated at that post February ii, 1750. This 
letter begins by giving notice "of a conspiracy which is being planned 
against us [the French] since last summer, at the instigation of the Eng- 
lish [George Croghan] who is making use of La Demoiselle, chief of the 
Miamis who has withdrawn to La Riviere a la Roche. He has given 
messages to have us attacked both by the nations of Ouabache and by 
those who are domiciled with us; this is what I discovered a few days 
ago. The rebel [La Demoiselle] had a collar [i.e., a belt of wampum] 
given by the Ouyatanons to one named Pedagogue, and an English flag 
to his brother, who is of the family of the Rouansas, the first chiefs of 
the Ylinois. That message was received and sent to the Kaoskias, who 
agreed to it. It was also sent to the Peorias. The answer has not yet 
come. La Mouche Noire [Black Mouth], who is a Pianguichias chief, is 
expected here this Spring. He is to bring a collar as a last message to 
carry out this conspiracy, according to what I have been told. La 
Demoiselle is to come with his people, and those of Cenioteaux [Scioto], 
to take, in passing, the Miamis, the Ouyatanons, and the Pianguichias, 
that they may all join with our domiciled savages to attack us. There 
is a rumor also that our domiciled savages are inducing the Missouris and 
Osages to unite with them." 

On the 22d of July, 1750, William Trent wrote to Secretary Peters, 
of the Provincial Council, from Lancaster, telling him that "John Potts 
is just arrived from Allegheny, who says, some time before he came 
away, two men belonging to one James Young, went from a place called 
Hochocken, about three hundred miles from the Logstown, to the 
Twightwees country, for skins. They staying longer than was ex- 
pected, their master sent after them. They found the horses and sad- 
dles, all the buckles cut from the saddles, but the men were gone, either 
killed or taken by the French or Indians, supposed to be done by the 
Ottaways." 

On October nth of the same year, these two captured Traders, who 
had made their escape from the French, and reached Philadelphia by way 
of New York, appeared before the Pennsylvania Council, bearing a letter 
from Governor Clinton, and made the following deposition relating to 
their capture and escape. Their names were Morris Turner and Ralph 
Kilgore : 

These Examinants say that they are hired servants of one John 



266 The Wilderness Trail 

Frazier, of the County of Lancaster, in the Province of Pennsylvania, 
Indian Trader; that in May last, they were trading for him among the 
Twightwees, to whom they had sold a large quantity of goods, and had 
received in retiirn more skins than they could carry with their horses 
at one time; that after having delivered one parcel of their skins at 
Allegheny, as they were returning for a second with empty horses, and 
were got [to Mad Creek] within twenty-five miles, as they think, of the 
Twightwees' Town [Pickawillany], on the twenty-sixth day of May last, 
seven Indians came into their cabins a little before sun-set, received vic- 
tuals from them, and dressed and eat it, and behaved like friends. That 
sometime after their coming into the cabin, the Indians, in the way of curio- 
sity, took up the guns belonging to these Examinants, and a Tomhock, 
and asked them for knives to cut their tobacco with; which, as soon as 
they had given them, they seized them and tied their hands with ropes, 
and told them they must carry them to their Fathers, the French. And 
accordingly, they took them along with them, pinioning them in the day, 
and fastening them in the night with ropes to the ground. That they did 
not go the direct road to Fort Detroit, but went round about ways ; for 
that they did not reach it in less than sixteen days, though from the 
place where they were taken it is not, as they think, above one hundred 
and fifty miles. That all the way they were very inquisitive about the 
courses of the road and of the waters between the Twightwee Country 
and the Allegheny Towns, and made these Examinants draw draughts 
of those roads and waters. That when they came about a mile from 
the Fort, they unpinioned them, and marched them into the Town 
called De^Troit, consisting of one hundred and fifty houses, stockaded all 
round. 

That on their arrival at the Town, more Indians joined them; when 
a Council was immediately convened by the Commander of the Fort, in 
which the Indians gave a formal account of their taking these Exami- 
nants prisoners, delivered them to the Commander in Council, and 
received some presents in reward of their services, vizt., a ten gallon 
cag of brandy, and about one hundred pound weight of tobacco. 

That the Commander of the Fort sent them to a farmer's house 
about a mile from the Town, where they were made to reap wheat and 
hoe Indian corn, and work country work. That about six days after 
they were placed there, the Indians who took them came to see them, 
and treated them very contemptuously, flirting their fingers against 
their noses and saying they were dogs, and they were going for more of 
them. That they remained in this farmer's house about three months, 
when there arrived a new Commander, one Monsieur Celoron, the same 
officer who, the year before, had commanded a detachment of French 
soldiers sent to Ohio with design to intimidate those Indians and the 
Twightwees. 

That about three weeks before their leaving the farmer's house, one 
of the garrison soldiers came to visit them, along with two or three others 
who talked English. This soldier told them that he was but just come 
to the Fort, having been taken prisoner by the Catawbas, who carried 
him to Wiliamsburg, where he was treated very civilly and permitted 
to go home, and that he came through Philadelphia and New York, and 
was everywhere treated much to his satisfaction ; and hearing that there 
were two Englishmen prisoners at that house, he came to see them; and 



The Pickawillany Path 267 

in confidence told them that in the Spring an army of five hundred 
Frenchmen would march to Ohio, and either bring back the Shawnees 
and Owendats or kill them; and that they had offered one thousand 
dollars for the scalps of George Croghan and James Lowry, imagining if 
they were taken off, as they had great influence with the Ohio Indians, 
they could easily gain over those Indians to them. 

That the late Commander of the Fort departing for Canada, they 
were committed to his care, and in fourteen days arrived at Niagara, 
where they found one, Jean Ceur [Joncaire], the head interpreter for the 
French at Quebec, conducting, as they were informed, a large present 
of goods to Ohio, which lay upon the bank, and which they believed if 
they were bought in Philadelphia could not cost less than fifteen hundred 
pounds. . . . 

That somewhere between Niagara and Oswego, on Lake Frontiniac 
[Ontario], these Examinants made their escape in the night time, the 
persons appointed for their guard being asleep, and got safe to the Fort 
of Oswego, and from thence came by New York to this place. 

On the 19th of September, 1750, Governor James Hamilton 
announced, to the Pennsylvania Council that he had received some 
intelligence of consequence relating to the Indians, in a letter written 
by Captain William Trent, one of the Justices of Ctmiberland County, 
and partner with Mr. Croghan, the most considerable Indian Trader of 
the Province. Captain Trent's letter was dated at Lancaster, August 
1 8th, and it read in part as follows: "A few days ago some of the 
Lowrys' hands [James, John, Alexander, and Lazarus Lowrey, of Donegal 
Township, Lancaster County, were all engaged in the Indian Trade, as 
their father, Lazarus Lowry, was before them] came in from the Woods. 
They had a Frenchman in company, who says he was a French Trader, 
and was put in irons and confined for disobeying the orders of the Com- 
mander of the Fort where he traded (the Fort [that of Miamis] lies 
betwixt De Troit and the Picts' Country). By the assistance of his 
friends, he made his escape to the Picts [Twightwees, not Shawnees] that 
are in friendship with us ; some of which was for putting him to death as 
a spy; others woiild have sent him back; and some were for deliver- 
ing him to Lowry, to be kept till the man that killed his brother [John 
Lowrey, in 1749] and the Indian by setting fire to the powder [at the 
Forks of the Ohio, according to Samuel Evans, a descendant of Alexan- 
der Lowrey] was delivered. He's in Lowry 's possession now." 

The Pennsylvania Council and Assembly sent George Croghan and 
Andrew Montour to the West early in November, with a small present 
for the Twightwees, and a message to the Ohio tribes that a large present 
would be sent them in the spring of 1 75 1 . The messengers reached Logs- 
town on November 15th, and Croghan wrote from there to the Governor 
the following day, telling him that while most of the chiefs at that place 
were out in the woods hunting, the few Croghan had seen "are of the 



268 The Wilderness Trail 

opinion that their brothers the English, ought to have a Fort on this River, 
to secure the trade, for they think it will be dangerous for the Traders to 
travel the roads, for fear of being surprised by some of the French and 
French Indians, for they expect nothing else but a war with the French 
next spring. . . . The Twightwees likewise have sent word to the French, 
that if they can find any of their people, either French or French Indians, 
on their hunting ground, that they will make them prisoners . . . The 
Twightwees want to settle themselves somewhere up this river, in order 
to be nearer their brothers, the English, for they are determined never 
to hold a treaty of peace with the French." 

Croghan left Logstown with Montour for Conchake, the town of the 
Wyandots at the Forks of the Muskingum, and while he was there, as 
we have seen from the Journal of Gist's visit to that place, word was 
brought him by his Traders, on December 17th, that two of his men had 
been captured by a party of French and Indians, and carried to a new 
fort the French were building on one of the branches (Sandusky Bay) of 
Lake Erie. On the 9th of January, 1751, two more Traders came to 
Conchake, "from among the Pickwaylinees (these are a tribe of the 
Twightwees), and brought news that another English Trader was taken 
prisoner by the French, and that three French soldiers [at Miamis Fort?] 
had deserted and come over to the English, and surrendered themselves 
to some of the Traders of the Pick Town ; and that the Indians wotdd 
have put them to death, to revenge their taking our Traders ; but, as the 
French prisoners had surrendered themselves, the English would not let 
the Indians hurt them, but had ordered them to be sent under the care 
of three of our Traders and delivered at this Town to George Croghan." 

The Traders who were captured and carried to the Fort at Sandusky 
were Luke Irwin, Thomas Burk, and Joseph Faulkner, whose story has 
already been told in the chapter on Conchake. The other English 
Trader who had been taken prisoner was John Pattin, or Patten (as 
he spelled his name). An entry in the Journal of the Pennsylvania 
Assembly under date of October 16, 1752, recites that, "The House being 
informed that one, John Pattin, formerly an Indian Trader of this 
Province, is lately arrived from England, and now in town, who had been 
taken by the French and carried to Canada, and from thence to Old 
France, the Clerk was ordered to acquaint the said Pattin that the 
House require his attendance to-morrow morning." On the next day, 
"John Pattin, giving his attendance, according to the order of the House, 
was called in, and having answered such questions as were put to him by 
the House, he withdrew," after having presented the following petition 
for relief: 

. . . The Petitioner, being trading with the Miamis Indians, allies 



The Pickawillany Path 269 

of this Province, was, on the 20th day of November, 1750, taken prisoner 
by the French, and all his goods seized, to the value of eight or nine 
hundred pounds; that he was carried to Fort Detroit, and there confined 
for five months; from thence he was carried prisoner over the Lake 
Erie to Niagara ; thence to Cadaracqui ; thence to Montreal ; thence to 
Quebec ; where he was again thrown into prison and very hardly used ; 
thence, though in a very ill state of health, he was hurried on ship-board 
and carried to Rochelle, in Old France, where he was again thrown into 
Gaol and kept close confined for three months, suffering very great hard- 
ships; that having at length found some friends, he obtained his liberty, 
and went to Paris to solicit the restitution of his goods. But after three 
months' attendance in vain, he could obtain nothing, and was told his 
goods were confiscated, he being, as they pretended, found trading 
within the limits of their country. On which he returned to his native 
country; but is totally ruined by the said proceedings of the French, 
which, if they continue, our Indian trade must at length be quite dis- 
couraged and lost to this Province. 

The Pennsylvania Assembly voted thirty pounds for the relief of 
Patten, and instructed the Clerk to take down in writing the account 
which he gave of the manner of his being taken and of the places in 
Canada through which he passed during his captivity. On the 15th of 
January following, "the Clerk brought to the house the account which 
John Pattin gave of the several places in Canada through which he 
passed, when taken by the French, together with a map of that country, 
drawn by the said Pattin."' It read as follows: 

John Pattin. of the Province of Pennsylvania, Indian Trader, says, 
that some time in November, 1750, he went with goods a trading to the 
Miamis, otherwise called the Twightwee Town, which lies near the head 
of that Western branch of the Ohio called by the English Miamis River, 
but by the French La Riv. Rochers or Rocky River, and is about 200 
miles by water and 100 by land to where it empties itself into the Ohio; 
and from there up to Log's Town is about 450 miles by water. 

That this Miami Town was computed to have about 200 fighting 
men, all of the Twightwee Nation, settled therein, and are some of those 
who left the French seven or eight years ago [from 1752], in order to 
trade with the English. 

That being informed here that there were some Indians a hunting 
at The Cross (a place about 65 miles from the Miamis Town, where the 
French have erected a large wooden cross, to be worshipped by their 
Traders who pass this way) , ^ he went thither and traded with them. 

But wanting sundry necessaries, he went from thence to a Fort 
which the French have on the branch of Lake Erie, called by them Miamis 

' The manuscript of Patten's account is in the Hbrary of the Massachusetts His- 
torical Society. The extract printed here, as well as Patten's description (written in 
1754) of the French trade routes and forts between Canada and Louisiana, are published 
in the Wis. Hist. Soc. Collections, xviii., 113, 143. 

2 "The Cross "is shown on Evans's map of 1755, on the head waters of the St. 
Mary's River. 



270 The Wilderness Trail 

River, thinking, as there was peace" between the EngHsh and French, he 
would be in no danger. But contrary to his expectation, when he came 
there, he was immediately seized and kept in close confined. 

That the River at the Fort is about three rods wide, on the other 
side of which, about a mile and a half from the Fort, is the French Miamis 
Town [the site of Fort Wayne, Indiana], where there are about 150 
Indians, the remainder of those who came over to the English, as men- 
tioned before; that the Fort is small, stockaded round with pallisadoes, 
and had at the time he was there a Captain, Lieutenant, and 50 men; 
but that most of these men were Traders, who were continually passing 
to and fro ; and by what he coiild learn, there were but about nine or ten 
who constantly resided there. 

That the French talk of destroying this Fort and building one three 
miles below, on the other side of the River, in a fork between the Miamis 
River [St. Joseph's branch] and a River [St. Mary's branch] which leads 
to a portage near the head of Wabach. 

That the land from the English Miamis Town to the French Fort 
is for the most part savannahs and plains, but here and there some fine 
timber land interspersed. 

That from hence he was sent under a guard of nine men to Fort 
Detroit, which is about 240 miles by water; that the passage to this 
place is down Miamis River, which is full of small falls, into Lake Erie, 
and then up the straits between Lake Erie and Huron, on the west side of 
which strait stands the Fort, about forty rods from the River. . . . 

That the French go in three days from Fort Detroit to Fort San- 
doski, which is a small pallisadoed Fort, with about twenty men, lying 
on the south side of Lake Erie, and was built in the latter end of the 
year 1750. 

That after being kept prisoner about four months at Detroit, he 
was sent under a guard to Niagara Fort. 

Patten was examined by Governor La Jonquiere and his Council in 
the Castle of Vaudreml at Montreal, June 19, 1751, and his answers to 
the questions asked him at that time were as follows : 

That his name was John Patten, aged twenty-six years, an Indian 
Trader, a native and inhabitant of Wilmington, in the Province of 
Pennsylvania; that he had left Wilmington the 24th of last August, Old 
Style; that he set out in order to trade with some Miami Indians who 
are settled on Rock River, about thirty leagues, as near as he could 
guess, from the Miamis Fort. 

That he had with him two hired servants, and that he was in com- 
pany with an English Trader who had five more; that they all came 
together to Rock River, at which place they found upwards of fifty 
Traders, including servants, lodging in cabins belonging to the Miamis 
Indians; that the name' of their chief was La Demoiselle; that those 
cabins were in a fort; that the value of his goods amounted to about 
7,000 livres [francs]; that he had provided himself at setting out with 
a license from the Governor of Pennsylvania, for which he had paid a 
pistole, which license he had left with the abovesaid Miamis Indians, 
shut up in a little box of his in his cabin. 



The Pickawillany Path 271 

That he had sold some goods to the Indians who are settled on the 
Ohio, Rock River, and other adjacent parts; that it was the first time 
of his coming to Rock River; and the only way he used to trade with 
the Indians was by showing them his goods, and agreeing with them 
as to the price; but that he had never undervalued the French goods. 

He had only heard that the Governor of Pennsylvania had intrusted 
George Croghan, the head Indian interpreter, with goods to the value 
of a thousand pistoles; and that he went up and down the Woods with 
the said Montour, a French Canadian, in order to distribute the said goods 
among the Indians who are settled on the Ohio, Rock River, and particu- 
larly the Miamis Indians. . . . He denied knowing any Indian language. 

That the Indians telling him the French were desirous to see him, 
was the reason of his going to that Fort; that he was greatly surprised 
to see himself arrested therein; that he had occasion to buy in said Fort, 
muskets and some tobacco, and had taken with him five silk caps, one 
piece of coarse holland, and twelve silk handkerchiefs for that pur- 
pose; and that all had been seized by the said M. de Villiers, as also his 
horse; that his boots and portmanteau, wherein his clothes were, had 
been left in an Indian cabin, and were to have been sent to him at Detroit ; 
but he never had any tidings of them since; that another horse had also 
been taken from him, whereon was an Indian who was his guide. . . . 

That he had left his goods at The Cross, and was satisfied that those 
goods mentioned in the verbal process [of M. de Montmigny, dated Dec. 
2, 1750] were the same sort as his, but in much less quantity; that he 
could not tell what was become of the rest ; it might be his servants had 
carried them away when they fled. 

That he was not at the Ohio in the year 1749; that he was told of 
M. de Celoron's being there at that time, and of what orders he had 
enjoined the English Traders; that he had also been told of the letter 
which M. Celoron had written to the Governor of Pennsylvania on that 
account; but was informed he had never received it; Croghan, the chief 
interpreter aforesaid, having torn it, that the Governor might not know 
the contents thereof, lest he should act agreeable to it. 

That the aforementioned Croghan, the head interpreter, had at 
all times persuaded the Indians to destroy the French, and had so far 
prevailed on them, by the presents he had made them, that five French 
had been killed by said Indians in the upper part of the country; that 
self-interest was his sole motive in everything he did; that his views 
were to engross the whole trade, and to scare the French from dealing 
with the Indians; and as to the letters which M. de Celoron had written 
to the Governor of Pennsylvania, three of them had been intercepted by 
the said Croghan, lest the said Governor, being acquainted with his 
deeds, should forbid him ever to go amongst them again. 

The next English visitors to Pickawillany were George Croghan and 
Christopher Gist, with their party. The portion of Gist's Journal which 
has been given in the chapter on the Lower Shawnee Town ended at the 
point where Gist had resolved to set out for the Twightwee town on 
February 11, 1751. From that date his Journal^ proceeds: 

^ Darlington s edition is followed, the text of which varies somewhat, especially 



272 The Wilderness Trail 

"Tuesday, 12. — Having left my Boy to take care of my Horses in 
the Shannoah * Town, and supplied myself with a fresh Horse to ride, I 
set out with my old Company, viz., George Croghan, Andrew Montour, 
Robert Kallandar, and|a Servant to carry our Provisions, &c., NW. 
loM. 

"Wednesday, 13. — The same Course NW. about 35M. 

"Thursday, 14. — The same Course about 30M. 

"Friday, 15. — The same Course 15M. We met with nine Shannoah 
Indians coming from one of the Pickwaylinees^ Towns, where they had 
been to Council. They told Us there were fifteen more of them behind 
at the Twigtwee^ Town, waiting for the Arrival of the Wawaughtanneys,'' 
who are a Tribe of the Twigtwees, and were to bring with them a Shan- 
noah |Woman and Child to deliver to their Men that were behind: 
this Woman, they informed Us, had been taken Prisoner last Fall, by 
some of the Wawaughtanney Warriors, thro a Mistake, which had like 
to have engaged those Nations in a War. [See La Jonquiere's letter in 
Chapter V.] 

"Saturday, 16. — Set out the same Course NW. about 35M., to 
the little Miamee^ River '^ or Creek. 

"Sunday, 17. — Crossed the little Miamee River, and altering our 
Course We went SW. 25M. to the big Miamee River, opposite thejTwig- 
twee Town. All the Way from the Shannoah Town to this Place (except 
the first 20M., which is broken) is fine, rich, level. Land, well timbered 
with large Walnut, Ash, Sugar Trees, Cherry Trees, &c.; it is well 
watered with a great Number of little Streams or Rivulets, and full of 
beautiful natural Meadows, covered with wild Rye, blue Grass, and 
Clover, and abounds with Turkeys, Deer, Elks, and most Sorts of Game, 
particularly Buffaloes, thirty or forty of which are frequently seen feeding 
in one Meadow: In short it wants Nothing but Cultivation to make it 
a most delightful Country. The Ohio and all the large Branches are 
said to be full of fine Fish of several Kinds, particularly a Sort of Cat 
Fish of a prodigious Size; but as I was not there at the proper Season, I 
had not an opportunity of seeing any of them. The Traders had always 
reckoned it 200M., from the Shannoah Town to the Twigtwee Town, 
but by my Computation I could make it no more than 150. The Miamee 

in the spelling of proper names, from that of Pownall (1776). Darlington had a 
transcript made from the original Journal. 

'^PownaU's edition says " Shawane." 

"Pownall spells it " Picqualinnee." 

3 Pownall 's edition says " Tawightwi." 

4 Pownall says " Wawiaghtas." 

s Pownall writes it " Mineami." 

* It was really Mad River, which Gist had mistaken for the Little Miami ; see his 
return journey. 



The Pickawillany Path 273 

River being high, We were obliged to make a Raft of old Loggs to trans- 
port our Goods and Saddles, and swim our Horses over. 

"After firing a few Guns and Pistols, & smoaking in the Warriours' 
Pipe, who came to invite Us to the Town (according to their Custom of 
inviting and welcoming Strangers and Great Men), We entered the 
Town with English Colours before Us, and were kindly received by their 
King, who invited Us into his own House, & set our Colours upon the 
Top of it. The Firing of Guns held about a Quarter of an Hour, and 
then all the white Men and Traders that were there, came and welcomed 
Us to the Twigtwee Town. 

" This Town is situate on the NW. side of the Big Miamee River, 
about 150M. from the Mouth thereof ; it consists of about 400 Families, & 
daily encreasing ; it is accounted one of the strongest Indian Towns upon 
this Part of the Continent. The Twigtwees are a very numerous People, 
consisting of many different Tribes under the same Form of Government. 
Each tribe has a particular Chief or King, one of which is chosen indif- 
ferently out of any Tribe to rule the whole Nation, and is vested with 
greater Authorities than any of the others. They are accounted the 
most powerful People to the Westward of the English Settlements, & 
much superior to the six Nations, with whom they are now in Amity. 
Their Strength and Numbers are not thoroughly known, as they have 
but lately traded with the English, and indeed have very little Trade 
among them. They deal in much the same Comodities with the Northern 
Indians. There are other Nations or Tribes still further to the Westward 
daily coming in to them, & 't is thought their Power and Interest reaches 
to the Westward of the Mississippi, if not across the Continent; they 
are at present very well affected to the English, and seem fond of an 
Alliance with them. They formerly lived on the farther Side of the 
Obache, and were in the French Interest, who supplied them with some 
few Trifles at a most exorbitant Price. They were called by the French, 
Miamees^; but they have now revolted from them, and left their former 
Habitations for the Sake of trading with the English ; and notwithstand- 
ing all the Artifices the French have used, they have not been able to 
recall them. 

"After We had been some Time in the King's House, Mr. Montour 
told Him that We wanted to speak with Him and the Chiefs of this 
Nation this Evening ; upon which We were invited into the Long House ; 
and having taken our Places, Mr. Montour began as follows: 

" 'Brothers, the Twigtwees, as We have been hindered by the high 

Waters and some other Business with our Indian Brothers, no Doubt 

our long Stay has caused some Trouble among our Brethren here. 

Therefore, We now present you with two Strings of Wampum to remove 

^ " Mineamis " by Pownall. 



274 The Wilderness Trail 

all the Trouble of your Hearts, & clear your Eyes, that You may see the 
Sun shine clear, for We have a great Deal to say to You, & We woud 
have You send for one of Your Friends that can speak the Mohickon or 
the Mingoe Tongues well, that We may understand each other thor- 
oughly, for We have a great Deal of Business to do.' 

"The Mohickons are a small Tribe who most of them speak English,, 
and are also well acquainted with the Language of the Twigtwees, and 
they with theirs. Mr. Montour then proceeded to deliver Them a 
Message from the Wyendotts and Delawares as follows : 

" ' Brothers, the Twigtwees, this comes by our Brothers, the English^ 
who are coming with good News to You. We hope You will take Care 
of Them, and all our Brothers, the English, who are trading among You. 
You made a Road for our Brothers the English to come and trade among 
You, but it is now very foul, great Loggs are fallen across it, and We 
would have You be strong, like Men, and have one Heart with Us, and 
make the Road clear, that our Brothers, the English, may have free 
Course and Recourse between You and Us. In the Sincerity of our 
Hearts We send You these four Strings of Wampum.' 

"To which they gave the usual 'Yo! Ho!' Then they said they 
wanted some Tobacco to smoak with Us, and that tomorrow they 
would send for their Interpreter. 

"Monday, Feb. i8. — We walked about; viewed the Fort, which 
wanted some Repairs ; & the Trader's Men helped Them to bring Loggs 
to line the Inside. 

"Tuesday, 19. — We gave their Kings and great Men some Clothes^ 
Paint, and Shirts, and now they were busy dressing and preparing them- 
selves for the Council. The Weather grew warm and the Creeks began 
to lower very fast.' 

"Wednesday, 20. — About 12 of the Clock We were informed that 
some of the foreign Tribes were coming, upon which proper Persons 
were ordered to meet them and conduct Them into the Town, and then 
We were invited into the long House; after We had been seated about 
a Quarter of an Hour four Indians, two from each Tribe (who had been 
sent before to bring the long Pipe, and to inform us that the rest were 
coming) came in, & informed Us that their Friends had sent those Pipes 
that We might smoak the Calamut Pipe of Peace with Them, and that 
they intended to do the same with Us. 

"Thursday, Feb. 21. — We were again invited into the Long House, 
where Mr. Croghan made them (with the foreign Tribes) a Present to 
the Value of £100 Pensylvania Money, and delivered all our Speeches 
to Them, at which they seemed well pleased, and said, that they would 
take Time and consider well what We had said to Them. 

"Friday, 22. — Nothing remarkable happened in the Town. 



S-^^-J 



'i-^^ 






■M 



o 

^ 



O 



03 



O 
03 



o3 
o 



a; 



The Pickawillany Path 275 

"Saturday, 23. — In the Afternoon there was an Alarm in the Town, 
which caused a great Confusion and running about among the Indians. 
Upon enquiring into the Reason of this Stir, they told Us that it was 
occasioned by six Indians that came to war against Them, from the 
Southward: three of them Cutaways, and three Shanaws (these were 
some of the Shanaws who had formerly deserted from the other Part 
of the Nation, and now live to the Southward).' Towards Night there 
was a report spread in Town that four Indians and four hundred French 
were on their March and just by the Town : But soon after the Messen- 
ger who brought this News said, there were only four french Indians 
coming to Council, and that they bid him say so, only to see how the 
English would behave themselves; but as they had behaved themselves 
like Men, He now told the Truth. 

"Simday, 24. — This Morning the four French Indians came into 
Town and were kindly received by the Town Indians. They marched in 
under French Colours, and were conducted into the long House, and 
after they had been in about a Quarter of an Hour, the Council sate, and 
We were sent for that We might hear what the French had to say to 
them. The Pyankeshee^ King (who was at that Time the principal Man, 
and Comander in Chief of the Twigtwees) said He would have the Eng- 
lish Colours set up in this Council as well as the French, to which We 
answered he might do as he thought fit. After We were seated right 
opposite to the French Embassadors, One of Them said He had a Present 
to make Them ; so a Place was prepared (as they had before done for our 
Present) between Them and Us, and then their Speaker stood up, and 
layed his hands upon two small Caggs of Brandy that held about seven 
Quarts each, and a Roll of Tobacco of about ten Pounds Weight, then 
taking two strings of Wampum in his Hand, He said, 'What he had to 
deliver Them was from their Father (meaning the French King) and he 
desired they woud hear what he was about to say to Them'; then he 
layed them two Strings of Wampum down upon the Caggs, and taking 
up four other Strings of black and white Wampum, he said, 'that their 
Father, remembering his Children, had sent them two Caggs of Milk, and 
some Tobacco, and that he now had made a clear Road for them, to come 
and see Him and his Officers'; and pressed them very much to come. 
Then he took another String of Wampum in his Hand, and said, ' their 
Father now woud forget all little Differences that had been between 
Them, and desired Them not to be of two Minds, but to let Him know 
their Minds freely, for He woud send for Them no more.' To which the 
Pyankeshee King replyed, 'it was true their Father had sent for them 
several Times, and said the Road was clear, but He understood it was 

' Chartier's band. 

^Pownall's edition spells this word " Piankasha." 



276 The Wilderness Trail 

made foul & bloody, and by Them.' 'We' (said he) 'have cleared a 
Road for our Brothers, the Engjlish, and your Fathers have made it bad, 
and have taken some of our Brothers Prisoners, Which We look upon 
as done to Us,' and he turned short about and went out of Council. 
After the French Embassador had delivered his Message He went into 
one of the private Houses and endeavoured much to prevail on some 
Indians there, and was seen to cry and lament (as he said for the Loss 
of that Nation). 
/ "Monday, Feb. 25. — This Day We received a Speech from the 

Wawaughtanneys ' and Pyankeshees (two Tribes of the Twigtwees). 
One of the Chiefs of the former spoke : ' Brothers, We have heard what 
You have said to Us by the Interpreter, and We see You take Pity upon 
our poor Wives and Children and have taken Us by the Hand into the 
great Chain of Friendship; therefore We present You with these two 
Bundles of Skins to make Shoes for your People, and this Pipe to smoak 
in, to assure You that our hearts are good and true towards You our 
Brothers; and We hope that We shaU all continue in true Love and 
Friendship with one another, as People with one Head and one Heart 
ought to do. You have pityed Us as You always did the rest of our Indian 
Brothers. We hope that Pity You have always shewn, will remain as 
long as the Sun gives Light, and on otu- Side you may depend upon 
sincere and true Friendship towards You as long as We have Strength.' 
This Person stood up and spoke with the Air and Gesture of an Orator. 

"Tuesday, 26. — The Twigtwees delivered the following Answer to 
the four Indians sent by the French — The Captain of the Warriors 
stood up and, taking some Strings of black and white Wampum in his 
Hand, he spoke with a fierce Tone and very warlike Air — 'Brothers, the 
Ottaways,^ You are always differing with the French Yoiu"selves, and yet 
You listen to what they say, but We will let You know by these four 
Strings of Wampum that We will not hear any Thing they say to Us, 
nor do any Thing they bid Us.' Then the same Speaker with six Strouds, 
two Match- Coats, and a String of black Wampum (I understood the 
Goods were in Return for the Milk and Tobacco), and directing his 
Speech to the French, said, 'Fathers, you desire that We may speak our 
Minds from our Hearts, which I am going to do; You have often desired 
We should go Home to You, but I tell You it is not our Home, for We 
have made a Road as far as the Sea, to the Sun-rising, and have been 
taken by the Hand by our Brothers the English, and the six Nations and 
tiae Delawares, Shannoahs, and Wyendotts, and We assure You that is 
the Road We will go; and as You threaten Us with War in the Spring, 
We tell You if You are angry We are ready to receive You, and resolve to 

' Pownall spells it " Wawiaghtas." 
»Pownall says " Owtawais." 



The Pickawillany Path 2^]"]. 

die here before We will go to You : And that You may know that this is 
our Mind, We send You this String of black Wampum.' After a short 
Pause the same Speaker spoke again thus — 'Brothers, the Ottaways, You 
hear what I say, teU that to your Fathers, the French, for that is our 
Mind and We speak it from our Hearts.' 

"Wednesday, 27. — This Day they took down their French Colours, 
and dismissed the four French Indians, so they took their Leave of the 
Town and set off for the French Fort. 

"Thursday, 28. — The Crier of the Town came by the King's Order 
and invited Us to the long House to see the Warriors' Feather Dance. 
It was performed by three Dancing- Masters, who were painted all over 
with various Colours, with long Sticks in their Hands, upon the Ends 
of which were fastened long Feathers of Swans, and other Birds, neatly 
woven in the Shape of a Fowl's Wing: in this Disguise they performed 
many antick Tricks, waving their Sticks and Feathers about with great 
Skill, to imitate the flying and fluttering of Birds, keeping exact Time 
with their Musick; while they are dancing some [one] of the Warriors 
strikes a Post, upon which the Musick and Dancers cease, and the War- 
rior gives an Account of his Atchievements in War, and when he has 
done, throws down some Goods as a Recompence to the Performers and 
Musicians; after which they proceed in their Dance as before till another 
Warrior strikes ye Post, and so on, as long as the Company think fit. 

"Friday, March i. — We received the following Speech from the 
Twigtwees; the Speaker stood up, and addressing himself as to the 
Governor of Pennsylvania, with two Strings of Wampum in his Hand, 
He said — 'Brothers, our Hearts are glad that You have taken Notice of 
Us, and surely. Brothers, We hope that You will order a Smith to settle 
here to mend our Guns and Hatchets, Your Kindness makes Us so bold 
to ask this Request. ' You told Us our Friendship should last as long, 
and be as the greatest Mountain. We have considered well, and all our 
great Kings & Warriors are come to a Resolution never to give Heed 
to what the French say to Us, but always to hear & believe what You, 
our Brothers, say to Us. Brothers, We are obliged to You for your kind 
Invitation to receive a Present at the Loggs Town, but as our foreign 
Tribes are not yet come. We must wait for them, but You may depend 
We will come as soon as our Women have planted Com, to hear what 
our Brothers will say to Us. Brothers, We present You with this 
Bundle of Skins, as We are but poor, to be for Shoes for You on the 
Road, and We return You our hearty Thanks for the Clothes which 
You have put upon our Wives and Children.' 

"We then took our Leave of the Kings and Chiefs, and they ordered 
that a small Party of Indians shoud go with Us as far as Hockhockin; 
' Thomas Burney, a blacksmith, soon afterwards settled at Pickawillany. 



278 The Wilderness Trail 

but as I had left my Boy and Horses at the lower Shannoah Town, I was 
obliged to go by myself, or to go sixty or seventy Miles out of my Way, 
which I did not care to do; so we all came over the Miamee River 
together this Evening, but Mr. Croghan & Mr. Montour went over again 
& lodged in the Town; but I stayed on this Side at one Robert Smith's (a 
Trader) where We had left oiu- Horses. Before the French Indians had 
come into Town, We had drawn Articles of Peace and Alliance between 
the English and the Wawaughtanneys and Pyankeshees ; the Indentures 
were signed, sealed, and delivered on both Sides, and as I drew them I 
took a Copy. ^ The Land upon the great Miamee River is very rich, 
level, and well timbered, some of the finest Meadows that can be: The 
Indians and Traders assure Me that the Land holds as good, and if pos- 
sible better, to the Westward, as far as the Obache, which is accounted lOO 
Miles, and quite up to the Head of the Miamee River, which is 60 Miles 
above the Twigtwee Town, and down the said River quite to the Ohio, 
which is reckoned 150 Miles. The Grass here grows to a great Height 
in the clear Fields, of which there are a great Number, & the Bottoms 
are full of white Clover, wild Rye, and blue Grass. 

"Saturday, March 2. — George Croghan and the rest of our Com- 
pany came over the River, We got our Horses, & set out about 35M. to 
Mad Creek (this is a Place where some English Traders [Turner and 
Kilgore] had been taken Prisoners by the French). 

"Sunday, 3. — This Morning We parted. They for Hockhockin, and I 
for the Shannoah Town ; and as I was quite alone and knew that the French 
Indians had threatened Us, and woud probably pursue or lye in Wait 
for Us, I left the Path, and went to the South Westward down the little 
Miamee River or Creek, where I had fine traveling thro rich Land and 
Beautiful Meadows, in which I coud sometimes see forty or fifty Buffaloes 
feeding at once. The little Miamee River, or Creek, continued to run 
thro the Middle of a fine Meadow, about a Mile wide, very clear, like an 
old Field, and not a Bush in it. I coud see the Buffaloes in it above two 
Miles off. I travelled this Day about 30M. 

"Monday, 4. — This Day I heard several Guns, but was afraid to 
examine who fired Them, lest they might be some of the French Indians; 
so I travelled thro the Woods about 30 M.; just at Night I killed a fine 
barren Cow-Buffaloe and took out her Tongue, and a little of the best of 
her Meat: The Land still level, rich, and well timbered with Oak, 
Walnut, Ash, Locust, and Sugar Trees. 

"Tuesday, 5. — I travelled about 30 M. 

"Wednesday, 6. — I travelled about 30 M., and killed a fat Bear. 

"Thursday, 7. — Set out with my Horse Load of Bear and travelled 
about 30 M. This Afternoon I met a young Man, a Trader, and We 
1 They are printed in Penna. Col. Rec, v., pp. 522-524. 



The Pickawillany Path 279 

encamped together that Night; He happened to have some Bread with 
Him, and I had plenty of Meat, so We fared very well. 

"Friday, 8. — Travelled about 30 M., and arrived at Night at the 
Shannoah Town — All the Indians, as well as the white Men, came out 
to welcome my Return to their Town, being very glad that all Things 
were rightly settled in the Miamee Country. They fired upwards of 150 
Guns in the Town, and made an Entertainment in Honour of the late 
Peace with the western Indians. In my Return from the Twigtwee to 
the Shannoah Town, I did not keep an exact Account of Course or Dis- 
tance ; for as the Land thereabouts was every where much the same, and 
the Situation of the Country was sufficiently described in my Journey 
to the Twigtwee Town, I thought it unnecessary, but have notwith- 
standing laid down my Tract pretty nearly in my Plot." 

When Gist travelled from Logstown to the Lower Shawnee Town, 
he followed the Main Path as far as to Hockhocking, which led both to 
Lower Shawnee Town and to Pickawillany. This path divided some 
fifteen to twenty miles west of Hockhocking (now Lancaster, Fairfield 
County, Ohio), the main branch leading southwards along the Scioto to 
the Lower Shawnee Town at its mouth; and the newer branch leading 
westward to Pickawillany. The path forked at or in the neighborhood 
of Maguck, which stood on the Pickaway Plains, in the present county 
of Pickaway, some three and one-half miles south of Circleville. Maguck, 
according to Gist's distances, was fifteen miles southwest of Hockhocking. 
The distance between Lancaster, Ohio, and Circleville, to-day, by the 
Cincinnati & Muskingum Valley Railroad, is twenty-one miles; so that 
Maguck was quite that far from Hockhocking. On his map of 1755, 
Lewis Evans shows the trail leading from Hockhocking, or French 
Margaret's Town, westward to Pickawillany; and crossing the Scioto 
at a point a few miles north of a Delaware town which Evans locates on 
the west bank of Scioto, and which may be intended for Maguck. At the 
point where the trail reaches the west bank, Evans shows that it was 
intersected by a north and south trail connecting the Wyandot town 
on Sandusky Bay with the Lower Shawnee Town. From the point of 
this intersection, the Pickawillany Path leads in a southwest direction, 
"35 miles," to the head waters of the Little Miami River, and three 
miles beyond to the crossing of Mad Creek; thence, almost directly, 
west, "30 miles," to "Picque Town," or Pickawillany. Gist stated 
that, to have returned with Croghan from Mad Creek to Maguck, while 
on his way back to the Lower Shawnee Town, would have taken him 
some sixty or seventy miles out of his way. As a matter of fact, the 
site of Pickawillany is distant from the site of Maguck some sixty-eight 
miles west, and forty-five miles north; or about eighty-one miles on a 
direct line. 



28o The Wilderness Trail 

As no record of the path between these two points has been pre- 
served, we can only assume that its general direction was northwest 
(though Evans's map makes the course southwest), across the present 
counties of Pickaway, Madison, Clark, Champaign, Logan, and Miami. 
One of the later Indian trails, which may have followed the course of 
the old Pickawillany Path, ran from the Scioto up the Darby Valley for 
some twenty miles, then proceeded in a northwest direction to Deer 
Creek, following that stream, possibly on the west side, to its head; thence 
across the head waters of Buck Creek, crossing Mad River above the 
present city of Urbana ; thence southwest across the head of Rush Creek 
to the Great Miami. ' Governor Horatio Sharpe wrote from Maryland 
to Governor Morris, December lo, 1754, that he had "received advice 
that about 300 French families have settled this Fall at the Mad 
Creek, a great deal on this side the Twigtwee Town, and not far 
from the Maguak [Maguck]." 

William Trent wrote Richard Peters as follows, from Pennsboro 
March 7, 1751: 

Sir — I received your letter pr. John Holmes, with the money, and 
am very much obliged to you. You may depend upon my doing the 
utmost|in my Power for the hastening the payment of yr. Money. 

One of our Men just come from Allegheny for Provisions, says that 
the Winter has been the hardest ever known in them parts, and Pro- 
visions so scarce that a Peck of Corn will fetch five shillings. The 
Indians has parted with what corn they had to spare already, to the 
Traders, to keep their Horses alive; which makes them affraid if they 
part with more, they '11 suffer themselves before the next Crop. The 
Traders have lost a great menay Horses, amongest which I am affraid we 
are no small sufferers. 

This man says that it was reported by a party of Warriors that 
came to the Town where he was, that three of the Traders' Men were taken 
by the French Indians. By the Acco't, the Men and Goods must he ours. 
He also says that it was reported that a Body of French and French Indians 
intended for the Twigtwee Country, to destroy the English Traders there, as 
soon as the season would permit.^ 

I understand that there 's severall Hundred familys intend to remove 
over the Hills this Spring, & those that are over have no thoughts of 
removing. 

Mr. Miller desired that I would acquaint you that he used the 
utmost of his power to get the Widow to part with her Place at a reason- 
able Price, but she would not consent to let it goe for less than what he 
wrote you. 

I am, Sr., your most obedient, humb., St., 

William Trent. ^ 

^ See Lewis's "Map of Indian Towns and Trails," in Evan's Scioto County. 

' The captured Traders were probably Irwin, Burk, and Faulkner. See pp. 189-192 

3 Original letter in possession of C. A. Hanna. 



The Pickawillany Path 281 

At a meeting of the Pennsylvania Council held May 7, 1 751, Gov- 
ernor Hamilton informed the members that George Croghan had been in 
town and given him intelligence that the French Indians had made 
prisoners of 'three of the Traders' men and their goods, whom Croghan 
supposed to be his men (probably Luke Irwin, Thomas Burk, and Joseph 
Faulkner) ; and "that it was reported that a body of French and French 
Indians had determined for the Twightwee Country, to destroy the 
English Traders there, as soon as the season would permit." Croghan 
prophetically added that if some measures were not speedily taken to 
encourage the Indians to join and repel the French, the English interest 
would soon come to nothing in those parts, and "if they should lose 
themselves with those Indians the Six Nations would not long continue 
their regards for the English." 

Governor Hamilton also stated that "Mr. Croghan further related^ 
that in February last, he and Andrew Montour had been with the 
Twightwees on the Big Miamis Creek, a branch of the River Ohio ; and 
that at the time they were there, two nations, called the Waughwaough- 
tanneys and Pyankeshees, two tribes of the Twightwee Nation, came 
into Council and desired they might be admitted into the alliance of the 
English; that thereupon, Mr. Montour and he (though they had no 
authority from the Governor) rather than discourage these people at so 
critical a time, did hearken to them, and drew up an instrument which 
was executed on both sides; that he, the Governor, had reproved Mr. 
Croghan for acting in public matters without his orders, but had, how- 
ever, taken the instrument from him." 

Six years later Croghan wrote to Sir William Johnson of this treaty 
with the Twightwees' allied tribes, saying that on his return he sent a 
copy of his proceedings to the Governor. "On his laying it before the 
House of Assembly, it was rejected, and myself condemned for bad con- 
duct in drawing an additional expense on the Government, and the 
Indians were neglected." Nevertheless, Croghan and Montour carried 
a present to the Indians of the Ohio Country, whom they met at Logs- 
town in May, 1751. At this conference Croghan delivered a message 
from Governor Hamilton to the Twightwee deputies who were present, 
stating that the Governor had seen and approved the treaty which had 
been signed at Pickawillany by Croghan and the chiefs of the Ouiata- 
nons and Piankishas three months before. 

Captain Raymond, brother of the Comte de Raymond, was Com- 
mandant at the Miamis Fort in 1749 and 1750, and superseded by Louis 
Coulon de Villiers (the officer to whom Washington surrendered at Great 
Meadows in 1754) in the latter part of 1750. In a memorial addressed 
by him to the French Secretary of State, October i, 1751, Captain 
Raymond, in enumerating his services, states that "In 1749 the General 



282 The Wilderness Trail 

detached him from the command of that [Niagara] garrison, and sent 
him orders to go and take command at the Miamis post; where he 
stopped Le Pied Froid, the great chief of the Miamis nation, and all his 
band, who were about to abandon that post and go over to the English. 
By his [Raymond's] continual efforts and watchfulness, and the care he 
took to maintain spies among the revolted Miamis, he discovered the 
intrigues of a conspiracy, balked its plans, and frustrated their execution. 
That conspiracy had been hatched by the Pianguichias, the Ouyatanons 
of the band of Le Comte, the revolted Miamis, the Chaouanons, and a 
number of renegade Yrocois who had withdrawn to the Belle Riviere, 
and had drawn into their plot the nations of the Ylinois Country, who 
were to act at the time indicated to them. . . . By those negotiations he 
won over the families of Le Pean and of Le Sac a Petun, the leading ones 
among the revolted Miamis. . . . The Sieur de Villiers . . . was to 
bring back the revolted Miamis at once . . . but who, nevertheless, 
obtained no other result than seeing the band of Le Pied Froid leave the 
post of Miamis and go over to the English [apparently a little before the 
time of Gist's visit to Pickawillany], without being able to stop them; 
and there remained with the Sieur de Villiers at that post only Le Pied 
Froid and his family, making three or four lodges. The families of Le 
Pean and of Le Sac a Petun, who had just come to Miamis to join him 
[Raymond], would no longer hear of returning when they heard of his 
recall. . . . When the Sieur de Villiers appeared at Riviere d la Roche 
[Great Miami], far from having the credit of bringing back the revolted 
Miamis, the latter would not listen to him, but sent him back in so con- 
temptous a manner that he returned to his post without a word, and 
quicker than he left it." 

Lieutenant Benjamin Stoddart wrote to Colonel William Johnson 
from Fort Oswego, July 19, 1751 : " Have but just time to acquaint you 
that there passed by here a few days ago some canoes of French Traders, 
who say there was an army gone up the other side the Lake [Ontario], 
with which was two hundred Orondack [Adirondack] Indians, under the 
command of Monsr. Beletre and Chevalier Longville, and that their 
design was against a village of the Twigtwees, where the English are 
building a trading house of stone; and that they are to give the English 
warning to move off in a peaceable manner, which if they refused, they 
were to act with force. And that they intended to build a Fort there, 
and garrison it with three hundred men. The Governor's son, of Mont- 
real, is hourly expected to pass by here with fourteen canoes of soldiers, 
which are then destined to be stationed at the above place. This is the 
Village where George Croghan generally trades, all the Indians of which 
are firmly attached to the English; for which reason the French call them 
Rebels, and are going to bring them into subjection. Two of the chiefs 



The Pickawillany Path 283 

iLa Demoiselle was one] are to have no mercy; the others, if they sub- 
mit, are to be pardoned." 

A detailed account of this expedition is given in a letter written by 
Captain Thomas Cresap to Governor Dinwiddie, shortly after the arrival 
of the latter in Virginia (November 20, 1751). Cresap's letter is not 
dated, but it was answered by Dinwiddie January 23, 1752. It reads in 
part as follows:* 

May It Please Your Honour: 

Having just now received the following accot. from Mr. Andrew 
Muntour, who is on his journey home from the Ohio, and who is the 
proper person to be our interpreter, having a good character, both among 
white people and Indians, and very much beloved by the latter, I thought 
proper to communicate it to your Honour's consideration, which is as 
follows : 

That, a few days before he left the Loggs Town, there came seven 
French Traders, with a parcel of goods, and invited the Indians to a 
Council. Accordingly, the Indians that were there met to hear what 
they had to say to them; but as Mr. Muntour was in the Town at that 
time, the Indians refused to receive their speech without him, tho' the 
French were very unwilling to have him for an Interpreter. But, finding 
the Indians woiild do nothing without him, they agreed to admit him. 
They produced a string of wampum, which, they said, they brought from 
the Governor of Canada, as a token of his friendship, and to invite the 
Shannah Indians to a Council, to be held at the Loggs Town early in the 
spring, when sundry matters of consequence are to be communicated to 
them from the said Governor, and also a present to be delivered from 
him to them. 

Mr. Montour informs me that he had a brother [Louis Montour] 
who was interpreter between the French and Indians for a considerable 
time past, at a Fort called Detroit, on Lake Eare; but he has now left 
them and come to the Ohio, and gives the following accot. : 

That the French had built a new fort at a place called Kyhogo [on 
the north shore of Sandusky Bay, in the latter part of 1750] on the west 
side of Lake Eare ; and that there was a great number of French gathered 
together [there?] last fall, in order to cut off a nation of Indians called 
Pickolines, who came from the French about four years ago, and settled 
on the branches of the Ohio ; but the Taways and Chipos interfered, and 
told the French in a public council, which was called, and a large belt of 
wampum delivered, that they understood that they were about to gc and 
strike their brothers, the Picks, which, if they did, they should assist 
them, and strike the French; upon which the French desisted going last 
fall, but threatened to go this spring. 

But tho' they did not then go themselves, they sent a party of 
Indians which they had brought with them from Canada, to the number 
of seventy, called Adarundacks, sent by the Governor of that place; 
which Indians, in their way to the Picks, called at the Ottawas [on 
the Maumee?], all painted for war. 

The Ottawas enquired where they were going; on which they 

I Virginia State Papers, i., 245-47. 



284 The Wilderness Trail 

showed them the belt of wampum and hatchet they had received from 
the French, and told them they were going to war against the Twight- 
wees. The Ottawas told them that the Twightwees were married and 
intermarried among them, and the Ottawana King, upon the Capt. of the 
Arundacks insisting to go on, threw down his Tomhawk on the ground, 
and told them that if they moved one step further, he would have their 
scalps, or else they his. 

Whilst they were parleying, three of the Adarundacks stole off 
unperceived, and went to the Twightwees, and scalped an old man and 
women in the corn-fields, and carried them off; but the rest did not 
proceed. The Twightwees followed them on their tracks, till they came 
near the French Fort, which made them imagine it was the Ottawas that 
had struck them; and were preparing to revenge it; till the Pianguisha 
Eang's son, who was married to an Ottawana woman, came and told 
them who it was that had done it; and that it was the French that had 
set them on. Upon which the Twightwees sent out three men, who 
brought in two French scalps ; and they now want to see how the French 
will take it before they proceed any further. 

The French account of this attack on the Twightwees is contained 
in a letter written by La Jonquiere to the Minister, from Quebec, October 
29, 1 75 1. It reads as follows: 

My Lord : — In my letter of the 13th of last month, I had the honour 
to inform you that the orders I had given to M. de Celoron through my 
secret instruction had not been executed, and that I had given him 
further orders in such an explicit manner that I was sure nothing could 
prevent him to go and attack the Miamis and other rebels, and to 
capture by armed force the Fort "La Demoiselle." 

The news I have received from M. de Celoron are so contradictory 
as to warrant me to believe that I should not rely on the proposed 
expedition. In fact, all his movements, all the precautions and steps he 
has taken to comply with my views amount to do nothing. 

However embarrassed M. de Celoron may be, especially as he can- 
not offer any valid excuse, I can truly say that he shall never be so sorry 
as I am. It is impossible to express how this affair has afflicted me; 
it prevents me from sleeping, and I am even sick. 

It is a pity that I should be obliged to complain. If M. de Celoron 
were Commandant at Detroit by my orders, I would not have hesitated 
to relieve him on the moment he should have neglected to execute fully 
and exactly my first orders; which induces me to have the honor, My 
Lord, to represent to you that, for the advantage of the service, it would 
be better not to appoint any more by royal commission, commandants 
of the posts. . . . 

The Sieur de Belestre, whom I had detached with 50 Alkonkins and 
Nipissingues, has surmounted all the obstacles which were, at every 
moment, set up against him. He left the Detroit with 17 men, the 
balance of the Indians having abandoned him ; annexed herewith a copy 
of his Journal. 

The following interesting facts may be gathered from the above- 
mentioned Journal: 



The Pickawillany Path 285 

1st. An Outaouais informed the chiefs of the Nepissingues and 
Alkonkins that on the day of the Sieur de Belestre's arrival at Detroit, 
a woman had left t^e place for "La Demoiselle," to warn them of what 
was going on; that the residents of Detroit made good promises to M. de 
Celoron solely for the purpose of deceiving him; and that, should he go 
to "La Demoiselle," he would find there only the Fort. 

2d. Warriors who were returning from the country of the "Tetes 
Plattes" [Flat-heads, i.e., Cherokees, etc.], reported that they had passed 
atf La Demoiselle"; that there were but women in the Fort; that the 
said Fort was only partially built ; that all the warriors were hunting, and 
dying of hunger. 

3d. The Sr. de Belestre said to M. de Celoron that one hundred 
and fifty men were enough, on account of the small number of Miamis 
and the bad state of their Fort, to oust them or bring them back to M. de 
Villiers's post. 

4th. Finally, the Sieur de Belestre did not find any one in the 
wigwams of the Miamis. They had all flown away the day before. He 
could not make an attack on the Fort, as he had very few men with him; 
however, he detached four men in order to secure some prisoners ; failing 
to do so, they killed a man and a woman, the hair of whom he has handed 
to me. . . . 

This is the third attempt that fails. What shall the savages think, 
they who presently are perhaps aware of my plans? Shall not the 
English turn this to account to more and more bribe these nations? 
These overwhelming thoughts have caused me an incomprehensible 
grief. . . . 

The copy of Bellestre's Journal mentioned in La Jonquiere's letter is 
not with the transcript of the letter in the Canadian archives, although it 
may still be preserved in Paris. This letter makes it appear that Bellestre 
approached very near to Pickawillany; and from Montour's account it 
would seem that his base of operations against La Demoiselle's Fort 
may have been the Fort which the French had built the winter before 
on the north side of Sandusky Bay. 

One day before the foregoing letter was written by La Jonquiere, a 
message was received by the New York Council from Lieutenant Mills, 
at Fort Oswego, stating that the expedition of M. Bellatre against the 
Twightwees had failed, because the Ottawas refused to join in it, and be- 
cause of small-pox among the Indians ; but that it would be tried again the 
following spring, with the help of the Orondacks, Abenakis, and Micmacs. 

La Jonquiere died in March, 1752, and was succeeded by Lon- 
gueuil,"who served as Governor until the arrival of General Duquesne 
in the following August. Longueuil wrote the Ministry April 21st a 
most discouraging letter on the progress and prospects of the French 
projects in the West. Its summary has been given in the first chapter 
of this book; some of its details follow: 

My Lord — The late Marquis de la Jonquiere had the honor to 



286 The Wilderness Trail 

report to you, in his letter of the 13th September, the ill success of the 
orders he had given in a secret instruction to M. de Celoron; that the 
band of La Demoiselle and other Indians of the Beautiful River had 
pushed their rebellion to excess, had adopted the English, and had openly- 
declared themselves the sworn enemies of the French. 

In the same letter, that General had the honor to inform you that 
he had adopted wise measures to secure the conquest of La Demoiselle's 
Fort, to expel the English from the Beautiful River, to punish the Indian 
nations, and to make them feel the King's power. . . . 

But the despatch which that General had the honor to write you 
on the 29th of October on the subject of M. de Belestre's voyage, and of 
the [Miami] scalps taken by the Nipissings [of Bellestre's party], will 
only create an apprehension in your mind that his orders and purest 
intentions would be fruitless. 

In fact, my Lord, the orders which M. de la Jonquiere despatched 
last Spring to M. de Celoron [at Detroit], and repeated in his letter to 
him of the first of October, were not executed any more than those he 
had given as far back as 1750, before his departure for Detroit. . . . 

From the accounts which M. de Celoron transmitted to the late 
M. de la Jonquiere subsequent to those, a detail of which that General 
had the honor to give you, and previous to M. Celoron's being able to 
receive his last orders, sent in his letter of the first of October, it appears 
that it will be out of his power to make any movement. 

He observes, first, that after the arrival of the militia men under the 
command of Lieutenant de Longueuil, and twenty days' consultation 
among the nations, the latter had concluded, our force being insufficient 
to attack La Demoiselle and his allies, to keep the hatchet, to use it when 
complete success would be certain, and to wait until the Spring. . . . 

In a letter of the i8th of September, M. de Celoron notifies M. de 
la Jonquiere that no dependence is to be placed on the Indians for any 
expedition; although Mickinac [an Ottawa chief] had assured him that 
nothing but the fear of the small-pox had stopped him, and that all the 
villages will march in the Spring, if forces be sent. . . . 

M. de Villiers, Commandant at the Miamis, has been disappointed 
in his expectation of bringing the Miamis back from the White River, 
part of whom had been to see him, the small-pox having put the whole 
of them to the route. Cold Foot and his son had died of it, as well as 
a large portion of our most trusty Indians. Le Gris, chief of the Tepicons 
[a clan of the Miamis, probabl}^ located on the Tippecanoe River], and 
his mother are likewise dead; they are a loss, because they were well 
disposed towards the French. 

The nations of the River St. Joseph, who were to join those of 
Detroit, have said that they would be ready to perform their promise as 
soon as Onontio would have sent the necessary number of Frenchmen. 
The Commandant of this post writes us on the 15th of January that all 
the nations appear to take sides against us ; that he would not be respon- 
sible for the good dispositions these Indians seem to entertain, inasmuch 
as the Miamis are their near relatives. 

The Missilimakina nations, who had in like manner promised, have 
not budged either. f&ij^ 

It is exceedingly probable that the Commandant of Fort Chartres 
will not have any greater authority over the nations of his post. . . . 



The Pickawillany Path 287 

On the other hand, M. de Joncaire repeats that the Indians of the 
Beautiful River are all English, for whom alone they work; that they 
are all resolved to sustain each other ; and that not a party goes to the 
Beautiful River but leaves some there to increase the rebel forces, 

On the other hand M. de St. Ange, Commandant of the post oi 
Vincennes, writes to M. Desligneris to use all means to protect himself 
from the storm which is ready to burst on the French; that he is busy 
seciuing himself against the fury of oiu: enemies. 

The commandants of our posts have so much more cause to be on 
their guard against all events, as our enemies have steeped their hands 
in French blood, and as we feel deeply the cost of the two scalps taken 
by the Nepissings near La Demoiselle's village. 

The Miamis of Rock River have scalped two soldiers belonging to 
M. de Villiers's Fort; this blow was struck last Fall, doubtless shortly 
after that of the Nepissings. 

The Piangtiichias, who were at war with the Chaouanons, according 
to the report rendered by M. St. Clin to the late M. de la Jonquiere, 
have declared entirely against us. They killed at Christmas five French- 
men at the Vermillion. M. Desligneris, who was aware of this attack, 
sent off a detachment to secure the effects of the Frenchmen from being 
plundered, but when this detachment arrived at the Vermillion, the 
Pianguichias had decamped. The bodies of the Frenchmen were found 
on the ice. . . . 

On the 19th of October, the Pianguichias had killed two more 
Frenchmen, who were constructing pirogues, lower down than the post 
of Vincennes. 

Two days afterwards the Pianguichias killed two slaves in sight ot 
Fort Vincennes. . . . 

M. de Joncaire writes, on the 30th of August, that he had just 
learned that a meeting of the Illinois, Ouyas, Pianguichias, Miamis, 
Delawares, Chaouanons, and the Five Iroquois Nations, was to be had 
this year at La Demoiselle's; and that the whole tends, in his opinion, 
to a general revolt. . . . 

Finally, the English have paid the Miamis for the scalps of the two 
soldiers belonging to M de Villiers's garrison. 

To so many circumstances, equally critical, are superadded the 
scarcity of provisions, and great appearance of famine at otir Southern 
posts. . . . 

The crops have also failed at the Beautiful River. M. de Joncaire 
and the other Frenchmen have been reduced to a couple of handsful of 
Indian corn a day; neither meat, nor grease, nor salt. 

Famine is not the only scourge we experience ; the small-pox commits 
ravages; it begins to reach Detroit. One woman has died of it at the 
Huron Village. 

This disease prevails also at the Beautiful River. 

'Twere desirable that it should break out and spread, generally, 
throughout the localities inhabited by our rebels. It would be fully as 
good as an army. ^ 

Before the small-pox broke out at Detroit, 40 persons died belonging 

' In the chapter on the Conchake Route, we have seen that the small-pox de- 
populated the village of Conchake on the Muskingum in the years 1752-53. 



288 The Wilderness Trail 

to the Village of the Outtauois, and almost as many at the Pouteouatamis. 
Kinousaki is likewise dead. We lose a chief who was, apparently, 
much attached to the French. 

These successes of La Demoiselle in his plotting against the French 
were not without their cost. George Croghan wrote to Governor 
Hamilton, February 8, 1752, enclosing a message from the Shawnee 
chiefs of the Lower Town, and assuring the Governor that these chiefs, 
"with the rest of the nations in those parts, are determined to be revenged 
on the French for the thirty men of the Twightwees that the French 
have killed this winter." The Shawnees said in their message: "All 
the nations settled on this River Ohio and on this side the lakes are in 
friendship, and live as one people; but the French, who are directed by 
the Evil Spirit and not God, trouble us much; they have often cheated 
us with their advice; and we won't listen to them any more, they 
threaten to cut us off, and have killed thirty of our brothers, the Twigh- 
twees. And we now acquaint you that we intend to strike the French, 
and not suffer ourselves to be deceived any more by oiu" deceitful Fathers 
and Brothers." 

Governor Clinton sent copies of two letters to Governor James 
Hamilton, from Fort George in New York, May 23, 1752. The first of 
these was from Martin Kellogg to Colonel William Johnson, dated Stock- 
bridge, April 13, 1752; the other was from Lieutenant John Mills, Com- 
mandant at the Oswego Fort, also to Colonel Johnson, and dated April 
27th. Martin Kellogg's letter stated that "by a Mohawk from Conna- 
jaharie we are informed the Tawectawees invited several tribes to smoke 
with them at or about the beginning of January last past; signified 
their desire of making war with the French; and has ordered three 
French to be killed, to say, an officer and two soldiers ; took another, cut 
off his ears, sent him to Canada to do word to the Governor, etc. 'T is 
also said our Six Nations will join with them to war against Canada and 
others of the tribes." 

Lieutenant Mills related in his letter that, "Monsieur St. Orr, a 
French officer, who was going express for [from] De Troit to Canada, 
called here on Thursday last. . . . By some foreign Indians, just arrived, 
I am told that the Twightwees have killed fifteen of the French, and that 
the above-mentioned officer is gone to Canada to conduct an army back, 
to be employed against them, pursuant to my report last Fall." 

Governor Hamilton answered Governor Clinton June nth, telling 
him that as the Twightwees had not signified to him the occurrence of 
anything of the kind mentioned in the letters of Colonel Johnson's cor- 
respondents, he was inclined to think that matters had not proceeded 
to the length there represented. "At the same time," he added, "I am 
firmly persuaded the French, whenever they think themselves strong 



The Pickawillany Path 289 

enough, will|not omit any opportunity of reducing those people to 
obedience ; and it is a great mortification to me to find myself so em- 
barrassed in that respect by the religious scruples of one branch of our 
legislature, that I fear it would not be in my power (whatever necessity 
there might be for it) to afford our Indian alhes that assistance and pro- 
tection my own inclination leads me to, and which the interest of this 
part of His Majesty's dominions seems to demand." 

Ten days after this letter was written, Pickawillany was destroyed 
by the French Indians. 

The news of this catastrophe was brought to Governor Hamilton 
by means of the following letter, written by the Trader, Robert Callen- 
der, from Carlisle, August 30, 1752: 

"Last night, Thomas Burney, who lately resided at the Twightwees' 
Town in Allegheny [i.e., the Ohio country], came here, and gives the 
following account of the unhappy affair that was lately transacted there : 
On the twenty-first day of June last, early in the morning, two French- 
men and about two hundred and forty Indians came to the Twightwees' 
Town, and in a hostile manner attacked the people there residing. In 
the skirmish there was one white man and fourteen Indians killed, and 
five white men taken prisoners. 

"The party who came to the Twightwees' Town reported that they 
had received as a commission, two belts of wampum from the Governor 
of Canada, to kill all such Indians as are in amity with the English, and 
to take the persons and effects of all such English Traders as they could 
meet with; but not to kill any of them if they could avoid it; which 
instructions were in some measure obeyed. 

"Mr. Burney is now here, and is willing to be qualified not only to 
this but to sundry other matters which he can discover concerning this 
affair. . . . 

"Inclosed Your Honour has the Twightwees' speech to Mr. Burney, 
with a scalp and five strings of wampum per bearer. Fifteen days after 
the taking of the Town, Thomas Burney and Capt. Trent, with twenty 
Indians, went back to the Town, where they found all the Indians were 
fled; and on their return, met with three of their chiefs, whom Capt, 
Trent delivered the Virginia presents to, as he had them with him. 
These chiefs informed them the Indians were gone eighty miles from 
thence, and there would reside till they heard further from their 
Brothers." 

The message of the Twightwees to the Governor was as follows : 

Brother Onas: We, your brothers, the Twightwees, have sent you 
by our brother, Thomas Burney, a scalp and five strings of wampum, in 
token of our late unhappy affair at the Twightwees' Town; and whereas, 
our Brother has always been kind to us, hope he will now put us in a 

VOL. II. — 19 



290 The Wilderness Trail 

method how to act against the French; being more discouraged for the 
loss of our Brother, the EngHshman who was killed, and the five who 
were taken prisoners, than for the loss of ourselves. And notwithstand- 
ing the two belts of wampum which were sent from the Governor of 
Canada as a commission to destroy us, we still shall hold our integrity 
with our brothers, and are willing to die for them; and will never give 
up this treatment; although we saw our Great Piankashaw King 
(which commonly was called Old Britain by us) taken, killed, and eaten, 
within a hundred yards of the Fort, before our faces. We now look 
upon ourselves as lost people, fearing that our brothers will leave us; 
but before we will be subject to the French or call them our Fathers, we 
will perish here. 

The Baron de Longueuil wrote to the French Minister from Quebec 
August 1 8, 1752: "The situation of otir affairs in the neighborhood 
of Detroit became every day more unfavorable, and in addition to that 
misfortune I was under the dire necessity of giving up, owing to lack of 
provisions, a project which I had formed to avenge the death of our 
Frenchmen, and to bring back our rebels. All the commandants assured 
me of their conspiracy against the French, and I was not able to apply 
a remedy. Fortunately, a party of about 210 savages of Missilimakinac 
attacked the Fort of La Demoiselle, who is dead; and they destroyed 
about 26; and the others asked for pardon. They promise that the 
chiefs of that party will go down to Montreal. M. le General [Du 
Quesne] will confer with them, and I hope that he will re-establish tran- 
quility in the country most threatened. ... I will add, My Lord, that 
among the number of savages who are reported to be killed there, were 
six English Traders, whose magazines were destroyed by our savages." 

Duquesne wrote to the Minister October 25, 1752 : 

I have the honor to send you the Journal [this has not been found] 
of the Sieur [Charles] Langlade, who has won much glory through the 
blow he struck the band of La Demoiselle, and who brought me five 
Englishmen who were in the Fort of the Miamis. I am sending them 
to Monsieur L'Abbady, Commissioner at La Rochelle, so that he may 
commit them to prison to await your orders. I hope that this blow, 
taken with the total pillage that the English have sustained on this 
occasion, will deter them from coming to carry on trade in our lands. 

It is so rare. My Lord, that a war with savages can bring about a 
very stable peace, that I should not be surprised if, at the instigation 
of the English, the Miamis were to request the assistance of their allies. 
However, I have had no news of this, and I hope that my proceeding 
at the Belle Riviere will impress all the nations. 

As the Sieur Langlade is not in the service [the Mackinac Register 
records him as being a cadet in 1750, when twenty-one years of age], 
and has married a squaw, I will limit my demands on you. My Lord, to 
an annual pension of 200 francs, with which he will be exceedingly flat- 
tered. They credit him with much bravery, much influence on the 
minds of the savages, and much zeal when ordered to act. 



The Pickawillany Path 291 

It seems to me, My Lord, that such a recompense would have a very- 
good effect in the Country. 

Captain William Trent was at Logstown with the Commissioners of 
Virginia, George Croghan, Andrew Montour, and others, in June, 1752, 
for the purpose of making a present to the Ohio Indians and obtaining 
from them a grant of land southeast of the River for the Ohio Company 
of Virginia. A part of the present being designed for the Twightwees, 
Capt. Trent and Andrew Montour were sent with it from Logstown 
while the Commissioners were there. Trent's Journal of this journey 
has long been out of print, and is here given in full : 

TRENT'S JOURNAL 

"June the 21st, 1752. We left the Logstown. 

"25th. We met a white man who had been thirteen days from the 
Pick Town; he informed us that the French Indians had been there, and 
that twenty-five families of the Picks or Twightwees had gone back 
with them to the French. 

"27th. We met a Mingoe man called Powell, who had been then 
just twenty days from Fort D'Troit, and ten days before he left the 
Fort three hundred French and Indians had set off, either to persuade 
the Twightwees back to the French, else to cut them off. 

' ' 29th. We got to Muskingum, ^ 1 50 miles from the Logstown, where 
we met some white men from Hockhocken, who told us the Town was 
taken and all the white men killed, the young Shawanees king having 
made his escape and brought the news. 

"July the 2d. We reached Hockhocken, where we met with William 
Ives, who passed by the Twightwee Town in the night. He informed 
us that the white men's houses were all on fire, and that he heard no 
noise in the Fort, only one gun fired, and two or three hollows. 

"3d. We got to the Meguck, where we heard much the same news, 
which made us conclude to go to the Lower Shawanees Town with the 
goods, that we might know the certainty. 

"6th. We arrived at the Lower Shawanees Town, where the 
Indians received us very kindly, with the firing of guns, and whooping 
and hollowing, according to their custom, and conducted us to the Long 
House (the council house), where, after they had given us victuals, they 
inquired the news; we told them the next day we would let them know 
everything. Then Thomas Burney and Andrew McBryer, the only two 
men that escaped, when the [Pick] Town was attacked, came to us 
and told us that 240 French and Indians, on the 21st of June, 

' Conchake Town of the Huron Wyandots, near the site of the present Coshocton, 
Ohio, and from which the latter, as well as the Delaware Town of Goschachgunk, which 
afterwards stood on the site of Coshocton, both took their names. 



292 The Wilderness Trail 

about nine o'clock in the morning, surprised the Indians in the corn- 
fields, and that they came so suddenly on them that the white men, 
who were in their houses, had the utmost difficulty to reach the Fort. 
Three, not being able to get to the Fort, shut themselves up in one of the 
houses. At this time there were but twenty men and boys in the Fort, 
including the white men. The French and Indians having taken pos- 
session of the white men's houses, some of which were within ten yards 
of the Fort, they kept a smart fire on the Fort till the afternoon, and 
had taken the three white men who had shut themselves up in one of 
the houses. Though they had plenty of arms and ammunition in the 
house, they coiild not be prevailed upon by the white men and Indians 
in the Fort to fire a gun, though they encouraged them as much as pos- 
sible, but as soon as they were taken, told how many white men were in 
the Fort. The French and Indians, in the afternoon, let the Twightwees 
know that if they woiild deliver up the white men that were in the Fort, 
they would break up the siege and go home. After a consultation it was 
agreed by the Indians and whites that as there were so few men, and no 
water in the Fort, it was better to deliver up the white men, with beaver 
and wampum to the Indians not to hurt them, than for the Fort to be 
taken, and all to be at their mercy. The white men were delivered up 
accordingly, except Burney and Andrew, whom the Indians hid. One 
of the white men that was wounded in the belly, as soon as they got him 
they stabbed and scalped, and took out his heart and eat it. Upon 
receiving the white men they delivered up all the Indian women they 
had prisoners, and set off with the plunder they got out of the white 
men's houses, amounting to about three thousand pounds. They killed 
one Englishman and took [five] prisoners ; one Mingoe and one Shawanees 
killed, and three Twightwees; one of them, the old Pianguisha king, 
called by the English Old Britain, who, for his attachment to the English, 
they boiled and eat him all up. 

"7th. Scaruneate,' with some more of the Six Nations, came to 
us in the morning and asked us if we would go with them, in order to 
bring the remaining Twightwees this way ; we told them that we would ; 
then we went to the Long House and showed them our belts, and speeches 
with each belt. Then the Shawanees that had been at the Twightwees 

^ Scaruneate seems to have been another form of Scarrooyady, the name of the chief 
who was also called Monacatoocha, by George Washington {Journals of 1753 and 1754) ; 
Scaiohady by James Logan and Conrad Weiser {Pa. Col. Rec, v., 147, 358); Orscanyadee 
by one of George Croghan's Traders {Pa. Arch., i., 737); and Skirooniatta, by John 
Davison, a Trader and interpreter {Pa. Col. Rec, vi., 616). He was reported as being 
"old and infirm" in 1747, but lived long enough to take a more active part in fighting 
the French (with Washington in 1753 and 1754; at Braddock's Defeat in 1755; and as 
scout and messenger in 1756 and 1757) than any other resident of Pennsylvania save, 
possibly, Andrew Montour and Col. John Armstrong. 



The Pickawillany Path 293 

produced the wampum they brought, on a large black belt, with a scalp 
tied to the end of it, with this speech : 

"'Brothers: We have struck the French, and we expect that all 
nations in alliance with us will do the same.' 

"The next was a string of black wampum from the captains and 
warriors of the Twightwees to the captains and warriors of all nations 
in alliance with them, letting them .know that they put their women and 
children under their care ; that inasmuch as they expect that they would 
all assist them, and that they had not forgot the league betwixt them. 

"The next was a large white belt that the Six Nations had sent them 
upon their first being friends, which was to let them know the situation 
they were in was bad, and that they should move from the Fort with 
their own people, or the Six Nations, whoever should come first, that 
they might be in a place of safety ; but back with the French they never 
would go. They also let them know that in the time of the battle the 
French and Indians called to them, and told them they were dead, 
whether they killed them or no, for the English and Six Nations would 
put them all to death ; upon which they made them this answer : ' You 
are liars ! You have killed all of us, and we '11 be revenged.' 

"July 1 2th. We left the Lower Shawanees Town with twenty- two 
men and boys, whites and Indians, instead of above a hundred, which 
we expected, occasioned by a quantity of liquor coming to town. The 
chief we had belonged to the Six Nations. 

"19th. We lay about twenty miles this side of the Pick Town. 
Before we took up we heard three guns. We sent some young men out 
to discover who they were, but they returned without finding anybody. 
About midnight some of our people that were awake heard a hollow and 
two whistles; they waked us, and we lay awake the rest of the night, 
with our guns in our hands. 

' ' 20th. We sent two men off in the morning to view the town ; they 
met us about five miles on this side of the town and told us that it was 
deserted, and that there were two French flags flying. We went to the 
town, unloaded our horses and turned them into the cornfields, and 
hoisted the English colors ; we sent out people to track which way they 
were gone; they found where two men, the day before, had been sitting 
in the cornfields, which we suppose to be some of the enemy watching 
the Fort. They found the people's tracks down the creek, one part of 
which had taken through the woods, for the Lower Shawanees Town, 
and the rest had gone towards their own people. We got water in the 
Fort, and secured two of the Fort gates; the other we left open for our 
people to go in and out at. A little after dark we heard three guns fired 
along the French road, upon which we sent four young men out to scout 
about the edge of the woods, to see what they could discover, and the 



294 The Wilderness Trail 

rest of us kept awake all night, at the Fort gate, with our guns in our 
hands. 

"21st. In the morning we tied up part of the skins that were left 
in the Fort, and lent the man whom the skins belonged to our riding 
horses to bring them off. We sent some people out along the French 
road, but they returned without discovering any of the enemy. They 
found a blue jacket and a shirt stabbed in six or seven places, all bloody, 
which we suppose belonged to some of the Indians that were killed. 
About noon we set off upon the people's track down the creek. We 
went about seven miles, and then took up in order to kill meat, having 
no provisions but what we killed. 

"29th. We reached the Shawanees Town after a very tiresome 
and tedious journey, having then carried the goods between six and seven 
hundred miles, the weather the hottest that ever was known in these 
parts, many of the Indian dogs dropping dead as they were hunting; 
the runs and creeks were so dry, that we were almost perished for 
want of water, having traveled one day two and twenty miles without 
a drop. After we had refreshed ourselves we went to see the Twigh- 
twees, and found that the young Pianguisha king, Musheguanockque, 
or the Turtle, two more men, Old Britain's wife and son, with about a 
dozen women and their children were come this way. 

"August 4th. When the six Cherokees were coming into town, 
the Shawanees sent for us to the place they had made to receive them, 
After we had been there some time they hoisted a suit of French colors, 
which the French had given to Nucheconner. ■ I got up and told them 
that I looked upon the hoisting of them colors as an affront to his Majesty , 
the King of Great Britain, and as I was doing the King's business, I 
could hear no Councils under them, upon which Mr. Montour and myself 
got up and went away. As soon as an Indian, called the Blue Shadow, 
understood it, he struck them, and throwed them away as far as he could 
throw them. 

"'Brothers, the T wight wees: We present you with this string of 
wampum to wash away the blood, and to take away grief from your 
hearts.' [We gave a string of black and white wampum.] 

"The Six Nations then spoke to the Twightwees: 'Brothers, the 
Twightwees: We present you with this string of wampum to wipe 
away your tears, that you may see clearly what we and your brothers, 
the English, are going to say to you.' [Gave a string of black and white 
wampum.] 

"The Six Nations spoke again to the Twightwees: 'Brothers, the 
Twightwees : We present you with this string of wampum to clear your 
hearts and open your minds, that you may understand rightly what 

^ He had fled down the Allegheny with Peter Chartier in 1745. 



The Pickawillany Path 295 

your brothers, the English, are going to say to you,' [Gave a string of 
white wampum.] 

'"Brothers, the Twightwees: We must now inform you that your 
brothers, the Delawares, desired us to remember the treaty made betwixt 
us, the Six Nations, the Shawanees, Wyandots, and themselves, with 
you, and they desire that you would go down and brighten the chain, 
and renew the friendship already made betwixt us, and they further 
desire the English and the Six Nations to put their hands upon your 
heads and keep the French from hurting you, and to advise you not to 
listen or hear what the French say to you. 

'"Brethren, you joined in a covenant chain with us, your brethren, 
the English, and the Six United Nations of Indians and their allies, three 
or four years ago. The King of Great Britain, your father, has now sent 
a very large present of goods to the Logstown, to be divided amongst his 
children. As you could not come thither, we have taken care to send 
you part. We join with the Six United Nations of Indians in advising 
you to stand fast in the chain of friendship, which you have already taken 
hold of, and assure you of the friendship of the government of Virginia, 
under the direction of the great King, your father, on the other side of 
the water.' [We gave a belt of wampum.] 

"The Twightwees made the following speech, with a beaver blanket, 
with a green painted spot in the middle : 

"'Brothers: We perceive that your country is all smooth and 
clear like this blanket and that your hearts are good, and the dwellings 
of your governors are like this green painted spot in the middle of the 
blanket, which represents the Spring in its bloom.' [Gave the beaver 
blanket.] 

"The Six Nations then produced a large belt, which the Twightwees 
had sent to all the nations in alliance with them, with the following 
speech : 

'"Brothers: We are very sorry that our people were so foolish as 
to deliver the English out of the Fort to the French and their Indians, 
but as our people first consulted the English in the Fort, and it was 
agreed that it was better to deliver them up (which we did, with beaver 
and wampum, to the Indians, not to hurt them), than all to be killed, 
and we desire all our friends to speak to our brothers, the English, and 
to intercede with them not to desert us, but send their Traders amongst 
us, and pity our women and children.' [Showed the belt.] 

"The Six Nations made the following speech to the Twightwees, 
with a belt of white wampum, in favor of themselves and the English: 

" 'Brothers : We desire you to be strong, and to hold fast the chain 
of friendship concluded between us, you, and the English, and we desire 
you not to mind what the French and their Indians may say to our 



296 The Wilderness Trail 

disadvantage, for you have now once more come amongst us, and you 
now see what some of your own people that loved the French told you, 
that we should put you to death if you came amongst us, is all hes. You 
have now an opportunity of seeing that we are still your friends, and of 
being assured, from our own mouths, that we shall always remain so; 
and we would have you mind what your brothers, the Delawares, shall 
say to you, for they have been long acquainted with the English and 
know their hearts.' [Gave the belt.] 

"Then the Twightwees produced a feathered pipe, and made the 
following speech: 

'"Brothers: We now acquaint you that the French and their 
Indians have struck us, yet we kept this pipe whole and unhurt ' ; that is 
as much as to say, they still hold fast of the chain of friendship with the 
English, Six Nations, and their aUies. , [Gave the pipe to the Six Nations.] 

' ' The Six Nations then made the following speech to the Twightwees, 
with a string of black and white wampum : 

" 'Brothers: We are glad to see that you have kept safe that pipe, 
by which we see you have not forgot the treaty between you, us, and the 
EngHsh.' [Gave the string.] 

"Then the Six Nations gave us a twist of tobacco to be given to the 
Half King, to desire him to acquaint the Six Nations of what had been 
done at the Twightwees, and to desire him to come down and see what 
they would do with them. 

"Then the Shawanees produced a shell and black string of wampum 
from the Twightwees, acquainting all nations in alliance with them that 
they had but one heart with them, and though it was darkness to the 
westward, yet toward the sun-rising it was bright and clear. [Gave the 
shell and string to be given the Six Nations.] 

"Then the Shawanees produced a string of mostly black wampum 
from the captains and warriors of the Twightwees, letting the captains 
and warriors of all nations in alliance with them know that their hands 
had been tied, but now they were loose, and that they have the hatchet 
in their hands ready to strike the French and their Indians, and they 
desire all their friends to assist them. [Gave the string to be given to the 
Six Nations.] 

"Then the Twightwees produced a black and white string of wam- 
pum, letting the Shawanees and Delawares know that when they went 
there before, they had cleared a road, but as it had been stopped by the 
French and Indians, they now clear it again. [Gave the string of 
wampum.] 

"Then the old Pianguisha king's [La Demoiselle, or Old Britain] 
wife got the following speech made to all nations in alliance with them, 
with a string of black and white wampum : 



The Pickawillany Path 297 



II n 



'Brothers: The French have killed my husband, I am now left 
a poor, lonely woman, with one son, who I recommend to the care of the 
English, Six Nations, Shawanees, and Delawares, and desire they will 
take care of him.' [Gave tbe Six Nations the string,] 

"Then the Delawares produced a feathered pipe, and beaver 
blanket from the Wawetannes, with the following speech to the English, 
Six Nations, and their allies: 

'"Brothers: We have had this pipe from the beginning of the 
world, and whenever it got cloudy we sweep the clouds away, and 
though it is dark to the westward, yet we sweep all clouds away towards 
the sun-rising, and leave a clear and serene sky; and, brothers, we 
present you with this beaver blanket, hoping that your hearts and minds 
may be as clear as the green painted spot in the middle.' [Gave the pipe 
and blanket to be given to the Six Nations.] 

"The Twightwees made the following speech to the English, with a 
green belt and pipe : 

" 'Brothers: When we first went to see you, we made a road which 
reached to your country, which road the French and Indians have made 
bloody ; now we make a new road, which reaches all the way to the sun- 
rising, one end of which we will hold fast, which road shall remain open 
and clear forever, that we and our brothers may travel backwards and 
forwards to one another with safety; and if we live till the Spring, our 
brothers may expect to see us, and we send this pipe that our brothers 
may smoke out of, and think upon what we say, and they may depend 
upon seeing us in the Spring, at which time we will give a full answer.* 
[Gave the belt and pipe]. 

"Speeches made to the Shawanees by the six Cherokees, who came 
to make peace with the Six Nations and their allies : 

'"Brethren: We give you this tobacco to smoke, that while you 
are smoking you may consider us and pity our condition. [Gave some 
tobacco tied in a piece of leather.] 

'"Brethren: We are come to inform you that fourteen hundred 
of our men will be here in about two months, to live amongst you, for 
we can live no longer in our own country, for the English are angry and 
refuse to supply us with powder and lead, because they say we kill their 
Traders. [Gave a string of white beads.] 

" 'Brethren: We are sensible there has been a great many Traders 
killed, but we have not done it. You know that it is the French Indians 
that have killed them, therefore we beg that you, the Six Nations, and 
Delawares, would intercede with our brothers, the English, for us, that 
they may take pity upon our women and children, and not desert us, 
but that they may take us under their protection.' [Gave a string of 
white wampum.] 



298 The Wilderness Trail 

"All the speeches that were delivered to the Six Nations by the 
Shawanees and Delawares that came from, the Twightwees, and those 
from the deputies of the Six Nations, were delivered again to the head 
men of the Six Nations, at the Logstown, by Mr. Andrew Montour, in 
order that they might send some person to the head council at Onon- 
dagoa with them. When we found that Old Britain was killed, we gave 
the cloths, by advice of the Six Nations, in the following manner: The 
scarlet cloak to Old Britain's son, a young lad; the hat and jacket, with 
the shirt and stockings, to the young Pianguisha king; we clothed Old 
Britain's wife, and gave the rest of the goods to the young Pianguisha 
king, the Turtle, and two more men of the nation, for the use of the 
Twightwees; and I persuaded an Indian Trader to carry the goods for 
them, who promised to do it, and he set off with horses for the Lower 
Shawanees Town for that purpose. 

"N. B. The young Pianguisha king'' and Musheguanockque, or 
the Turtle, were two of the deputies for the Twightwees when they first 
entered into an alliance with th6 English. 

"While we were at the Lower Shawanees Town, there came a mes- 
senger from the Six Nations to order the Indians there to keep them- 
selves together, and to acquaint them there was an army from Canada 
arrived in the Lakes." 



Some additional details of the attack on Pickawillany are contained 
in the following letter from the Twightwees to Governor Dinwiddie, 
carried from them to him by Thomas Burney, who was probably the 
writer of the message: 

From the Twightwee Town, June ye 21st, 1752. 
Our good Brother of Virginia: 

This comes by our Brother, Thomas Burney, who was with us in the 
last unhappy Battle we had with our Enemies, the French and French 
Indians, who engaged our Fort at a time when all our Warriors and 
briskest Men were out a hunting. They had two hundred and forty 
fighting Men, appeared suddenly, and took us on Surprize, when they 
had sent us Wampum and a fine French Coat in Token of Peace and good 
Will, just to deceive and draw our People out a Hunting, and then fall 
on us, as a more weak and defenceless Part; being only twenty Men able 
to bear Arms, and nine of them were our Brothers, the English, who helped 
us much. But their Stores and Houses being on the outside of our Fort, 
our enemies plundered them, and took six of our Brothers', the English's, 
Goods, and, to our great Loss, their Powder and Lead; and killed one 
of them English, & scalped him. 

They kill'd our great Pianckosha King, whom we called old Britain, 
for his great Love to his Brothers, the English. 

Brother, we send you by our Brother Burney, one Scalp and a Belt 

' His Indian name was Assapausa. 



The Pickawillany Path 299 

of Wampum, to let you know we are more concern'd for the Loss of our 
King, and our Brothers that were taken and kill'd, than for ourselves, 
altho' in great distress for Want of Arms and Ammunition; for we must 
look on ourselves as lost if our Brothers, the English, do not stand by us, 
and give us Powder and Lead and Arms. 

To confirm what we say and to assure you that we will ever con- 
tinue true Friends and Allies of our Brothers, the English, we send you 
this Scalp and Belt of Wampum. 

P.S. — There were but two French men appear'd among the Indians 
in Time of Battle, altho' we understand there were thirty men within 
two Miles of us, all the Time of Action, who were ready to receive their 
share of the Plunder. 

The names of the five English Traders who were captured at the 
Pickawillany Fort in 1752, and sent to France to be imprisoned, have 
not been preserved in any of the accounts of the siege which have come 
down to us. It is possible that four of them may have been the same as 
those who appeared before the Pennsylvania Assembly May 22, 1753, 
and petitioned that body for assistance ; which was granted them to the 
amount of sixteen pounds. "A petition from George Henry, John 
Evans, James Devoy, and Owen Nicholson, was presented to the House 
and read, setting forth that they are in a poor and distressed condition, 
by reason of their having been taken prisoners by a number of French 
Indians, with a Frenchman at their head, who carried them to Quebec, 
and from thence sent them to Rochelle, in Old France, where they were 
released by the English Embassador, and by him sent to London, from 
whence they got a passage to this place; therefore, praying this House 
would consider the petitioners' unhappy case, and grant them as much 
money as will bear their expenses to Cumberland County, the place of 
their residence." In the "Detail of Indian Affairs, 1752-54," prepared 
by Governor Robert Morris of Pennsylvania near the close of 1754, it is 
stated that these four Traders were taken prisoners "as they were trading 
beyond the Ohio." 



CHAPTER IX 

THE INDIAN TRADE AND THE PENNSYLVANIA TRADERS 

JOHN LEDERER, the German traveller who was one of the first 
explorers of central Virginia, after the Indian Traders, has left 
us an account of the method in which the Indian trade was carried on in 
Virginia and Carolina in 1 670. ' ' Touching Trade with the Indians, ' ' says 
Lederer, "if you barely design a home trade with neighbor Indians, for 
deer, beaver, otter, wild-cat, fox, raccoon, etc., your best truck is a sort 
of coarse trading cloth [called duffels and strouds, by the Pennsylvania 
Traders], of which a yard and a half makes a match-coat' or mantle 
fit for their wear; as also, axes, hoes, knives, scissors, and all sorts of 
edged tools. Guns, powder, and shot, etc., are commodities they will 
greedily barter for ; but to supply the Indians with arms and ammunition 
is [at the time Lederer wrote] prohibited in all English governments. 

"In dealing with the Indians, you must be positive and at a word; 
for if they persuade you to fall anything in your price, they will spend 
time in higgling for further abatements, and seldom conclude any bargain. 
Sometimes you may, with brandy or strong liquor, dispose them to an 
humor of giving ten times the value of your commodity; and at other 
times they are so hide-bound that they will not offer half the market 
price, especially, if they be aware that you have a mind to circumvent 
them with drink, or that they think you have a desire to their goods, 
which you must seem to slight and disparage. 

"To the remoter Indians you must carry other kinds of truck, as 
small looking-glasses, pictures, beads and bracelets of glass, knives, 
scissors, and all manner of gaudy toys and knacks for children, which 
are light and portable. For they are apt to admire such trinkets, and 
will purchase them at any rate, either with their current coin of small 
shells, which they call roanoack or peack [wampum], or perhaps with 
pearl, vermillion, pieces of crystal; and towards Ushery [i.e., the Catawba 
country], with some odd pieces of plate or bullion, which they some- 
times receive in truck from the Oestacks [Westacks]. 

' This term is corrupted from the Powhatan word, match-core, as given by John 
Smith in his History of Virginia, and said by him to mean "skin, or garment. " 

300 



Indian Trade and Pennsylvania Traders 301 

"Could I have foreseen, when I set out, the advantages to be 
made by a trade with those remote Indians, I had gone better provided; 
though perhaps I might have run a great hazard of my life had I pur- 
chased considerably among them, by carrying wealth unguarded through 
so many different nations of barbarous people; therefore it is vain for 
any man to propose to himself, or undertake a trade at that distance, 
unless he goes with strength to defend, as well as an adventure to pur- 
chase such commodities; for in such a design many ought to join and go 
in company." 

James Adair, the author of the History of the Southern Indians 
(London, 1774), spent nearly forty years (from 1735) as a Trader among 
the Carolina and'Chickasaw Indians. His book is now out of print, and 
occasional copies offered at auction sell for large prices. The work was 
written to establish a pet theory of Adair that the American Indians were 
the descendants of the Ten Lost Tribes of Israel ; and most of it is taken 
up with comparisons between the tribal habits of the Indians and those 
of the Jews. Its chief value in this direction, and a value of which Adair 
was unaware, lies in the fact of its showing that the primitive customs 
and habits, manner of life, and superstitions, of all savage or barbarous 
people, are pretty much the same the world over, in the early periods 
of their history. This has been clearly brought out and established by 
Dr. Lewis H. Morgan in his book on Ancient Society. For the reason 
that Adair's book is almost wholly given up to suggesting analogies 
between the life of the Indians and the life of the ancient Jews, he gives 
very little space to relating his own experiences and adventures as an 
Indian Trader — a relation which, if it had been made, would have 
had infinitely more value to the student of American history than his 
book has now. What little historical information Adair does give, 
however, we should be thankful for; and some of it is here set forth: 

"Formerly, each Trader [from Carolina] had a license for two Towns 
or Villages ; but according to the present plan, two and even three Arab- 
like peddlers skulk about in one of those villages. Several of them also 
frequently emigrate into the woods with spiritous liquor and cheating 
trifles, after the Indian hunting camps, in the winter season, to the great 
injury of a regular Trader who supplies them with all the conveniences 
for hunting ; for, as they will sell even their wearing shirt for inebriating 
liquors, they must be supplied anew in the fall of the year by a Trader. 

"At my first settling among them, a number of Traders who lived 
contiguous to each other joined through our various nations in different 
companies, and were generally men of worth. Of course they would 
have a living price for their goods, which they carried on horseback to 
the remote Indian countries at very great expense. They set an honest 
copy f.or the imitation of the natives; for, as they had much at stake, 



302 The Wilderness Trail 

their own interest and that of the Government coincided. As the 
trade was in this wise manner kept up to its just standard, the savages 
were industrious and frugal. But lowering it, through a mistaken notion 
of regaining their affections, we made ourselves too cheap to them, and 
they despised us for it. The trade ought to be raised to a reasonable 
fixed price the first convenient opportunity; thus we shall keep them 
employed and ourselves secure. Should we lower the trade even fifty 
per cent, below the price cost, they would become only the more dis- 
contented by thinking we had cheated them all the years past. A mean, 
submissive temper can never manage an Indian affair. The qualities 
of a kind friend, sensible speaker, and active warrior must constitute the 
character of a superintendent. . . . 

"The Traders' buildings are like towers in cities, beyond the com- 
mon size of those of the Indians. Before the Indians were corrupted 
by mercenary empirics, their good sense led them to esteem the Traders 
among them as their second Sun, warming their backs with the British 
fleeces, and keeping in their candle of life, both by plentiftil support and 
continual protection and safety, from the arms and ammunition which 
they annually brought them. While the Indians were simple in man- 
ners and uncorrupt in morals, the Traders could not be reckoned unhappy, 
for they were kindly treated and watchfully guarded by a society of 
friendly and sagacious people, and possessed all the needful things to 
make a reasonable life easy. Through all the Indian countries every 
person lives at his own choice, not being forced in the least degree to 
anything contrary to his own inclination. Before that most impolitic 
step of giving general licences took place, only a sufficient number of 
orderly, reputable Traders were allowed to traffic and reside among the 
Indians, by which means the last were kept under proper restraint, were 
easy in their minds, and peaceable, on account of the plain, honest les- 
sons daily inculcated on them. But at present, most of their countries 
swarm with white people, who are generally the dregs and off-scourings of 
our colonies. The description is so exceedingly disagreeable that I shall 
only observe, the greater part of them could notably distinguish them- 
selves among the most profligate by land or sea, no day of the week 
excepted; indeed, the Sabbath day is the worst. This is the true situa- 
tion of our Indian affairs, the unavoidable result of ignorant and wicked 
clergymen settled as missionaries on the frontiers, and of the pernicious 
practice of general licences, by which crowds of disorderly people infest 
the Indian countries, corrupt the morals, and put their civilization out 
of the power of common means. The worst and meanest may readily 
get nominal security to entitle them to a trading licence, and ill uses are 
made of them with impunity." 

Cadwallader Colden's Memoir on the Fur Trade, prepared for 



Indian Trade and Pennsylvania Traders 303 

Governor Burnet in 1724, in contrasting the great advantages the English 
enjoyed over the French in the Indian Trade, ascribed them to the lower 
cost of the English goods and to cheaper and more expeditious trans- 
portation. 

"The ships that constantly use the Trade to England," Golden 
wrote, "perform their voyage to and from London twice every year; 
and those that go to Bristol (the port from whence the greatest part of 
the Goods for the Indian Trade are exported), frequently return in four 
months. These goods are bought much cheaper in England than in 
France; they are transported in less time, with less charge, and much 
less risk. . . . 

"Besides . . . difficulties in the transportation, the French labor 
under greater, in the purchasing of the principal goods proper for the 
Indian market; for the most considerable and most valuable part of 
their cargo consists in Strowds, Duffils, Blankets, and other woollens, 
which are bought at a much cheaper rate in England than in France. 
The Strowds, which the Indians value more than any other clothing, are 
only made in England, and must be transported into France before they 
can be carried to Canada. Rum is another considerable branch of the 
Indian Trade which the French want, by reason they have no com- 
moditys in Canada fit for the West India market. This they supply 
with brandy, at a much dearer rate than rum can be purchased at New 
York, tho' of no more value to the Indians. Generally, all the goods 
used in the Indian Trade except gunpowder and a few trinkets, are sold 
at Montreal for twice their value at Albany. To this, likewise, must 
be added the necessity they are under of laying the whole charge of 
supporting their Government on the Indian Trade. I am not particu- 
larly informed of their duties or imposts, but I am well assured that they 
commonly give six or 700 livres [francs] for a licence for one canoe, in 
proportion to her largeness, to go with her loading into the Indian 
Country to trade. . . . 

"To put the truth of this question out of all dispute, I need only 
observe what is well known both at New York and Albany, viz., that 
almost all the Strowds carried by the French into the Indian Coun- 
tries, as well as large quantitys of other goods for the use of the French 
themselves, are carried from Albany to Montreal. There has been an 
account kept of 900 pieces of Strouds transported thither in one year, 
besides other commoditys of very considerable value. . . 

"Strouds (the staple Indian commodity) this year are sold for ten 
pounds apiece at Albany, and at Montreal for twenty-five pounds, 
notwithstanding the great quantity of Strouds said to be brought]directly 
into Quebeck from France, and the great quantities that have been 
clandestinely carried from Albany 



304 The Wilderness Trail 

"The merchants of New York allow our Indian Traders double the 
price for Beaver that the French Company allow their Indian Traders. 
The price established by the Company for Beaver in Canada, being 2 
livres, or 18 pence sterling the pound weight, and the current price of 
Beaver in New York being 5 sh. New York money, or 3 sh. sterling the 
pound weight. Therefore it plainly follows that our English Traders 
could undersell the French Traders, tho' they were to give as great a 
price for European goods as the French do, and did transport them at 
as great a charge, because of the double price they have for their furs in 
New York. But as our Indian Traders not only have a double price 
for their Indian goods, but likewise buy the goods they sell to the Indians 
at half the price the French Traders do, the French Traders must be 
ruined by carrying on this trade in competition with the English of New 
York; and the French Traders had been ruined before now, if they had 
not found means to carry their Beaver to Albany, where they get double 
the price they must have sold for in Canada." 

The great evil of the Indian Trade in all the colonies, of course, was 
the unrestricted and unlimited sale of rum to the Indians, In Penn- 
sylvania, almost from the time of its settlement, there were few con- 
ferences held with the Indians, at Philadelphia, on the Susquehanna, or 
on the Ohio, in which the chiefs did not complain to the Government 
of the great quantities of liquor carried into the woods by the 
Traders. 

On July 25, 1684, Governor William Penn "first proposes to the 
Council the law concerning the selling of rum to the Indians"; and it 
was "ordered, that Robert Terrill and all others who sell rum to the 
Indians be sent for, to appear before the Union and Council." 

The Council Records show that in 1685 "several Indians made com- 
plaint to ye Secretary of abuses they received from ye servants of Jasper 
Farmer at ye said Jasper Farmer's plantation, vizt., their making ye 
Indians drunk, then lying with their wives, and of their beating both 
men and their wives." In the following year information was given 
that Nicholas Scull, "hath, contrary to his duty and peace of this 
Province, sold and trucked to and with the Indians several quantities 
of liquors, which by law was prohibited the selling to them." In 1701 
Shemekenwhoa, one of the Shawnee chiefs from Pequea, complained 
to Governor Penn that Sylvester Garland, a Trader from Newcastle, 
had brought to the Shawnee settlement 140 gallons of rum, and after 
getting the Indians to drink, had abused them. When the Susquehanna 
and Shawnee chiefs came to Philadelphia to take leave of Penn on his 
final departure for England, they expressed the hope that the law 
against the selling of rum to the Indians would be put into effect, "and 
not only discoursed of, as formerly it has been." In 1704, Oretyagh, 



Indian Trade and Pennsylvania Traders 305 

chief of Conestoga, sent word to the Governor by Nicole Godin, a Trader, 
complaining of the great quantities of rum continually brought to his 
town, "inasmuch that they are ruined by it, having nothing left, but 
have laid out all, even their clothes, for rum, and may now, when 
threatened by war, be surprised by their enemies when besides them- 
selves with drink, and so utterly destroyed." In 1706, the Susque- 
hanna, Shawnee, and Ganawese Indians requested the Governor to 
prevent any persons from going up into the country beyond their towns, 
to meet the Indians returning from hunting, "for they sustain great 
damages by that practice, by being made drunk at their return before 
they get home to their wives, and so were imposed on and cheated by 
the Traders of the fruits of all their labors." 

A similar complaint was made by the Delawares in 17 15, and on 
this occasion the Governor and Council authorized all Indians who 
should see any rum brought amongst them for sale, "to forthwith stave 
the casks and destroy the liquor." Another complaint of the same kind 
was made by Shecokkenecan (Chicochinican) , father of Nemacolin, on 
behalf of the Conestogas, Shawnees, and Delawares of the Susquehanna, 
in 1 718. Another was made in 1721 by six chiefs of the Five Nations; 
and again, in 1727, by a number of Cayuga chiefs, who desired that no 
rum be sold about "Pextan," and that none should be carried by the 
Traders "to the remoter parts where James Le Tort trades (that is, 
Allegheny, on the branches of Ohio)." In 1733, Chief Shekallamy com- 
plained to the Governor that "Peter Cheaver [Shaver], beyond all others, 
had carried rum amongst the Indians of the Susquehanna, and will not 
regard the orders of the Government on this head, but threatens any 
Indian who may offer to stave his casks." In 1732, Edmund Cartlidge 
wrote the Governor from Kittanning, stating that the chiefs there made 
reflections on the Government for permitting such large quantities of rum 
to be carried to Allegheny and sold to the Indians there, contrary to the 
law. During the next year the Shawnee chiefs at Allegheny wrote to 
the Governor, requesting that he send them an order permitting them 
"to break in pieces all the cags [of rum] so brought" amongst them, 
yearly and monthly, by "some new upstart of a Trader without licence, 
who comes amongst us and brings nothing but rum, no powder, nor lead, 
nor clothing, but takes away with him those skins which the old licensed 
Traders, who bring us everything necessary, ought to have in return for 
their goods sold us some years since." 

A petition was presented to Governor Gordon in August, 1730, 
from three of the Allegheny Traders, which read as follows: 

The humble petition of Anthony Saduskus, John Maddox, and 
John Fisher, Indian Traders, showeth: 

That they are a Company of Traders among the natives, and had 

VOL. II. — 20 



3o6 The Wilderness Trail 

under the direction of John Maddox the value of Five Hundred Pounds 
in European goods at Allegheny in 1729; 

That sometime in the month of June the same year, the Mingoe 
Indians brought fourteen cags of Rum from Albany; whereupon the 
Delaware Indians sold all the goods they had, in order to purchase 
the Rum of the said Mingoes ; and not having sufficient to purchase the 
whole, they came to the store of John Maddox aforesaid, demanding of 
him a parcel of goods upon credit; which he refusing, they fell upon him, 
beat and wounded him severely, alledging they would have the goods, 
and even take them by force. 

Your Petitioners, fearing the consequence of their resolutions, 
thought it most proper to deliver them the goods they demanded; and 
accordingly delivered five pieces of strowds, twenty shirts, one piece 
half-thicks, and some small goods, the whole value thereof being about 
one hundred pounds; for which they have to this day not received any 
satisfaction. 

Your Petitioners therefore humbly pray, that your Honor will be 
pleased to give your directions to the Chief of ye Indians, viz., Allom- 
mapees, Shackachtan [at Shamokin], and to Great Hill [Mechouquat- 
chugh], at Allegheny, directing them that those offenders may be ordered 
and obliged to make us satisfaction; and that they desist from the like 
depredations for the future; and your Petitioners, etc. 

Anthony Sadowsk[y]. 

John Maddox. 

John Fisher. 

In 1734 the Shawnee chiefs at Allegheny wrote the Governor, 
requesting that none of the licensed Traders be allowed to bring to 
them more than thirty gallons of rum twice in a year, excepting Peter 
Char tier, who "trades fiirther than ye rest," and stating that if the 
Shawnees found any other Traders among them, they would stave their 
kegs and seize their goods. In 1738 nearly one hundred of the Shawnees 
at Allegheny signed a written agreement, that no rum should be per- 
mitted to be brought into any of their towns for the period of four years ; 
that such strong liquor as was then in the towns should be "broke and 
spilt," and that the same treatment should be accorded to any that might 
be carried there in the future. In 1741 Governor Thomas informed his 
Council that he had received a letter from some chiefs of the Mingoes 
and Shawnees at Allegheny, complaining of the quantities of rum being 
brought amongst them. 

In 1744 Governor Thomas sent a message to the Pennsylvania 
Assembly, in which he said, "I cannot but be apprehensive that the 
Indian Trade as it is now carried on will involve us in some fatal quarrel 
with the Indians. Our Traders, in defiance of the law, carry spiritous 
liquors amongst them, and take the advantage of their inordinate appe- 
tite for it to cheat them of their skins and their wampum, which is their 
money, and often to debauch their wives into the bargain. Is it to be 



Indian Trade and Pennsylvania Traders 307 

wondered at then, if, when they recover from the drunken fit, they should 
take severe revenge? . . . If I am rightly informed, the like abuses of the 
Traders in New England were the principal causes of the Indian Wars 
there, and at length obliged the Government to take the Trade into its 
own hands." 

At a conference held at Carlisle October 3, 1753, between Richard 
Peters, Isaac Norris, and Benjamin Franklin, Commissioners appointed 
by the Governor, and some chiefs of the Six Nations, Delawares, Shaw- 
nees, Twightwees, and Owendats, Scarrooyady, addressing his speech to 
the Governor of Pennsylvania, said: "Brother Onas — All we who are 
here desire you will hear what we are going to say, and regard it as a 
matter of moment. The French look on the great number of your 
Traders at Ohio with envy; they fear they shall lose their Trade. You 
have more Traders than are necessary, and they spread themselves over 
our wide country at such great distances that we cannot see them or 
protect them. We desire you will call back the great number of your 
Traders, and let only three sets of Traders remain, and order these to 
stay in three places which we have appointed for their residence, viz., 
Log's Town, the Mouth of Canawha, ^ and the Mouth of Mohongialo. 
The Indians will then come to them and buy their goods in these places, 
and nowhere else. We shall likewise look on them under our care, and 
be accountable for them. We have settled this point with Virginia in 
the same manner. . . . 

"Your Traders now bring scarce anything but Rum and Flour; they 
bring little Powder and Lead, or other valuable goods. The Rum ruins 
us. We beg you would prevent its coming in such quantities by regulat- 
ing the Traders. We never understood the Trade was to be for Whiskey 
and Flour. We desire it may be forbidden, and none sold in the Indian 
country; but if the Indians will have any, they may go among the inhabi- 
tants and deal with them for it. When these Whiskey Traders come, 
they bring thirty or forty cags and put them down before us and make us 
drink, and get all the skins that should go to pay the debts we have con- 
tracted for goods bought of the Fair Traders; and by this means we 
not only ruin ourselves but them too. These wicked Whiskey Sellers, 
when they have once got the Indians in liquor, make them sell their very 
clothes from their backs. In short, if this practice be continued, we 
must be inevitably ruined." 

The Provincial Assembly, after reading the report of this conference, 
"join with the Governor in bewailing the miserable situation of our 
Indian Trade, carried on (some few excepted) by the vilest of our own 
inhabitants, and convicts imported from Great Britain and Ireland, by 

' This would indicate that there may have been Indian villages near the mouth 
of Kanawha in 1753. See pp. 142, 143. 



3o8 The Wilderness Trail 

which means the English Nation is unhappily represented among our 
Indian allies in the most disagreeable manner. These trade without 
control, either beyond the limits, or at least beyond the power of our 
laws, debauching the Indians and themselves with spiritous liquors, 
which they now make in a great measure the principal article of their 
Trade, in direct violation of our laws, supplied, as we are informed, by 
some of the Magistrates who hold a commission under this Government, 
and other inhabitants of our back Countries." 

In connection with the trade in rum, there is a curious document 
preserved in the New York records, executed at Albany in March, 1764. 
This paper is a "Petition of Merchants of Albany to the Lords of Trade," 
signed by seventy-five Dutch Indian Traders and Merchants of the city 
and county of Albany, among whom are five Lansings, six Bleeckers, five 
Cuylers, two Beeckmans, two Gansevoorts, two Van Schaicks and repre- 
sentatives of the Schuyler, Van Rensselaer, De Peyster, and many other 
early Knickerbocker families. This document recites, among other 
things, "That your Petitioners, as well as their ancestors for near a cen- 
tury and a half, carried on a free trade with the Indians living west- 
ward of Albany . . . without being subject to any prohibition of rum 
or other spiritous liquors. . . . But . . . the glorious acquisitions ob- 
tained by His Majesty's armies in the reduction of Canada . . . en- 
couraged your Petitioners ... in carrying on . . . Trade in a more 
extensive manner, . . . tho in pursuit of this plan -your Petitioners, by 
some new invented regulations, were totally prohibited from carrying 
rum and other spiritous liquors, the enforcement of which regulation your 
Petitioners conceive, was founded on a mistaken notion, if not on some 
lucrative views. Tho true it is that some of the Five Nations have ex- 
claimed against the sale of rum amongst them, yet it is equally true that 
the other Tribes, with whom your Petitioners carry on a far more consider- 
able Trade, look upon such a prohibition as the greatest indignity, and as 
an encroachment on their liberty of Trade ; your Petitioners finding by 
experience, since this prohibition took place, a considerable decrease in the 
Trade, which they can ascribe to no other reason than such prohibition : 
because, when the Indians have nothing farther to provide for than bare 
necessaries, a very small quantity of furs in trade will abundantly supply 
that defect ; whereas, when the vent of liquors is allowed amongst them, it 
spurs them on to an unwearied application in hunting, in order to supply 
the Trading Places with furs and skins in exchange for liquors." 

Sir William Johnson, in a "Review of the Trade and Affairs of the 
Indians," which he prepared for the British Board of Trade in 1767, 
gives a very unfavorable view of the honesty and good sense of these 
Dutch Traders of Albany, Schenectady, and Oswego. An Ottawa chief 
of great influence brought his packs to Oswego. The Trader, after the 



Indian Trade and Pennsylvania Traders 309 

usual practice of deceiving him by reckoning the peltry at only one- 
third its real weight and telling him that merchandise was very dear on 
account of the duties (there were none), gave the Indian less than one- 
third of what he had been accustomed to receiving for a like quantity 
of skins. The chief went away discontented, but, returning, begged for 
a small keg of rum, which the Trader gave him, as a high favor. On 
opening the keg soon after his departure, it proved to be water. Another 
Trader, for some valuable furs, which he received from an Ottawa chief 
of much influence, paid him, at the Indian's request, in rum, giving him 
thirty small kegs; which, when they were opened by the chief on his 
return towards Niagara, proved to contain nothing but water. 

These two instances, says Johnson, were the occasion of New York 
losing the trade and affections of some powerful tribes of the Ottawas. 

Another instance was that of a Seneca warrior, of much influence 
and ability, whom Johnson had difficulty in persuading to take up arms 
for the English in 1756, but who finally came to him with a large party of 
warriors, who were ready to take the war-path against the French as 
soon as they had disposed of some furs. These they carried to Schenec- 
tady, with a recommendation from Johnson to a Trader there to use 
them kindly and justly. "Notwithstanding which, this enemy to the 
interests of his Country imposed on them in the grossest manner; it 
appearing from their account and his confession since, that, as they were 
strangers, he had doubled the price of his goods and allowed them but 
half the weight of their peltry. This was resented accordingly; the 
Indians took another route back ; and the chief sent me a belt of wam- 
pum, with a message informing me of the imposition, and . . . that he 
had accepted an invitation from the French, who knew how to treat 
them and their services. He made his words good; in a few days cut 
off a large settlement, and continued our most violent enemy ever since. 
... To this I must subjoin an instance in the case of the chief of all 
the Senecas, a warrior whose influence and capacity were and are well- 
known here, whom I had steadily preserved in the British interest when 
we were almost totally abandoned; this man, at the eve of the late war, 
was, thro' the means of liquor seduced by some Agents at Albany to 
subscribe his name to an Indian deed for a tract [Wyoming] within the 
bounds of Pennsylvania, but claimed by some Connecticut people, in 
virtue of their obsolete charter, which extended their western limits to 
the South Seas. This being a most iniquitous proceeding, highly 
resented by the Six Nations, the few who subscribed to it became obnox- 
ious to the rest, particularly the chief before mentioned; so that he was 
obliged to fly to the French for protection, who so far won upon him 
that he, with a powerful party who followed his fortunes, took up arms 
shortly after, attacked a body of Provincials at Lake George, whom 



310 The Wilderness Trail 

they totally defeated, and killed 45. Since which he was concerned in 
the most important services against us, cut ofiE some of our settle- 
ments, and occasioned the deaths of more than 400 of our people." 

The life of an Indian rum trader is depicted in the autobiographical 
sketch of one Charles Williams, an early settler in Coshocton County, 
Ohio, who served as a Ranger in eastern Onio for a few years after 1787. 
After Wayne's victory at Fallen Timbers in 1794, he lived on the Ohio 
River at Carpenter's Station, in the present Jefferson County, one mile 
from Short Creek. From there his Narrative proceeds: 

After some time I moved up the River where I came from — Car- 
penter's Station, Short Creek. Then had money, two horses. Then 
peace with the Ingens. I thought I would pay them up for what dam- 
age they had done to me, stealing horses. And following them many 
miles, went out to New Cumer's Town. There I and three more persons 
fell in with thirty or forty Ingens. Give them a small cag of whiskey 
and keep one to trade on. They got pretty high soon, and came to take 
my bread, and got hold of the bag and run; but I soon overhauled him 
and took it away from him. Soon after they come to get more whiskey, 
and I sold them for one dollar a quart, one-third water. Then I was 
paying them up. In two or three days, I got done trading, and went 
home in fine heart, thinking what I would do next trip. vSoon started 
out, with several horses loaded with articles for trade ; one horse load 
with whiskey, as it would make nearly two horse loads [after being 
watered]. Come to the Camp. Plenty of Ingens there, hungry for 
trade. I made a good trade for myself. 

There I found a man, one named Robert Higgins, and the Inguns 
and me got a old woman willing to marry him. Then the buck's foot 
and corn was handed about, and the marriage was over. We put them 
to bed on a bear-skin. Then I started home. Made a good trade. 
Took some Ingens with me. Came home. My father-in-law, Car- 
penter, had been taken prisoner and wounded. Very angry at them. 
Hard work to save them, but did it. Sold off my trade [peltries] very 
well, and lived high; played cards and run horses. Spent it as fast as I 
made it, but took good care of my family. ... In the Spring I took my 
brother-in-law with me. Took plenty of trade, especially whiskey, as it 
was good trade, that would sell when cash and all skins was gone, for the 
best of clothing ; full of lice ; wash them up and sell them again to them 
that had skins. Then the Ingens got very troublesome; wanted to 
take my whiskey, and I fought for it; and Carpenter left me alone. 
Hard times, but saved my property. Had none taken, but hard work 
to save it. 

In a few days sold all out; get sobered; and I point for home. 
About fifteen or twenty went home with me. Then I begun to under- 
stand them a little; made trade easier for me. I traded eight years 
with them, and my wife understood them before I was done trading. 

The conditions! in an Indian town when all the Indians became 
drunk are very well portrayed in the Diary of David McClure. McClure 



Indian Trade and Pennsylvania Traders 311 

was a Congregational preacher, who visited the towns on the Mus- 
kingum River in Ohio, in 1772. He reached Kekalemahpehoong, the 
town of Chief Nettautwaleman (Nettawatwees) , ' on September 21st. 

"This Town is called New Comer's Town by the English [near the 
site of the present town of the same name, a few miles east of the old 
Wyandot town of Conchake (Coshocton), described in the preceding 
pages], and stands on the west bank of the Muskingum, containing about 
sixty houses, some of logs, and others the bark of trees, fastened by elm 
bark to poles stuck in the ground and bent over at the top. There are 
nearly 100 families. It is the principal Town of the Delaware Nation, 
and the residence of the king and the greater part of the Councillors. . . . 
Eight or ten acres around the Town are cleared. On the opposite side 
of the River is a large corn-field, in rich low ground. It is inclosed 
within one common fence, and each family has its division to plant. 
Some of the houses are well built with hewed logs, with stone chimneys, 
chambers, and cellars. These, I was told, were built hy English captives 
in the time of the French wars. . . . 

"Tuesday, September 29. . . . This day some females brought 
about eighteen gallons of rum from Pittsburgh, employed by the Traders 
there, to sell for them. The head men endeavored to restrain the sale of 
it, but in vain. ... In the evening the fatal liquid, rum, began to cir- 
culate through the Town; not all the authority of the king and Council, 
nor their former positive law to restrain it, could stop the raging thirst 
of appetite. It was a dark and dreadful night. May that Almighty 
Guardian God, who has mercifully guided me hitherto, protect me 
through this night. . . . 

"By midnight the body of the inhabitants, of both sexes, were drunk. 
Myself and my two companions committed ourselves to God in prayer, 
and I lay down upon my couch, which was composed of a buffalo and 
bear skin. We left the door upon the latch, concluding that if any of 
the drunken rout should attempt to enter, to bar the door would make 
them more violent. The ground trembled with the trampling of feet; 
whooping, yells, singing, laughter, and the voice of rage and madness, 
were blended in dreadful discord, adding horror to the darkness of mid- 
night. 

"Some companies of them came successively to the door, and I 
expected them in every moment; they were at times very boisterous. 
My interpreter, who lay near the door, could hear their conversation. 
There providentially happened, in every instance, to be some one among 
them who dissuaded the rest from entering. . . . 

"I rose with the appearance of light, and with an Indian Trader 

^ His name is signed as a witness to the Indian deed by Sassoonan and others 
to William Penn in 1718. 



312 The Wilderness Trail 

whom I met at the door, walked through the Village. The noise and 
uproar continued. In one place sat several on the ground, drinking rum 
from wooden bowls; others lay stretched out in profound sleep; some 
were reeling and tumbling over the green; and one or two companies 
were fighting and yelling in the most frightftd manner. They fought 
like dogs, biting, scratching, and the like. . . . 

"In our walk, a fierce Indian, mad with rage, came up and, shaking 
his fist at me, used high and threatening words, as the Trader informed 
me, although he did not well understand him. I was a little alarmed 
at his threatening gestures and wrathful voice and looks, as well as the 
angry looks of some others of their warriors. 

"The men and women this morning were naked, except a piece of 
blue cloth about their loins, to cover their shame. It is the nature of 
this shameless vice to obliterate all sense of modesty. 

"It is an invariable custom in their drunken frolics for some to 
keep sober, to prevent mischief, if possible. The duty of these wakeful 
guardians is to disarm and take the clothes of those who are beginning 
to drink. The arms, such as tomahawks, knives, &c., they secrete. 
They make no resistance. These watchmen, however, do not lose their 
share. They awaken some of the first drinkers who have slept away 
their drink, and these take their place, and then they go to drinking. 

"I returned to my house, and hearing that the king and Captain 
Kilbuck were sober, I sent a request that they would take breakfast 
with me. I wished for their company for personal security. They 
accordingly came. We sat around our table, which was a piece of plank 
resting on two kegs. My royal guest and his Councillor regaled them- 
selves with chocolate and biscuit; but I could not prevail with them to 
stay after they had finished their repast. The king expressed his sorrow 
at the state of the Town. Kilbuck went and joined the rout. 

"Finding my situation in these scenes of drunkenness and madness 
unsafe, I concluded to ride with my interpreter to a village five miles 
down the River. We went to look up our horses. In my absence, the 
warrior who had threatened me in the morning, had procured a club, and 
rushing into the house, in which was only the son of Kilbuck, asked for 
the white man, and, flourishing the club, said he came to kill him. The 
young Indian, to divert him from the way I had gone- directed him to 
pursue me in an opposite direction. Turning from the door, eager to 
find me, he was stopped by another Indian, a stout young man, called 
Young Beaver, who wrested the club from him, which was soon also 
taken from him, and secreted. 

"They were engaged in a bloody fight at the time that I returned 
with my horse. The fight was in the house next to mine. By the noise 
and confusion within, one could imagine that a number were engaged 



Indian Trade and Pennsylvania Traders 313 

in a bloody conflict. I was ignorant of the cause, until, in about fifteen 
minutes, my interpreter arrived and explained it. 

"Before he arrived, I stood attending to the noise of the affray; 
and young Kilbuck, just mentioned, ran out of the house to me with a 
long bloody lock of hair, and smiling and talking, presented it to me. 
Not knowing what it meant, I declined receiving it; he then stuck it 
on the outside of my house. This, I found by my interpreter, was a 
trophy of victory, for my friend, Young Beaver, had just torn it from 
the middle of the scalp of my enemy. 

"I then thought it advisable to stay no longer; but with Pepee 
rode expeditiously out of Town. 

" We were in hopes of finding peace and security at the Village below, 
but in this we were disappointed. When we came in sight of it, we 
heard 'the sound of riot and ill-managed merriment.' Part of the rum 
had been sent to this Village, and they were in the height of their frolic. 
We debated sometime whether to go in, reluctant and 'loath to meet 
their rudeness and swill'd insolence.' My interpreter, Pepee, had a 
cousin living there. . . . He was sober, very glad to see Pepee, and 
we followed him to his house. He showed me great hospitality. Steaks 
of excellent venison, roasted, and some sweet squashes which he baked 
in the embers, wrapped in large leaves, were given us. After this repast 
I slept soundly on his bear-skin couch. When I awoke my inter- 
preter only was present. He said his cousin had been absent some time. 
I walked about the Village. About one-half of the inhabitants were 
intoxicated. They did not offer me any injiiry. . . . Such is the fondness 
of Indians for dissipation that they were building a dancing-house in 
this small village, which will cost them more labor than one-half the 
houses in it." 

William Bartram, the naturalist, who travelled in Florida, Carolina, 
and Tennessee in 1773, has also left us an interesting description of a 
drunken frolic of some Seminole Indians, which took place near Mount 
Royal, at Lake George, on the St. John's River in Florida, during his 
residence there. 

"At the trading-house I found a very large party of the Lower 
Creeks encamped in a grove, just without the pallisadoes. This was a 
predatory band of the Siminoles, consisting of about forty warriors, 
destined against the Chactaws of West Florida. They had just arrived 
here from St. Augustine, where they had been with a large troop of 
horses for sale, and furnished themselves with a very liberal supply of 
spiritous liquors, about twenty kegs, each containing five gallons. 

"These sons of Mars had the continence and fortitude to withstand 
the temptation of even tasting a drop of it until their arrival here, where 
they proposed to supply themselves with necessary articles to equip 



314 The Wilderness Trail 

them for the expedition, and proceed on directly; but here, meeting 
with our young Traders and pack-horse men, they were soon prevailed 
on to broach their beloved nectar; which, in the end, caused some dis- 
turbance, and the consumption of most of their liquor; for after they 
had once got a smack of it, they never were sober for ten days, and by 
that time there was but little left. 

"In a few days this festival exhibited one of the most ludicrous 
bacchanalian scenes that is possible to be conceived. White and red 
men and women without distinction passed the day merrily with these 
jovial, amorous topers, and the nights in convivial songs, dances, and 
sacrifices to Venus, as long as they could stand or move ; for in these 
frolics both sexes take such liberties with each other, and act without 
constraint or shame such scenes as they would abhor when sober or in 
their senses; and would endanger their ears and even their lives. 

"But, at last, their liquor running low, and being most of them sick 
through intoxication, they became more sober; and now the dejected, 
lifeless sots would pawn everything they were in possession of for a 
mouthful of spirits, to settle their stomachs, as they termed it. 

"This was the time for the wenches to make their market; as they 
had the fortitude and subtility, by dissimulation and artifice, to save 
their share of the liquor during the frolic, and that by a very singular 
stratagem. For at these riots, every fellow who joins in the club, has 
his own quart bottle of rum in his hand, holding it by the neck so sure, 
that he never loses hold of it, day or night, drunk or sober, as long as the 
frolick continues; and with this, his beloved friend, he roves about con- 
tinually, singing, roaring, and reeling to and fro, either alone or arm in 
arm with a brother toper, presenting his bottle to every one, offering a 
drink; and is sure to meet his beloved female, if he can, whom he com- 
placently begs to drink with him. But the modest fair, veiling her face 
in a mantle, refuses, at the beginning of the frolick; but he presses, and 
at last insists. She, being furnished with an empty bottle, concealed 
in her mantle, at last consents, and, taking a good, long draught, blushes, 
drops her pretty face on her bosom, and artfully discharges the rum into 
her bottle; and b}'- repeating this artifice, soon fills it. This she privately 
conveys to her secret store, and then returns to the jovial game, and so 
on during the festival. And when the comic farce is over, the wench 
retails this precious cordial to them at her own price." 

The currency of the Indians, with which they bought all their goods 
and made all their peace offerings, tributes, and presents, was, to a 
limited extent, wampum, but chiefly peltries. The beaver pelt, as we 
have seen, was the principal medium of exchange in New York and 
Canada. In Pennsylvania and Virginia, where the beaver was scarce, 
buck-skins and doe-skins took its place. 



Indian Trade and Pennsylvania Traders 315 

On the 23d of July, 17 12, a number of the Conestoga Indians visited 
Philadelphia to hold a conference with the Governor. They brought to 
him as a present a bundle of skins, which were valued by the Council 
as follows: 30 deer-skins, at 3sh. 6d. each; 2 half bears, at 7sh.; 3 foxes, 
at i8d. each; 6 raccoons, at ish. each; 3 beavers, at 5sh.; and one 
dressed doe-skin, at 3sh. 6d — a total value of £7, ish. In return for 
this present, the Council ordered that the following goods should be 
provided for the Indians: 6 Stroud Water ^ match-coats^; 6 Duffils^; 6 
white shirts; 50 pounds of powder; i cwt. of lead; besides a Stroud- 
water and three shirts to Indian Harry, the interpreter. 

On the 14th of October in the same year, the Delaware chiefs came 
to Philadelphia after their return from the country of the Five Nations, 
where they had been to pay their tribute. They brought with them a 
present of skins to the Governor, and also five other bundles which had 
been sent, one by each of the Five Nations, in return for presents which 
they had received from Pennsylvania. The present of the Delawares 
contained 49 buck-skins, which were valued by the recipients at 5 shil- 
lings each; and 71 doe-skins, at 2sh. 6d. each; a total of over 21 pounds. 
The bundles from the Five Nations contained 20 beavers, weighing 
31 pounds, at 3sh. 6d. the pound; 38 bucks and does, ordinary, at 3sh. ; 
and 2 bear skins, at 9 shillings. 

In June, 1715, Sassoonan and Opessah, chiefs of the Delawares and 
Shawnees, with a number of lesser chiefs, attended a Council in Phila- 
delphia, bringing with them as a present: 45 raw fall deer-skins, 138 
pounds, at 9d. per pound; 8 summer deer-skins, 16 pounds, at I33^d.; 
53 dressed deer-skins, 53 pounds, at 2sh, 6d.; 84 whole foxes, at ish. 6d. 
each; 12 raccoons, at ish. each; and 3 ordinary fishers (otters?), at 3sh. 
each. The total value of this present was £20, 11 sh. In return, the 
Council presented the Indians with goods to the value of over 34 pounds, 
consisting of the following: 16 stroud match-coats, at I9sh. each; 10 
Duffel match-coats, at losh. 6d. each; 6 blankets, at I3sh. 4d. each; 6 
shirts, at 8sh. 6d. each; 50 pounds of powder; 100 pounds of lead; 100 
pounds of tobacco; and 12 dozen pipes. 

At a treaty held in Philadelphia in August and September, 1732, 
between Governor Thomas Penn and five chiefs of the Senecas, Cayugas, 
and Oneidas, a present was made to the chiefs, by the Council, of the 
following articles, the list of which represents very well what articles 
generally formed the stock of the Indian Traders: "Five whole pieces of 

' Stroud, where these woollen goods were made, is a borough of Gloucestershire, in 
England, on the banks of Stroud Water, thirty miles northeast of Bristol. It was then, 
as now, the centre of the woollen manufacturing industry in Gloucestershire. 

' See foot-note, page 300. 

3 Belgian coarse woollen cloth, made at Duflfel, a town near Antwerp. 



3i6 The Wilderness Trail 

Strouds and ten Stroud match-coats ; one whole piece and lo Duffels ; two 
whole pieces of blanketing; 300 pounds of powder, 500 wt. bullets; 10 
guns; 300 flints; three dozen shirts; six coats; 12 pairs of shoes and 
buckles; 12 pairs of stockings; 10 kettles; 10 dozen knives; 5 dozen 
scissors; 5 dozen tobacco tongs; 2)^ dozen combs; 3 pounds of Ver- 
million; 100 pounds of tobacco; i gross of pipes." 

In August, 1735, Captain Civility, with some of the Conestoga 
Indians, including some Ganawese and Shawnees from the same place, 
met Governor Thomas Penn in Council at Philadelphia, and made him 
a present of skins to the value of more than £17. These consisted of 
107 fall deer-skins, at ish. gd. each; 21 ordinary (or summer) deer- 
skins, at ish. each; 35 Indian dressed deer-skins, at 3sh. 6d. each; 4 
raccoons, at ish. 6d. each; and two bear skins, at 4sh. each. 

In 1736, the Proprietors of Pennsylvania paid the Six Nations for 
their claim to all the lands lying east of the Susquehanna; and in 1742, 
for the lands west of that river, giving them an equal quantity of goods 
on both occasions. The list of the goods as spread on the minutes of 
the treaty of 1742 is as follows: 

500 pounds of powder. 40 pairs stockings. 

600 pounds of lead. 100 hatchets. 

45 guns. 500 knives. 

60 Strowd match-coats. 100 hoes. 
100 blankets. 60 kettles. 

100 Duffil match-coats. 100 tobacco tongs. 

200 yards half- thick. 100 scissors. 

100 shirts. 500 awl-blades. 

40 hats. 120 combs. 

40 pairs shoes and buckles. 2000 needles. 

1000 flints. 1000 tobacco pipes. 

24 looking-glasses. 200 pounds of tobacco. 
2 pounds of Vermillion. 24 dozen of gartering. 

100 tin-pots. 25 gallons of rum. 

At the Treaty of Lancaster in 1744, the Maryland Commissioners 
paid to the Six Nations for a release of their claims to the lands in Western 
Maryland the following goods, having a value, in Pennsylvania currency, 
of 220 pounds, 15 shillings: 

Six pieces of strowds; 200 shirts; 3 pieces half- thicks; 4 pieces 
Duffle blankets; 47 guns; i pound of vermillion; 1000 flints; 4 dozen 
jews-harps; i dozen boxes; 100 two-quarters bar-lead; 2 quarters shot; 
2 half -barrels gunpowder. 

The present which the Pennsylvania Assembly made to the Indians 
at Ohio in 1748, which was bought at the beginning of that year, and 
carried to them by Conrad Weiser and George Croghan in August, cost 
something over £828. Later in the spring, the Virginia Government 



Indian Trade and Pennsylvania Traders 317 

contributed £200 more, for the purchase of additional goods. The list 
of goods bought by Pennsylvania was as follows: 

18 barrels of gunpowder, at £9 losh. each. 
20 cwt. bar lead, at 42 and 45sh. each. 
40 guns, at 30sh. each. 

15 pieces Duffels, at £13 losh., and one piece at £14 losh. 
50 dozen assorted knives, £24 5sh. 
6500 flints, £4 iish. 6d. 
341 Garlix shirts, with making and thread, £105 I2sh. 
100 Ozenbrig's shirts, £29. 
20 gross gartering, £25 5sh. 
15 pounds Vermillion, £11 i6sh. lod. 
10 pieces half -thicks, £48 ish. yd. 
9 dozen and 4 looking-glasses, £7 iish. 
30 brass kettles, wt. 553^ lb., at 4sh. 
20 dozen Indian hatchets, at i8sli. 
14 gross rings, £10 losh. 
43^ gross medals, £6. 

2 gross awl-blades, at 20sh. 
35 pieces ribbon, £29 2sh. 
23^ pounds beads, at 6sh. 

4 dozen and 10 Dutch pipes, £2 iish. 
I dozen jointed babies, I5sh. 

The Commissioners of the Pennsylvania Government met the 
chiefs of the Mingoes, Delawares, Shawnees, and Twightwees, in a 
Council at Lancaster in July, 1748. The Indians were given a present 
to the value of £189 by the Province, and themselves delivered as a 
present for the Governor, 62 3^^ pounds of beaver (mostly from the 
Twightwees), valued at from 6 to 8 shillings per pound; 41 ordinary sum- 
mer deer-skins, weight 86 pounds, at 22d. per pound; and 15 dressed 
leather (deer) skins weight 29 pounds, at 4 shillings per pound. 

Five Seneca and Onondaga chiefs visited Philadelphia in July, 1749, 
to pay their respects to the new Governor, James Hamilton. The 
Council voted them a present, as a means of increasing their friendship, 
to the value of something over £100, The goods which were bought at 
that time included Strowds, Duffils, Half-thicks, Gunpowder, Bar-lead, 
Small Shot, Vermillion, Shirts, plain and ruffled. Guns, Brass Kettles, 
Hatchets, Knives, Flints, Looking-glasses, Awl-blades, Gartering, Rib- 
bon, Bed Lace, Scissors, Ear-rings, Rings, Morris Bells, Brass Thimbles, 
White Beads, Brass Jews-harps, Handkerchiefs, Tobacco, and Pipes. 

A great Council was held at Easton in October, 1758, between 
Governors Denny and Bernard, of Pennsylvania and New Jersey, six 
members of the Council and a committee of six from the House of Rep- 
resentatives of Pennsylvania, two Commissioners from New Jersey, a 
number of Quakers from Philadelphia, George Croghan as Deputy for 



3i8 



The Wilderness Trail 



Sir William Johnson, and a large number of the chiefs and warriors of 
the Mohawks, Oneidas, Onondagas, Senecas, Tuscaroras, Nanticokes 
and Conoys ("now one nation"), Tuteloes, Chugnuts, Chehohockes 
("alias Delawares and Unamies"), "Munsies and Minisinks," Mo- 
hickons, and "Wapings or Pumptons." Conrad Weiser and Andrew 
Montour were present as interpreters. On the 25th, near the close of 
the conference, a large quantity of presents was given to the Indians 
in consideration of the release of their claims to some of the lands which 
had been in dispute, of which goods the following is the list: 



3 gross of narrow-starred garter- 
ing. 

of broad-star. 

of middle-star. 

of narrow Scotch. 

of middle Turkey. 

of best Scotch. 

of mixed Figured. 

of narrow Calimancoe. 

of broad Calimancoe. 

of spotted. 

of Leaf. 

of London Lettered. 

of Plaid. 

of middle Scarlet. 

of broad Scarlet. 

of Superfine. 

of Boy's Lettered. 

of Broad White Lettered 

of colored Pidgeon. 

of Camblet. 
33 painted Looking-glasses 
12 pieces of red Stroud. 
14 pieces of Mazarine Blue. 
I piece of Mazarine Blue 
I do. of black. 

1 do. Red and i Blue. 

2 pieces of 6 qrs. blue Duffil. 
2 do. of 7-8ths do. 

I Nap do. 

I piece of stamped serge. 
I piece of brown Half -thicks. 

1 piece of red Half-thicks. 

2 do. of white do. 



4 


do. 


2 


do. 


4 


do. 


2 


do. 


4 


do. 


5 


do. 


2 


do. 


2 


do. 


2 


do. 


I 


do. 


I 


do. 


2 


do. 


2 


do. 


4 


do. 


3 


do. 


2 


do. 


2 


do. 


2 


do. 


2 


do. 



I piece of blue broad-cloth. 

5 laced coats. 
8 plain do. 

50 pairs of shoes. 

3 dozen and one pair of women's 

worsted stockings. 
I do. of yam do. 

4 pieces and 2 Bandanoe Hand- 

ker'fs. 
I dozen Lungee Romals. 

1 do. Cotton Romals. 

4 do. of Non-so-pretties. 
8 lb. colored Thread. 

3 dozen and 10 worsted caps. 

2 do. of knives. 

1 do. of Tobacco Boxes. 

I do. of coarse linen Handker- 
chiefs. 

4 pieces of figured gartering. 

4 do . of blue and white flowered 
hats. 

3 dozen and 10 plain Handker- 

chiefs. 

2 dozen of Tailors' Shears. 

6 Gun Locks. 

I bunch of Black Beads. 

3 gross and an half of Sleeve Link 

Buttons. 

4 dozen of Ivory Combs. 

I gross of women's Thimbles. 
100 Blankets. 
160 Match-coats. 
246 plain shirts. 
187 ruffled do. 



One of the complaints of the Ohio Indians against the French in 
1748 was, that the French Traders gave but a pint of powder for a buck- 
skin, while the English Traders gave a quart. At the conference with 
the Twightwee and other chiefs at Lancaster in the same year, these 



Indian Trade and Pennsylvania Traders 319 

Indians announced through their speaker that they had brought a few 
skins to begin a trade, "and they desire you would be pleased to order 
your Traders to put less stones in their scales, that their skins may 
weigh more." 

In a letter written by John Campbell (afterwards the founder of 
Louisville) from Fort Pitt, December 31st to January 6, 1767-68, which 
he sent to his employers in Philadelphia (the firm of Baynton, Wharton 
& Morgan) , he says : | 

The [re] is no trade here with the Indians worth mentioning; 
the little that is being reduced, so that no person can help lossing 
considerable. 

2 lbs. Powder for a Buck. 
8 lbs. Lead for a Buck. 
I Stroud for 21^ Bucks. 
Ruffled Shirts, 2 Bucks. 
Match-coats, 2 Bucks. 
Large English Blankets, 2}^ B. 

And every other species of Indian goods in proportion. 
Jan. 6, 1768. Yesterday, the first six horse-loads of Lowry's 
goods arrived. It is to be hoped that he won't be able to go to the 
Towns this winter. Spear has sent out a few days ago, to the amount 
of about 1500 Bucks, to the Delaware Towns. John Gibson has a cargo 
on the Road, which he expects here soon. 

A report was laid before the Pennsylvania Council from Conrad 
Weiser in July, 1747, of an interview he had had with Shekallamy and 
another chief of the Five Nations at Shamokin. A portion of the news 
received from the Indians was, that "another French Trader has since 
been killed in a private quarrel with one of the Jonontatich-roanu 
[Wyandots], between the River Ohio and the Lake Erie — the Frenchman 
offering but one charge of powder and one bullet for a beaver skin to the 
Indian; the Indian took up his hatchet and knocked him on the head, 
and killed him upon the spot." 

Conajachanah (Canajachrera), or Broken Kettle, and two other 
Seneca chiefs from Kuskuskies met Secretary Richard Peters at George 
Croghan's house in Pennsboro Township, in June, 1750. Mr. Peters, in 
his report of this meeting, stated that "In a conversation after the con- 
ference, the Indians desired Andrew [Montour] to relate to me the par- 
ticulars which passed about the invitation of [Captain Thomas] Cressap 
[representing the Ohio Company of Virginia, which was endeavoring to 
establish a trade with the Ohio Indians], viz., that last Fall Barny Cur- 
rant, a hired man of Mr. Parker, brought them a message from Cressap, 
to let them know that he had a quantity of goods, and from the true love 
that he bore to the Indians, he gave them, viz., Seneca George, Broken 
Kettle, and The Stone, an invitation to come and see him [at his post on 



320 The Wilderness Trail 

the site of Oldtown, Maryland] ; that he intended to let them have his 
goods at a low rate — much cheaper than the Pennsylvania Traders sold 
them; and notwithstanding the people of Pennsylvania always told 
them they were brethren, and had a great value for them, yet this only 
come from the mouth, and not from the heart, for they constantly 
cheated them in all their dealings, which he. Colonel Cressap, was very 
well acquainted with; and taking pity on them, he intended to use them 
in another manner; and mentioned the rates that he and Mr. Parker 
would sell their goods to them at, which is cheaper than the first cost, be 
they anywhere imported, viz. ; a match-coat for a buck ; a strowd for a 
buck and a doe; a pair of stockings for two raccoons; twelve bars of 
lead for a buck; and so on in proportion." 

The attempts to prejudice the Indians against the Traders of 
neighboring colonies seem not to have come at first from the Virginia 
Company of Traders, for President Lee of Virginia had written to 
Governor Hamilton in November, 1749, complaining of "the insidious 
behavior, as I am informed, of some Traders from your Province, tending 
to disturb the peace of this Colony, and to alienate the affections of the 
Indians from us. His Majesty has been pleased to grant some Gentle- 
men and Merchants of London and some of both sorts, inhabitants of 
this Colony [the Ohio Company of Virginia, organized in 1748], a large 
quantity of land west of the Mountains. The design oi this grant and 
one condition of it, is to erect and garrison a Fort, to protect our trade 
(from the French) and that of any of the neighboring Colonies; and by 
fair, open trade to engage the Indians in affection to His Majestie's sub- 
jects; to supply them with what they want, so that they will be under 
no necessity to apply to the French ; and to make a very strong settle- 
ment on the frontiers of this Colony ; all which His Majesty has approved, 
and directed the Governor here to assist the said Company in carrying 
their laudable design into execution. But your Traders have prevailed 
with the Indians on the Ohio, to believe that the Fort is to be a bridle 
for them ; and that the Roads which the Company are to make is to let in 
the Catawbas upon them to destroy them; and the Indians, naturally 
jealous, are so possessed with the truth of these insinuations that they 
threaten our Agents, if they survey or make these Roads that they had 
given leave to make; and by this the carrying of the King's grant into 
execution is at present impracticable. Yet these are the lands purchased 
of the Six Nations by the [1744] Treaty of Lancaster." 

While the extent of the Indian Trade in the British Colonies in 
America was considerable, it was by no means the most important 
branch of commerce. It is difficult to find reliable statistics of the fur 
trade in the early records ; and such as have been preserved refer almost 
wholly to the export part of the trade. The domestic consumption of 



Indian Trade and Pennsylvania Traders 321 

skins and furs, for the manufacture of clothing, was quite large; although 
probably not so large as the demand from England, Holland, Russia, and 
other European countries. Ferris prints a report of the "Exports from 
New Netherlands by the West India Company from 1624 to 1635,"' 
which shows that in ten years' time the number of beaver pelts exported 
was 80,182, otter and other pelts, 9,347; all having a total value of 
641,427 guilders. A Dutch report of the colony on the Delaware, 
made in August, 1663, estimates the annual trade in beaver and other 
peltries at about 10,000 skins. 

James Logan estimated the value of the Indian trade in all the 
British Colonies, in 1719, to be not over £40,000. 

A report of the British Trade Commissioners made September 8, 
172 1, gives the total value of furs and skins which were products of the 
Indian trade, exported from New England, New York, Pennsylvania, 
Virginia, Maryland and Carolina, for the past year as £17,340; while 
the value of the exported rice was £19,206; of log wood (lumber), £21,- 
060; of pitch and tar, £34,990; and of tobacco, £156,000; the total 
estimated value of all commodities exported, including those named 
above, being £302,576. The total value of the imports for the same 
period was £431 ,027, of which the largest items were : woollens, £147,438 ; 
linens, £86,413; iron and nails, £35,631; silks, £18,468; and leather, 
£15,161. 

A report of the Lords of Trade on the New York Indian trade, made 
in June, 1725, shows that the total exports from New York to England 
for the year 1717 amounted in value to £27,331, of which £10,702 repre- 
sented the value of furs; in 1718 the total exports were £19,596 in value, 
which included £7,138 worth of furs; in 17 19 the comparative figures 
were £16,836 and £7,487; in 1720, £15,681 and £6,659; in 1721, 
£19,564 and £7,045; and in 1722, £28,518 and £8,833. The total 
exports for the six years were £127,528, a yearly average of £21,254; 
while the total value of the furs and peltries included in these figures for 
the six years, was £47,867, or a yearly average of £7,978. So far as we 
can form any conclusions from these reports, they seem to show that 
for the period covered the fur export trade of the Colony of New York 
constituted nearly thirty-eight pef cent, of its total export trade. 

The exports of beaver and other furs, and deer-skins, from New 
York, November 21, 1724, to December 23, 1725, according to figures 
furnished the English Lords of Trade in 1725 from the books of theJ^Tew 
York Custom House, were, in packages, 70 cases, 305 hogsheads, and 
87 packs. 

Burke, in his European Settlements in America, states that about 
30,000 deer-skins were exported from North Carolina in the year 1753. 
^ Original Settlements on the Delaware, p. 295. 

VOL. 11. — 21 



r 
i 



322 The Wilderness Trail 

A "Table of Exports from Philadelphia, 1759-63." prepared by the 
Deputy Collector of the Port in 1764, shows that but 49 chests of skins 
were exported in 1759; 140 in 1760; 256 in 1761; 2281^ in 1762; and 
132 in 1763. These returns covered the last years of the French War 
and the period of the Pontiac War, during nearly the whole of which 
time the Indian Trade was practically at a standstill. 

There was a vast difference in the methods pursued by the English 
and by the French in their trade with the Indians. Among the former 
this trade was in the hands of a large number of individuals, more or 
less irresponsible, who, when they had once left the confines of the settle- 
ments, seem in many cases to have felt that they were bound by no laws 
of man or God. With the French, the trade was farmed out for the 
benefit of the King and Government, to whoever would pay the highest 
prices for the privilege. The operations of the Traders were then con- 
fined to certain fixed posts, at each of which was usually stationed a 
military commandant, and a number of soldiers. Trade, therefore, 
went hand in hand with the establishment of French authority; and 
this was doubtless one of the reasons why the French were generally 
more successful in their alliances with and their control of the Indians. 
The system of French management of the Indian trade can best be 
illustrated by citing the requirements made by the Government, of the 
Traders to whom the posts were leased. These are set forth in a copy 
of a certain "Agreement with the Sieur Charly Saint- Ange, relative to 
the carrying on of Trade at the Miamis and Riviere Blanche Posts," 
which is taken from the copies of the French documents in the Canadian 
archives at Ottawa. This document possesses an additional interest 
from the fact that it relates to two posts, the history of which has been 
partially given in preceding chapters. The post of the Miamis was on 
the site of the present Fort Wayne, Indiana, from which the band of La 
Demoiselle revolted in 1747, and built the village of Pickawillany, in 
what is now the state of Ohio ; and the post of La Riviere Blanche (in 
1747) was probably the same as that of the White River (the Cuyahoga) 
at which Saguin had his trading post in 1742. The agreement reads as 
follows : 

This day, tenth April, one thousand seven hundred and forty-seven, 
We, Josue Boisberthelot de Beaucours, Governor of Montreal, and 
Honore Michel de Villebois, Commissioner of the said place, in accord- 
ance with the instructions of the Marqms de Beauharnois, Governor 
General, and M. Hocquart, Intendant, have signed the present treaty 
and agreement with the Sieur Charly Saint- Ange, agreeing to carry on 
trade at Miamis and Riviere Blanche posts on the following conditions, 
viz.: 

Clause One 

The Sieur Charly Saint- Ange, either personally or by his employes. 




fi Q 

0) to 
oj ±1 






o 

u 

CIS 

a; 



03 



o 



Indian Trade and Pennsylvania Traders 323 

shall exclusively carry on trade with the French or the Indians settled 
within the territory of the said posts, the whole according to the ordinary 
limits and as M. de Saint- Pierre and the Sieur Charly, his brother, have 
enjoyed possession thereof. 

Clause Two 

The said Lessee shall have the right to supply the said posts with the 
number of canoes and quantity of merchandise or goods he shall deem 
necessary. In regard to the men to be employed, it is advisable, in order 
that the country shall not be unmanned, that he should, in war time, 
employ those only who are requisite, taking care to obtain from the 
General in the usual way discharge for each canoe examined and signed 
by the Intendant, to which discharge shall be annexed the rolls of the 
said men who shall be accepted by the said General ; the discharges and 
rolls will then be registered as usual at the Registry office at Montreal. 

Clause Three 

The said Lessee shall not be allowed to put on board his canoe 
more than eight quarts of eau-de-vie for the use of each man during the 
course of the voyage ; he shall be further permitted to send annually in 
his canoes fifteen barrels containing thirty-two quarts each for the use 
of the above-mentioned posts. 

Clause Four 

The former Lessee shall not be able to trade upon the arrival of the 
new Lessee at the said posts, and he will be obliged to take away any 
merchandise that he may have within the limits of the said posts, of 
which goods inventory shall be drawn up, as well as of the bales con- 
taining them, to be forwarded to Detroit, where the lessees of the other 
posts shall be allowed to purchase them, the whole to the knowledge of 
the Commandant of the said Detroit and not otherwise ; if he does not 
prefer to dispose of them by mutual agreement with the new lessee. 
The late Lessee may only keep one man at each of the two said posts 
to collect his dues, which said men the new Lessee shall board; and they 
shall not, under any reason whatever, carry on any business, or else the 
former Lessee shall arrange with the new as to these debts, or the new 
Lessee shall collect them at his own expense ; and, in this case, half of the 
amount collected shall belong to the said Lessee, who shall have the 
choice or alternative, and who shall be bound to hand over to D troit 
the other half of the said dues to the order of the late Lessee. 

Clause Five 
It shall be forbidden to the officer who shall be appointed as Com- 
mandant of the said post of Miamis, to trade, under any reason whatever, 
either directly or indirectly, but he may only have a small quantity of 
goods so as to purchase the provisions necessary for his subsistence. 

Clause Six 

The officer commanding at the said post of Miamis will afford all 
possible protection to the Lessee in order to facilitate the carrying on of 
his commerce and use of his authority to expel out of the said post any 
Traders {coureurs de bois) or fugitives, which he shall have arrested, if 
necessary, and whose goods and effects shall be seized at the suit of the 
said Lessee and laid aside, after inventory thereof shall have been taken, 



324 The Wilderness Trail 

until the General and the Intendant shall give orders relative to their 
disposal. 

Clause Seven 

The Farmer is bound to lodge the officer commanding and to supply 
him with the presents it may be advisable to make to the Indians of the 
said post, but always moderately, and only to keep them up in a proper 
disposition towards the French and to prevent them from selling their 
furs to the foreigners; the said presents in addition to those the Lessee 
shall give personally to induce the Indians to hunt and to deal with him ; 
in all these cases, the furs that the officer commanding may receive as 
gifts from the Indians shall be the property of the Lessee, and the said 
officer will have no right to claim compensation. 

Clause Eight 

The officer commanding shall pay for his own living, in consideration 
of which the Lessee will be obliged to convey him in his canoes, each and 
every year, the quantity of fifteen hundred pounds of victuals, provisions, 
and merchandise suitable for the purchase of food for his subsistence at 
this place; he shall likewise without charge convey him, his trunk, his 
cash-box, and other effects, either going to or coming back from the said 
post. 

Clause Nine 

Should His Majesty be compelled to make any extraordinary 
expenditure at the said post of Miamis on account of war or of change of 
some Indian village, the Lessee shall be bound to provide the Com- 
mandant with the merchandise required in order to make suitable 
presents, which merchandise will be paid [for] by the King [at] thirty 
per cent, more than their purchase price. 

Clause Ten 

The said Lessee shall provide, at his own expense, an Interpreter to 
the officer commanding. 

Clause Eleven 

The said Lessee shall have, exclusively, the privilege or right to 
operate one or more forges at the said posts of Miamis and of Riviere 
Blanche, but the officer commanding may order him to operate another 
one for the use and convenience of the Indians, but still at the Lessee's 
profit. 

Clause Twelve 

On the above mentioned conditions, the said Sieur Charly Saint- 
Ange has v/illingly engaged himself to carry on trade at the said posts 
of Miamis and of Riviere Blanche, enjoying the same during the period 
of three consecutive years, from the month of August next until same 
date in the year one thousand seven hundred and fifty, paying therefor 
in the hands of the General, in the month of October of each year within 
the said period, the first payment to be made in the current year, the 
sum of three thousand pounds as rent of the said two posts; and as 
security for payment of the same, the said Sieur Charly Saint- Ange has 
mortgaged all his personal property or real estate he actually owns or 



Indian Trade and Pennsylvania Traders 325 

shall own in future ; to the payment of which sums hereinbefore referred 
to, he agrees to be compelled as for His Majesty's own taxes or affairs. 
Done at Montreal the day and year above written. 

Charly Saint Ange. 
Beaucours and Michel. 

Under English rule in Pennsylvania, before the Seven Years' War 
with the French and Indians, the Indian Trade was practically free and 
unrestricted. Any person was at liberty to engage in it, the only 
requirement being, the securing of a license from the Governor. Many 
traded without licenses, and were not molested. On two or three 
occasions, when, at Indian conferences, complaints were made against 
rumx-selling, the Governors authorized the Indians to break the casks of 
any Traders who carried rum to sell to them; but this was rarely or 
never done. 

After Fort Duquesne had been reduced by Forbes, some new trade 
regulations were enacted by the Assembly of Pennsylvania, which pro- 
vided that the Indian trade should be placed under the supervision of 
Commissioners, These Commissioners appointed a Provincial Agent as 
storekeeper at Fort Pitt in the late spring of 1759. On the 226. of June, 
he wrote the Commissioners from Pittsburgh, complaining that George 
Croghan, Deputy Indian Agent for the Crown under Sir William Johnson, 
had assumed a power of licensing such persons to trade with the Indians 
at Pittsburgh as he thought proper; and also, of fixing the prices at 
which goods were to be sold and at which skins and furs were to be received 
in payment; and that Croghan was offering the Indians two shillings 
per pound more for their beaver than the Commissioners had instructed 
their agent to pay. In a letter from Croghan, dated July 31st, 1759, 
sent by Colonel Mercer to Stanwix, Croghan denies that he had made 
any change in the prices fixed by the Commissioners; and in a second 
letter to Stanwix, written August nth, he complains that the attempts 
of the Provincial Commissioners to monopolize the trade by underselling 
violate the law by which these Indian Commissioners were appointed. 

Of a somewhat later date is the following Memorial of the Indian 
Traders at Fort Pitt, presented to Colonel Bouquet after his return to 
that post in the fall of 1760, and showing that there continued to be 
much jealousy between the private Traders and the Provincial Agent: 

To the Honhle. Col. Henry Boguet, commanding his Majesty's Troops at 

Fort Pitt : 
The Memorial of the Merchants Trading Here Humbly Sets Forth : 

That by orders given out by the Honble. Brigadier General Monck- 
ton last Summer [1760], and lately renewed by you, all Merchants, Sutlers, 
etc., trading here, were forbid under penalty of having their Houses 
pulled down and being dismissed the Camp, to sell, barter, or Exchange 



326 The Wilderness Trail 

with any Indian, Powder, Lead, or Spiritous Liquors, without first 
applying to his Majesty's Deputy Agent here for Hberty for so doing; 
and as yesterday, Mr. McClure, in behalf of Mr. Ormsby, as well as 
others, did apply to his Majesty's Agent for liberty to sell a quantity of 
Rum to an Indian Woman; which he refused; And as the Provincial 
Agent has from time to time sold Powder, Lead, and Rum to the Indians 
without liberty first obtained of his Majesty's Agent, as enjoined by the 
Orders, & did yesterday sell a quantity of Rum to a Delaware Woman 
without liberty, after several of us had applied and were refused; That 
we, the Merchants trading here, look upon the Provincial Agent as a 
Merchant in common with us, and as much subject to any orders of the 
Commanding Officer; that a privilege allowed to any one Merchant to 
brake thro' the Orders, while the rest are obliged to obey them, must 
entirely ruin all the rest ; which obliges me to call upon you for redress, 
which from your known regard to Justice we make no doubt of obtaining, 
and your Memorialists will ever pray, etc. 

William Trent 
Ephraim Blane 
Thomas Mitchell 
Thomas Welsh 
John McClure 
Hugh Crawford 
James Harris. 

The following is a tentative list of the Pennsylvania Indian Traders 
between 1670 and 1755. The references are chiefly to the Colonial Re- 
cords of Pennsylvania (C. R.), or to the Pennsylvania Archives (P. A.) : 

James Adams, licensed in Chester County in 1743. (Futhey and 
Cope's Chester County, 432.) 

Andrew Akins, an unlicensed Trader in 1748. (Egle's Notes and 
Queries, i., 403.) 

Peter Allen, Lancaster County, 17 18, a Trader at Peter's Mountain 
(named for him), now in Dauphin County, before 1729; at Allegheny in 
1732. (Egle's Dauphin County, 37; P. A., i., 309; Egle's Notes and 
Queries, i., 418; ii., 23, 157, 168, 180; iii., 26; xii., 191.) 

Robert Anderson, licensed in 1743, 1744, 1748. (P. A., Sec. Series, 
iiv 53I-) 

George Arentz, licensed in 1748. {P. A., Sec. Ser., ii., 532.) 

Jacob Arentz, one of Washington's guides in 1754. (Washington's 
Journal, 181.) 

Alexander Armstrong, a Shamokin Trader in 1748. (Egle's Notes 
and Queries, ii., 241.) 

John Armstrong, a Trader at Frankstown and Ohesson on the 
Juniata before 1744, in which year he was killed at the pass in the Alle- 
ghany Mountains since called "Jack's Narrows." (See chapter x.; C. 
R., iv., 680.) 



Indian Trade and Pennsylvania Traders 327 

Woodworth (or Woodward) Arnold, an employe of John Armstrong 
in 1744, and killed in that year at Jack's Narrows. (See pp. 349-35 1-) 

Jonas Askew, a Trader at Conestoga in 1709. (C R., ii., 489.) 

Bernard Atkinson, licensed in 1748. (P. A., Sec, Ser., ii., 532.) 

Henry Bailey, died 1745; a Trader at Allegheny in 1727 or earlier, 
and in 1730, 1734. (P. ^., i., 261, 425.) 

James Berry, a Shamokin Trader in 1744. (C R., iv., 681.) 

William Beswick, petitioned Lancaster County Court for license in 
1730. (Evans's Lancaster County, 27.) 

Peter Bezaillion, a Conestoga Trader before 1704. (See chapter v., 
vol.i.; Egle's Notes and Queries, i., 153,251,419; ii., 216; C.R., iii., 151-) 

William Black, licensed in Chester County, 1738. (F. and C, 
Chester County, 432.) 

William Blythe of Shippensburg, an unlicensed Trader in 1747 and 
1748. (P. A., ii., 14; Egle's Notes and Queries, i., 403.) 

Patrick Boyd, petitioned for license in Lancaster County, 1730. 
(Evans's Lancaster County, 27.) 

Brown, an employe of Hugh Parker, killed by the Indians at 

Kuskuskies in 1748. (P. A., ii., 16.) 

Brown, a Trader from Scioto, met by Washington at Logstown 

in 1753. (Washington's Journal of 1753.) 

James Brown, a Trader at Logstown in 1751, possibly the same as 
the preceding. A Trader named Brown was also one of Bouquet's 
guides in building Forbes's Road to Fort Duquesne in 1758. (C. R.,v., 
532, 536; Hulbert's Old Glade Road, 100.) 

John Buiser, licensed in 1747. (P. A., Sec. Ser., ii., 532.) 

Joseph Burgoin, licensed in Chester County in 1733. (F. and C, 
Chester County. 432.) 

Lawrence Burke, a renegade Trader at Wyoming in 1758, "who had 
been with the Indians during the whole course of the war. " (C R., viii., 
143, 147; P. A., iii., 437, 478.) 

Thomas Burke, an employe of John Martin, taken by the French 
at Junandot, or the French Fort Sandoski, in 1750; a member of Captain 
George Mercer's Company at the Battle of Great Meadows in July, 1754; 
one of Armstrong's guides to Kittanning in 1756. (See chapter vi., vol. 
ii. ; C. R., v., 556; N. Y. Col. Doc, vi., 731; Craig's Olden Time, ii., 184; 
Loudon's Indian Wars, ii., 172.) 

Thomas Burney, a blacksmith at Conchake on the Muskingum in 
1750; at Pickawillany when it was attacked by the French in 1752. 
A member of Captain Andrew Lewis's Company at the Battle of Great 



328 The Wilderness Trail 

Meadows in July, 1754. (See chapters v. and viii. ; Gist's Journal; 
Trent's Journal; C. R., v., 599; Dinwiddie Papers, vol. i.; Va. Hist. 
Mag., xiii., 152.) 

John Burt, licensed in Chester County, 1723, 1726; lived at "Snake- 
town" in 1728, "forty mUes above Conestoga, " on the east side of the 
Susquehanna. (See chapter v., vol. i.; Egle's Notes and Queries, i., i, 
10, 19, 41, 70; C. R., iii., 301 » 344-) 

James Butler, an unlicensed Trader in 1747. (P. A., ii., 14.) 
Thomas Butler, an unlicensed Trader in 1747. (P. A., ii., 14.) 
Thomas Calhoun, a Trader at Tuscarawas before 1763. (See 
chapter x. ; History of Beaver County, 79; Darlington's Fort Pitt, 85-88; 
McCullough's Narrative, in Loudon, i., 280.) 

Robert Callender, a Trader of Carlisle ; partner of Michael Taafe in 
Ohio, 1750; at Logstown, 1753. (See preceding chapters; Gist's Journal; 
C. R., v., 524, 614, etc.; Egle's Notes and Queries, ii,, 39, 76, 83.) 

Francis Campbell, an unlicensed Trader in 1747; a resident of 
Shippensburg. (P. A., ii., 14, 114; C. R., vi., 699; viii., 99, 128, etc.) 

Joseph Campbell, an unlicensed Trader in 1747 (employe of Alex- 
ander Moorhead) and 1748; of questionable character; referred to by 
Washington in 1753; killed by an Indian at Parnell's Knob in 1754. 
{C. R., v., 692, 703; P. A., ii., 14, 119, 173; Washington's Journal of 
1753; Egle's Notes and Queries, i., 403.) 

William Campbell, at Allegheny in 1753. (C. P., v., 692, 703.) 
John Carson, at Allegheny in 1753. (C P., v., 761 ; vii., 773.) 
Edmund Cartlidge, a Trader at Conestoga in 1717, or earlier; li- 
censed by Lancaster County in 1730; at Allegheny, 1727 to 1734, or 
later. (P. A., i., 254, 261, 265, 304, 327, 425, etc.; C. P., vol. iii.; see 
chapters v., x., and xi., vol. i., etc.) 

John Cartlidge, brother to Edmund, a Trader at Conestoga in 17 19; 
on the Potomac in 1722; killed a Seneca warrior on Monocacy Creek 
in 1722. (See chapter v., vol. i. ; x., vol. ii.; C. P., iii., 74, 148.) 

James Chalmers (or Chambers) , Armstrong's guide to Kittanning in 
1756. (Loudon's Indian Wars, ii., 178.) 

Samuel Chambers (with Thomas Kenton), an unlicensed Trader in 
1747 and 1748; killed by the' Indians from Kittanning at French Mar- 
garet's Island, near Lockhaven, in 1756. (P. A., ii., 14; Loudon's 
Indian Wars, i., 176; Egle's Notes and Queries, i., 403.) 

iviartin Chartier, a Trader at the mouth of the Susquehanna in 1692 ; 
died at Dekanoagah, 1718. (See chapters iv. and v., vol. i. ; C.R., ii., 133, 
187, 402, 405, 406, 420, 557 ;P.A. Sec. Ser., xix., 625 ; Egle's Hist. Reg., 



Indian Trade and Pennsylvania Traders 329 

ii., 250; Notes and Queries, ii., 88; ^upp' s Lancaster County, 120; Md. 
Archives, viii., 341-50. 458-69, 479, 486, 517. 524. etc.) 

Peter Chartier, a Trader at Conestoga and near Paxtang, 17 18 to 
1734; at Allegheny, 1734-45. (See chapters v. and xi., vol. i.: chapter 
v.,vol. ii.; C. i?., iv., 656, 757-59; v., 1,167,311; P. ^., i-, 328, 394. 425. 
549. 551; Votes of the Assembly, iv., 13; 'R.u^'g)' s Lancaster County, 120.) 

Thomas Clark, Hcensed in Chester County in 1754. (F. and C, 
Chester County, 432). 

William Clark, licensed in 1745. (-P. A., Sec. Ser., ii., 532.) 

Martin Cleaver, licensed in 1747. (P. A., Sec. Ser., ii., 532.) 

Joseph Cloud, licensed by Chester County Court, 1724, 1725. (F. 
and C, Chester County, 432.) 

Philip Coleman, licensed in 1745, 1746, 1747. (-P. A. Sec. Ser., ii. 
532.) 

Cornelius Comegys, a Trader among the Susquehannocks in 1695. 
(See Md. Arch., xx., 339, 391, 405, 415; xxiii., 427). 

Moses Coombe, a Trader on Conoy Creek, Lancaster County, before 
1719. (See chapter v., vol. i. ;VEgle's Notes and Queries, i., 153, 251, 419; 
ii., 216.) 

George Connell, licensed in Chester County in 1749. (F. and C, 
Chester County, 432.) 

Charles Conner, licensed in Chester County 1730, 1731. (F. and C, 
Chester County, 432.) 

Peter Corbie (or Corbet), of Donegal, an unlicensed Trader in 1747 
and 1748. (P. A., ii., 14; Egle's Notes and Queries, i., 403.) 

Samuel Cozzens, a Shamokin Trader in 1728; licensed in 1744; an 
unlicensed Trader in 1747; at Logstown in 1751. (P. A., i., 227; ii., 14; 
Sec. Ser., ii., 531; C. R., v., 532, 536.) 

Hugh Crawford, a Trader to the westward as early as 1739; licensed 
in 1747; unlicensed in 1748; one of Croghan's most efficient lieutenants; 
at Pickawillany May 29, 1750; at Lower Shawnee Town, January, 1752; 
took up land now the site of Huntingdon before 1755; captured by 
Pontiac's Indians at mouth of Maumee, 1763; acted as guide and in- 
terpreter for the Mason and Dixon Line surveyors July 16 to November 
5, 1767; died in 1770; in the settlement of his estate was mentioned a 
tract of land (which he probably received for his services with Mason 
and Dixon), called "Crawford's Sleeping Place, on Youghiogheny River, 
twenty miles above Fort Pitt." {Mag. West. Hist., v., 455; C. R., v., 
437. 570; Bouquet Papers, Johnson Papers, Gist's Journals; P. A., 
Third Ser., i., 284; Africa's Huntingdon County, 435.) 



330 The Wilderness Trail 

James Crawley (or Crowley), an unlicensed Trader in 1747. {P. A., 
ii., 14; Egle's Notes and Queries, i., 403.) 

Thomas Cresap, settled at the site of Shawnee Old Town, on the 
Potomac, in Maryland, where he built a trading post about 1 742 ; acted 
as agent for the Ohio Company of Virginia, 1748 to 1755. (P. A., i., 
311, 504-28, etc.; C. R., vols. iv. and v.; Darlington's Gist; Scharf's 
Western Maryland.) 

George Croghan, a Protestant Irishman from Dublin, who came to 
America in 1741 ; licensed 1744, 1747; died at Passyunk, Penna., in 1782, 
leaving a daughter Susannah, who married Lieut. Augustine Prevost, a 
Swiss officer in the British army. A complete history of Croghan's life 
and activities would be a history of the Indians and Indian Trade of 
Pennsylvania, Ohio, Kentucky, and Indiana, from 1746 to 1776. (See 
preceding chapters, and, in particiilar, chapter xiv, vol. i. ; and chapters i. 
and ii., vol. ii. ; Thwaites's Early Western Travels, vol. i.; Darlington's 
Gist; Egle's Notes and Queries, Third Ser., ii., 346; C. R., vols. v. to xii. ; 
P. A., vols. i. to ix. ; N. Y. Col. Doc, vols. vi. to viii.; vii., 982 (sketch) ; 
Votes of the Penna. Assembly, vols, iv., v.) 

Samuel Cross, licensed in Chester County, 1744-48. (F. and C, 
Chester County, 432.) 

James Cunningham, a Trader at Allegheny in 1745. (C. R., iv., 
757-) 

Barnaby Curran, an employe of Hugh Parker and of the Ohio 
Company at Kuskuskies in 1749; with Gist through Ohio in 1750; at 
Shanoppin's Town with John Finley and William Russell in June, 1753; 
one of Washington's guides to the Ohio in the Fall of 1753. (C. R., v., 
440; Va. State Papers, i., 248; Darlington's Gist; Washington's Journal 
of 1753 ■) 

Jonas (or Jonah) Davenport, licensed by Chester County Court in 
1718 and 1725; by Lancaster County, 1730; a Conestoga Trader before 
1718; at Allegheny, 1727 to 1734, or later. {P. A., {., 255,261, 300,425; 
Egle's Notes and Queries, i., 251, 419.) 

Solomon Davis, a Trader at Minisink in 1719 {P. A., Sec. Ser., xix., 
660.) 

John Davison, one of Washington's interpreters in 1753; interpreter 
at Logstown in 1754; furnished information for Evans's map of 1755. 
(C. R., vi., 616, 682; vii., 60, etc.; P. A., ii., 119; Dinwiddie Papers, i., 
174; Washington's JoMrwa^ 0/ J75j; Darlington's G^5^, 272.) 

Robert Desap (Dunlap ? ), an unlicensed Trader in 1747. {P. A., 
ii., 14.) 

James Devoy, taken prisoner with George Henry, John Evans, and 



Indian Trade and Pennsylvania Traders 331 

Owen Nicholson, about 1752, by a party of French Indians, "as^they 
were trading beyond the Ohio." (See chapter viii., vol. ii.; Votes of the 
Assembly, iv., 242; P. A., ii., 234; Rupp's Cumberland County, 67.) 

William Dixon, licensed in 1748. (P. A., Sec. Ser., ii., 532.) 

Joseph Dobson, furnished information for Evans's map of 1755 
regarding the country about the Lower Shawnee Town. (Darlington's 
Gist, 271.) 

John Duguid. licensed in 1743, 1744, 1747. (P. A., Sec. Ser., ii., 
531-32.) 

John Dougell (probably the same as the preceding), licensed in 1748. 
(P. A., Sec. Ser., ii., 532.) 

Arthur Dunlap, a resident of Path Valley in 1750 ; furnished informa- 
tion to Braddock about supposed French sympathizers in 1755. (C R., 
vi., 381, 397; P. ^., ii., 299.) 

Matthew Dunlap, licensed in Chester County in 1751. (F. and C, 
Chester County, 432; Egle's Notes and Queries, i., 403.) 

Robert Dunlap (see Desap), a resident of Drumore Township, 
Lancaster County in 1745; an unlicensed Trader in 1748. (See P. A., 
ii., 14.) 

William Dunlap, applied to the Lancaster County Court for a license 
in 1730, at which time he was described as " an old Trader " ; at Allegheny 
in 1734. Could this have been the Trader for whom Dunlap 's Creek, in 
Fayette County, was named? (Evans's Lancaster County, 27; P. A., 
i., 425; Egle's Notes and Queries, i., 419.): 

James Dunning (sometimes incorrectly written Denning, Demming, 
Denny, Dinnen, etc.), a Trader at Allegheny 1734 to 1754; licensed in 
1744 (Denning); robbed by Peter Chartier and the Shawnees at Alle- 
gheny April 18, 1745; an unlicensed Trader in 1747 (Denny) and 1748; 
one of Forbes's and Bouquet's guides in 1758. (See chapter xi., vol. i., 
etc.; C. P., V. 87,229; P. A., l, 425; ii., 135; Sec. Ser., ii., 532; Votes of 
Assembly, iv., 13; Rupp's Western Penna. App., 22,; }i\3lhevt's Old Glade 
[Forbes's] Road, 94, 99.) 

Robert Dunning, a Donegal Trader in 1730. (Egle's Notes and 
Queries, i.,^ig;Y.,42>2.) 

Andrew Englehart, licensed in 1748. (P. A., Sec. Ser., ii., 532.) 
Erwin see Irwin. 

Jabez Evans, taken by French Indians in Kentucky, 1753. (See 
chapter vii., vol. ii.; C. P., v., 626, 642, 663.) 

Jacob Evans, taken by French Indians in Kentucky, 1753, and sent 



332 The Wilderness Trail 

to France as a prisoner. (See chapter vii., vol. ii.; C. R., v., 626, 642, 
663; P. ^., ii., 132.) 

John Evans, taken by French Indians, beyond the Ohio, in 1752, 
and sent to France. (See chapter viii., vol. ii.; Votes of the Assembly, 
iv., 242; P. A., ii., 234; Rupp's Cumberland County, 67.) 

Joseph Faulkner (or Fortiner) , an employe of Taaf e and Callender ; 
taken by the French at Sandusky Bay, September, 1750. (See chapter 
vi., vol. ii., C. R., v., 556; N. Y. Col. Doc, vi., 731; Craig's Olden Time, 
ii., 183.) 

Dougal Ferguson, licensed 1743; one of Bouquet's guides in 1758. 
(P. A., Sec. Ser., ii., 531 ; Hulbert's Old Glade Road, no.) 

John Finley, licensed 1744-46, 1748; an unlicensed Trader in 1747; 
at Lower Shawnee Town in January, 1752; attacked by Indians at 
Little Pict Town, 1753; at Logstown, June, 1753. (See chapter vii., 
vol. ii.; C. R., v., 570; P. A., ii., 14; Sec. Ser., ii., 531-32; Trent's letter 
in Darlington's Gist, 192.) 

John Fisher, a Trader at Allegheny in 1729. (See chapter vii., 
vol. i.; P. A., 254, 265.) 

Timothy Fitzpatrick, a Trader at Allegheny in 1734. (P. A., i., 
425-) 

John Fraser, or Frazier, a Paxtang Trader in 1737; licensed in 
1747; settled at Venango in 1753; at the mouth of Turtle Creek in 1753- 
54; one of Bouquet's guides in 1758; one of the messengers sent from 
Fort Pitt to warn off the settlers at Redstone in I768(?) (C. R., v., 
614, 659, 731; ix., 539; P. A., ii., 14; Hulbert's Old Glade Road, 100; 
Washington's Journal of 1753; Egle's Notes and Queries, ii., 305.) 

Corse Froom, a Trader at Pechoquealin in 1728. (C. R., iii., 348.) 

James Galbraith, a Donegal Trader about 17 19. (Egle's Notes 
and Queries, ii., 84.) 

James Galbraith, Jr., a Trader at Allegheny in 1753. (C. R., v., 614.) 

John Galbraith a Donegal Trader in 1732; licensed in 1744 and 
1748; an unlicensed Trader in 1747. (P. A., ii., 14: Sec. Ser., ii., 531, 
532; Egle's Notes and Queries, vii., 193.) 

John Garland, of Newcastle, licensed by Governor Francis Lovelace 
in 1672. (See chapter ii., vol. i.) 

Sylvester Garland, Newcastle, licensed b^ William Penn in 1701. 
(See chapter ii., vol. i.; C. R., ii., 29, 45, 69, 532.) 

Nicolas Gateau, a Trader at Conestoga in 1704. (C R., ii., 174, 
176, 186.) 

Simon Girty, Sr., "Edgil's man, at Chambqrs's in Paxtang," 1747, 



Indian Trade and Pennsylvania Traders 333 

unlicensed; licensed in 1744; killed near Paxtang by an Indian, in a s . /v*^ 

drunken brawl, 1751. (P. A., ii., 14; Butterfield's History of the Girtys.) u\^ 
Nicole Godin, a Conestoga Trader in 1704. (C. i?., ii,, 140, 143,^ ^^ ^ 

172, 186, 400, 402, 485.) ^^tr 

George Graham, licensed in 1748. (P. A., Sec. Ser., ii., 532.) ^ 

John Gray, an unlicensed Trader in 1747; at Lower Shawnee Town, 

1752. (C. R., v., 570.) 

James Hamilton, a Trader of Lancaster County before 1750. (See 
Evans's Lancaster County^ 

Ezekiel Harlin, a Trader at Brandy wine and Conestoga before 1718. 
(C. i?., iii., 33, 231, 246, 261, 406.) 

John Harris, licensed by Lancaster County Court in 1730; "an old 
Trader" then; founder of Harris's Ferry; father-in-law of John Finley; 
father of John Harris, Jr., the founder of Harrisburg. (See Egle's 
Notes and Queries^ 

John Harris, Jr., a Trader at Harris's Ferry from 1747 to 1785 or 
later; at Allegheny in 1753; took a prominent part in the French and 
Indian wars and the Revolution. (C. i?., v., 614; P. ^., ii., 13, etc.) 

Thomas Harris, a Donegal Trader before 1746. (See Evans's Lan- 
caster County; Egle's Notes and Queries, vi., 201.) 

Edward Hart, a Conestoga Trader in 1724. (See P. A., Sec. Ser., 
xix., 728.) 

John Hart, one of the Shamokin Traders; killed at Allegheny in 
1729; Hart's Rock, in the Ohio River, below the Big Beaver, preserved 
his name for many years. (See chapters vii. and xi., vol. i. ; P. A., i., 
254, 265.) 

John Hart, licensed in 1744; possibly a nephew of Martha, wife of 
Peter Bezaillion; returned to Pennsylvania in the summer of 1755 from 
Canada, whither he had fled from Cumberland County to avoid arrest 
for killing a man; an interpreter for the Cherokees at Philadelphia, 1758. 
(Egle's Notes and Queries, i., 154; C. R., viii., 124; P. A., Sec. Ser., ii., 
532; Votes of the Assembly, iv., 418.) 

John Harvey, licensed in 1743. (P. A., Sec. Ser., ii., 531.) 
Nicholas Haupt, licensed in 1743. (P. A., Sec. Ser., ii., 531.) 
John Hays, a Trader at Logstown in 1748. (P. A., ii., 16.) 
David Hendricks, an unlicensed Trader in 1747; at Lower Shawnee 
Town in January, 1752; taken by the French Indians near Blue Lick 
Town in Kentucky in January, 1753. (See chapter vii., vol. ii,; C. R., 
v., 570, 626, 642, 663.) 

James Hendricks, a Trader at Conestoga about 1690; interpreter in 



334 The Wilderness Trail 

1718. (See chapter ii., vol. i.; C. R., iii., 36, 73; P. A., Sec. Ser., xvi., 

522.) 

James Hendricks, a Trader at Allegheny in 1743. (C R., iv., 655.) 
George Henry, taken by the French Indians, beyond the Ohio, in 

1752, and sent to France. (See chapter viii., vol. ii.; P. A., ii., 234; 
Rupp's Cumberland County, 6y.) 

Henry Hetherington, licensed in Chester County, 1746, 1749. 
(F. and C, Chester County, 432.) | 

Timothy Higgins, an employe of Henry Smith at Malson, a Shawnee 
Town on the Susquehanna, near or at Shamokin, in 1728. (See 
chapter vi., vol. i.; C. R., iii., 349; P. A., L, 227.) 

Thomas Hill, a Trader at Allegheny in 1734. (P. A., i., 425.) 

Adams Hoopes, an unlicensed Trader in the employ of Edward 
Shippenin 1747. (P. A., ii., 14.) 

Gordon Howard, a Donegal Trader before 1725. (See chapter v., 
vol. i. ; Evans's Lancaster County; Egle's Notes and Queries, ii., 87.) 

Barnabas Hughes, a Donegal Trader before 1753. (See Evans's 
Lancaster County.) 

James Hunter, licensed in Chester County in 1750. (F. and C, 
Chester County, 432.) 

Thomas Hyde, taken by the French Indians in Kentucky in January, 

1753. (See chapter vii., vol. ii.; C. R., v., 626, 642, 663.) 

Luke Irwin, an employe of George Croghan in the Ohio country; 
taken by the French at Sandusky Bay in 1750. (See chapter vi., vol. 
ii.; C. R., v., 556; N. Y. Col. Doc, vi., 731; Craig's Olden Time, ii., 181.) 

William Ives, a Trader in Ohio in 1752. (See Trent's Journal, in 
chapter viii., vol. ii.) 

Chris. Jacob, licensed in 1743. (P. A., Sec. Ser., ii., 531.) 

William Jamison, an employe of Peter Allen; at Allegheny in 1732. 
(P. ^., i., 309.) 

Joseph Jessop, a Trader at Peixtan (Paxtang) in 1707. (C. R., ii., 
405-) 

John Kelly, of Donegal, a Trader at Allegheny in 1732 and 1734. 
(P. A., {., 328, 425; Egle's Notes and Queries, ii., 87.) 

John Kelly, of Paxtang, a Trader at Allegheny in 1734. (P. A., i., 
425). - 

John Kennedy, one of Lowrey's Traders, "taken at Gist's" by the 
French in 1754. (C. R., vi., 143; Mag. West. Hist., xii., 480.) 

Edward Kenny, a Trader at Allegheny in 1734. (P. A., i., 425.) 



Indian Trade and Pennsylvania Traders 335 

Thomas Kenton, or Kinton, an unlicensed Trader in 1747 
("Logan-Edgil"); at Pickawillany in February, 1751; at Logstown in 
May, 1751. (P. A., ii., 14; C. R., v., 524, 532.) 

Ralph Kilgore, an employe of John Fraser; taken by the French 
Indians on Mad Creek near Pickawillany in May, 1750. (See chapter 
viii., vol. ii.; C. R., v., 482; P. A., ii., 50; N. Y. Col. Doc, vi., 599). 

Jacob Kuykendal, a Trader at Minisink in 171 9. (P. A., Sec. Ser., 
xix., 660.) 

Caleb Lamb, a Trader at Logstown in 1751. (C. R., v., 532.) 

John Lawrence, "an old Trader," applied for a license to the Lan- 
caster County Court in 1730. (See Evans's Lancaster County, 27. 

John Lee, an unlicensed Trader in 1747. (P. A., ii., 14.) 

Jacques Le Tort, a Trader on the Schuylkill before 1690; at Cones- 
toga in 1696. (See chapter v., vol. i.; Md. Arch., xx., 406, 470.) 

James Le Tort, son of the preceding, a Trader at Conestoga, Paxtang, 
Shamokin, Allegheny, Miamis, and Kanawha, 1704 to 1742; last men- 
tioned in the Penna. Col. Records in 1742. A James Le Tort was a 
member of Captain Peter Hogg's Company at the Battle of Great 
Meadows, July, 1754. (See chapter v., vol. i. ; C. R., vols. i. to iv. ; P. A., 
vols. i. and ii.; Sec. Ser., ix., 179; Egle's Historical Register, ii., 250; 
Egle's Notes and Queries, i., 251; ii., 217; iii., 484; iv., 117.) 

Alexander Lowrey (b. 1723; d. 1805), a Trader at Allegheny after 
1744; furnished information for Evans's map of 1755. (See chapter v., 
vol. i., and the numerous sketches by his descendant, Samuel Evans, in 
his History of Lancaster County; Egle's Notes and Queries; Potter's 
American Monthly, iv., 186; Mag. West. Hist., xii., 480; Darlington's 
Gist, 272.) 

Daniel Lowrey, an unlicensed Trader in 1748. (Egle's Notes and 
Queries, 1., 403.) 

James Lowrey, licensed in 1744, 1747; unlicensed in 1748; taken by 
French Indians in Kentucky in January, 1753, but escaped. (See 
Alexander Lowrey references; also, C, R., v. 438, 626, 642, 663; Egle's 
Notes and Queries, i., 403.) 

John Lowrey, killed by a Frenchman or Indian at Allegheny in 1749. 
(See Alexander Lowrey references; also, C. R., v., 461 ; P. ^., ii., 39.) 

Lazarus Lowrey, father of Alexander, Daniel, James, and John, 
mentioned above; a Trader in Donegal in 1729; licensed by Lancaster 
County Court in 1730; by the Governor in 1744 and 1747; at Allegheny 
in 1734. (See chapter v., vol. i. ; P. A., i., 425; Sec. Ser., ii., 531; Va. 
State Papers, i., 232.) 



336 The Wilderness Trail 

James McAllister, licensed in 1743. (P. A., Sec. Ser., ii., 531.) 

Andrew McBryer, one of Lowrey's Traders; at Pickawillany when 
it was attacked by the French in 1752; taken at Gist's by the French 
in 1754. (See chapter viii., vol. ii. ; Trent's Journal; C. R., v., 599; vi., 
143; Mag. West. Hist., xii., 480.) 

John McClure, licensed in Chester County in 1743. (F, and C, 
Chester County, 432.) 

Archibald McGee, licensed in Chester County in 1730. (F. and C, 
Chester County, 432,) 

Alexander McGinty, taken by French Indians while trading in Ken- 
tucky in January, 1753; fiunished information for Evans's map of 1755. 
(See chapter vii., vol. ii.; C. R.,v., 626, 642, 663; Votes of the Assembly, 
iv., 272; Ellis's Juniata County, 782; Darlington's Gist, 271.) 

John McGuire (Maguire), one of Washington's guides in 1753. 
(See Washington's Journal of 1753.) 

John Mcllviane, licensed in 1743. (P. A., Sec. Ser., ii., 531.) 

Thomas McKee, licensed in 1744, 1747; a Trader at Big Island, on 
the South Branch of Susquehanna in 1742; at Allegheny in 1753; served 
J as a captain in the French and Indian War; father of Alexander McKee, 
of Fort Pitt. (See chapter vii., vol. i. ; C. R., iv., 630, 642 ; v., 761 ; P. A., 
ii., 14, 634; N. Y. Col. Doc, vii., 48, no; Ellis's Susquehanna and 
Juniata Valleys, i., 885, 891; ii., 1547, 1550; Bell's Northumberland 
County, 67, 711; Egle's Notes and Queries, ii., 244, 265; v., 154.) 

James McKJnight, licensed in 1743. (P. A., Sec. Ser., ii., 531.) 

James McLaughlin, taken at Venango by the French in 1752. 
(C. R., v., 659; P. A., ii., 131 ; Washington's Journal of 1753.) 

Neal McLaughlin, licensed in Chester County in 1749. (F. and C, 
Chester County, 432.) 

Charles McMichael, licensed in Chester County, 1742; licensed by 
the' Governor, 1743, 1745. (F. and C, Chester County, 432; P. A., Sec. 
Ser., ii., 531-32.) 

James McMordie, licensed in Chester County in 1751. (F. and C, 
Chester County, 432.) 

John Maddox, a Trader at Allegheny in 1729. (P. A., i., 265, 340.) 
s,'^'^- ... John Martin, an Ohio Trader in 1750. (Craig's Olden Time, ii., 184.) 
f George Mason, licensed in Chester County in 1730, 1732, 1737. 

(F. and C, Chester County, 432.) 

Samuel Mealy, licensed in Chester County in 1750. (F. and C, 
Chester County, 432.) 

Thomas Meener, an unlicensed Trader in 1747. (P. A., ii., 14.)' 



Indian Trade and Pennsylvania Traders 337 

John Millison, licensed in Chester County in 1754. (F. and C, 
Chester County, 432.) 

George Miranda, a Trader at x\llegheny in 1736, 1738. (C R., 
iv., 88;P.^., i., 550.) 

Isaac Miranda, a Conestoga Trader in 1715; died 1732; his daughter 
married Governor James Hamilton. (P. A., i., 266; Egle's Notes and 
Queries, vii., 193.) 

Reed Mitchell, a Trader at Allegheny in 1753. {C.R.,y., 692, 703.) 

Thomas Mitchell, an unlicensed Trader in 1747 ("J. Warder") and 
1748; at Allegheny in 1753; killed in Ohio in 1767 (?). (P. A., ii., 14; 
C. R., v., 692, 703; ix., 470; 'Ellis's Perry County, 1019.) 

Thomas Mitchell, Jr., a Trader at Allegheny in 1753; probably the 
Thomas Mitchell who was killed at Waketomica in Ohio in 1763. (See 
p. 381 ; C. R., v., 692, 703; ix., 470, 521.) 

Solomon Moffat, a blacksmith at Allegheny in 1736, when he killed 
an Indian, and was obliged to flee to Virginia. (C. R., iv., 88.) 

Alexander Moorhead, licensed in 1744, 1745, 1746, 1747; unlicensed 
in 1748. (P. A., ii., 14; Sec. Ser., ii., 531-32.) 

Thomas Moran, a Trader at Allegheny in 1734. (P. A., i., 425.) 

Peter Moyer, licensed in 1748. (P. A., Sec. Ser., ii., 532.) 

Joseph Nelson, a Trader at Logstown in 1751, 1753. (C R., v., 
532, 536, 634.) 

Amos Nicholls, a Trader among the Susquehannocks in 1695. (See 
Md. Archives, xx., 339, 391, 405, 470.) 

Owen Nicholson, taken prisoner with James Devoy, George Henry, 
and John Evans, "as they were trading beyond the Ohio," by a party of 
French Indians, about 1752. (See chapter viii., vol. ii.; Votes of the 
Assembly, iv., 242; P. A., ii., 234; Rupp's Cumberland County, 67.) 

Terence O'Neal, licensed in Chester County in 1730. (F. and C, 
Chester County, 432.) 

David Owens, son of John; said to have killed and scalped his 
Indian wife and children, and carried their scalps to the English for a 
reward; Bouquet's guide in 1758 (?) ; his interpreter in 1764. (See Park- 
man's Pontiac, 482; P. A., iv., 61, 173; C. R., ix., 190, 215; Hulbert's 
Old Glade Road, 100; David Jones's Journal, 18; Loudon's Indian Wars, 
ii., 177.) 

John Owens, an unlicensed Trader in 1747 ("Rob. Dunning's, E. 
Shippen & Levy") and 1748; at Logstown in 1751; one of Croghan's 
Traders at Aughwick in 1754; Bouquet's guide in 1758 (?). (C. P., v., 
532, 536; vi., 160; P. A., ii., 14.) 



338 The Wilderness Trail 

Bernard Packer, licensed in 1748. (P. A., Sec. Ser., ii., 532.) 

John Palmer, a Trader at Allegheny in 1734. (P. A., i., 425.) 

Hugh Parker, an unlicensed Trader in 1747; at Kuskuskies, in the 
employ of the Ohio Company in 1748; took up land in what is now 
Washington County, Md., 1750. (C. R., v., 440; P. A., ii., 14, 16, 31; 
Scharf 's Western Maryland, ii., 985.) 

John Patten, or Pattin, taken by the French at Miamis Fort in 1750; 
at Logstown in 1750, 1754. (See chapter viii., vol. ii.; C. R., v., 556, 
707, 730, 762; P. A., ii., 123, 233, 240; N. Y. Col. Doc, vi., 731; Craig's 
Olden Time, ii., 184; Wis. Hist. Soc. Col., xviii., 113, 143.) 

James Patterson, a Donegal Trader in 17 17; licensed in Chester 
County, 1722, 1723; at Allegheny in 1734; died 1735. (See chapter v., 
vol. i.; F. and C, Chester County, 432; P. A., i., 425; Evans's Lancaster 
County, Egle's Notes and Queries.) 

Samuel Patterson, licensed in Chester County, 1752, 1754, 1759. 
(F. and C, Chester County, 432.) 

Paul Pearce, of Pennsboro Manor; an unlicensed Trader in 1747 
and 1748; at Logstown in 1751, (C. R., v., 532; P. A., ii., 14; Egle's 
Notes and Queries, i., 403.) 

Garret (or Gerard) Pendergrass, a Trader near the mouth of the 
Kanawha in 1735. (C. R., vii., 632; Va. State Papers, i., 232; Md. 
Archives, v., 153.) 

Thomas Perrin, licensed in Chester County in 1724; in Lancaster 
County, 1730. (F. and C, Chester County, 432; Evans's Lancaster 
County, 27.) 

John Petty, a Shamokin Trader in 1728. (C. P., iii., 349, 350; P. A., 
{., 227-28.) 

Henry Piatt, licensed in 1743, 1745, 1746. (P. A., Sec. Ser., ii., 
531-32.) 

Charles Polk, a Donegal Trader before 1725; at Allegheny in 1734; 
near mouth of Kanawha in 1735; settled in what is now Washington 
County, Md., before 1737; at Nemacolin's Camp on Dunlap's Creek 
in 1 75 1. (C R., v., 760; P. A., i., 425; Darlington's Gist, 70, 140; 
Va. State Papers, i., 232.) 

John Postlethwaite, a Conestoga Trader in 1739. (Egle's Notes 
and Queries, ii., 87.) 

John Potts, licensed in 1744; unlicensed in 1747 ("at Harris's in 
Pextang, J. Warder") and 1748; at Logstown in 1750; at Pickawillany 
in February, 1751. (C. P., 'v., 526; P. A., ii., 14, 50; Sec. Ser., ii., 
531.) 



Indian Trade and Pennsylvania Traders 339 

Florian Povinger, licensed in 1744 and 1745. (P. A., Sec, Ser., ii., 
531-32.) 

John Powell, a Juniata Trader in 1747. (C. R., v., 87.) 

William Powell, an unlicensed Trader in^i747'("by McGee") ; taken 
by the French Indians while trading in Kentucky in January, 1753. 
(C. R., v., 626, 642, 663; P. A., ii., 14.) J 

Jacob Power, licensed in 1747. (P. A., Sec. Ser., ii., 532.) ' 

Aaron Price, a Trader at Lower Shawnee Town in January, 1752. 
(C. P., v., 570.) 

John Prince, licensed in Chester County in 1755. (F. and C, 
Chester County, 432.) 

Silas Pryor, a Brand3r\vine Creek Trader in 1727. (C. R., iii., 406.) 

Jacob Pyatt, a Trader at Allegheny in 1734 and 1745; at Logstown 
in 1751; settled in Path Valley in 1748. (C P., iv., 757; v., 532, 536; 
P. ^., i., 425;ii., 15,383-) 

John Quinn, an Allegheny Trader, found dead on the Path by 
Conrad Weiser in 1748. (Thwaites's Early Western Travels, i., 44.) 

Timothy Reardon, a partner of John Trotter at Venango in 1752. 
(P.A.,il, 131.) 

Alexander Richardson, licensed in Chester County, 1730, 1732, 
1737, 1745, 1746. (F. and C, Chester County, 432.) 

David Robeson, wounded at Allegheny in 1729. (See p. 352 ; P.A.^ 
i., 254, 265.) 

James Ross, licensed in Chester County in 1738. (F. and C, 
Chester County, 432). 

Antony Sadowsky, a Shamokin Trader in 1728; at Allegheny in 
1729. (C P., iii., 349-50, 364; P. A., i., 222, 265; Am. Pioneer, i., 199; 
ii-, 325-) 

John Savanner (or Swanner), licensed in Chester County, 1742, 
1743. (F. and C, Chester County, 432.) 

John Schoenhoven, a Trader at Pechoquealin in 1728. (C. P., 
iii., 348.) 

Nicholas Schoenhoven, a Trader at Pechoquealin in 1728. (C P., 
iii., 327; P. A., i., 223.) 

John Sciill, brother to Nicholas, Jr.; a Trader at Shamokin in 1728, 
and before; interpreter at Conestoga May 26, 1728. (C P., iii., 315, 
322, 328, 337, 364; P. A., i., 222.) 

Nicholas Scull, died 1703, leaving six sons, Nicholas, Edward, Jasper, 



340 The Wilderness Trail 

John, James, and Joseph; accused of selling rum to the Indians, con- 
trary to law, in 1686. (C. R., i., 14-0.) 

Nicholas Sctdl, Jr., a Trader at Shamokin in 1728; .afterwards 
Surveyor- General of Pennsylvania. (C. R., iii., 322, 328; P.^A.,[i., 
222.) 

Peter Shaver (or Shafer), Hcensed in 1744; an unlicensed Trader in 
1748; at Allegheny in 1733 and 1745; lived "four miles from the Sus- 
quehanna River" in 1750; possibly the same as "Peter Suver," whom 
Washington met near Turkey Foot, May 20, 1754; took up land at 
mouth of Shaver's Creek, in the present Huntingdon County, 1754, 
where he was killed by the Indians in October or November, 1755. 
(See chapter ix., vol. i.; C. R., ii., 539, 541; iv., 758; v., 762; vi., 160; 
P. A., ii., 14, 136; Sec. Ser., ii., 531 ; Africa's Huntingdon County, 40, 307; 
Washington's Journal of 1754, 67; Penna. Gazette, Nov. 13, 1755.) 

John Shaw, licensed in Chester County in 1754. (F. and C, Chester 
County, 432.) 

William Sherrill, a Conestoga Trader in 1712. (C. R., ii., 579.) 

Joseph Simon, or Simons, an extensive Trader located at Lancaster 
about 1740-45, and later; supplied many of the travelling Traders with 
goods. (P. A., ii., 364; Evans's Lancaster County; Egle's Notes and 
Queries, ii., 2,9, AS^-) 

Thomas Simpson, one of Croghan's Traders at Aughwick in 1754. 
(C. R., vi., 160.) 

Henry Smith, a Shamokin Trader in 1728; at Allegheny in 1729 
and 1732. (C. R., iii., 349, 350, 364, 544, 545; P- ^m i-, 254, 265; Egle's 
Notes and Queries, ii., 305.) 

James Smith, an employe of John, or Jack, Armstrong; killed at 
Jack's Narrows in 1744. (See references to John Armstrong.) 

John Smith, a Trader at Pechoquealin in 1728. (C. R., iii., 327; 
P. A., 223.) 

Leonard Smith, licensed in 1743. (-P. A., Sec. Ser., ii., 531.) 

Robert Smith, a Pickawillany Trader, who lived on the Great Miami 
in March, 1751. (See chapter viii., vol. ii.; Gist's Journal.) 

Samuel Smith, a Donegal Trader in 17 18 and 1754. (See chapter v., 
vol. i.; 'Eybxis.'s, Lancaster County; Egle's Notes and Queries, iv., 413, 428; 
C. R., vi., 149.) 

Benjamin Specker (or Spyker), Hcensed in 1743 and 1744. {P. A., 
Sec. Ser., ii., 531.) 

John Specker, licensed in 1743, 1745. (P. A., Sec. Ser., ii., 531.) 

Michael Sprogle, licensed in 1744. (P. A., Sec. Ser., ii., 531.) 



Indian Trade and Pennsylvania Traders 341 

Francis Stevens, a Trader at Allegheny in 1734; for him was named 
Frankstown. (P. A., L, 425, 648; ii., 136; Africa's Blair County, 99.) 

Daniel Stewart, licensed in Chester County in 1742. (F. and C, 
Chester County, 432.) 

James Stewart, licensed in 1745. (P. A., Sec. Ser., ii., 532.) 

Dennis Sullivan, an unlicensed Donegal Trader in 1747 ("E. 
Shippen") and 1748; at Logstown in 1751. (C. P., v., 532, 536; P. A., 
ii., 14.) 

Jonathan Swindell, a Conestoga Trader in 172 1. (See chapter x.; 
C. R., iii., 154.) 

Robert Syer (Sayer?), licensed in 1744. (P. A., Sec. Ser., ii., 531.) 

Michael Taafe, a partner of Robert Callender; at Logstown in 
1753- (See chapter viii., vol. ii. ; C. P., v., 614.) 

Robert Taggart, licensed in 1747 and 1748. (P. A., Sec. Ser., ii., 
532.) 

Robert Terrill, a Trader on the Schuylkill in 1684; accused of selling 
rum to the Indians, contrary to law, in 1684. (C. P., i., 63.) 

Peter Tostee, licensed in 1744; robbed by Peter Chartier and the 
Shawnees on the Ohio April 18, 1745. {Votes of the Assembly, iv., 13; 
C. P., iv., 776, 780; Crumrine's Washington County, 18; Rupp's Western 
Penna., App., 23.) 

John Traner, an unlicensed Trader in 1748. (Egle's Notes and 
Queries, i., 403.) 

William Trent, a partner of George Croghan; served as a captain 
in the Old French War of 1745-47; at Pickawillany in June, 1752; at 
Logstown in 1753; in Fort Pitt during its siege in 1763. (See his Jour- 
nal in chapter viii., vol. ii.; C.R.,v., 614; P.^.,ii., 16,50; Darlington's 
Gist; Darlington's Fort Pitt; Egle's Notes and Queries, ii., 4, 12, 18, 31, 
37-40.) 

John Trotter, taken by the French at Venango in 1752. (C P., 
v., 659; P. ^., ii., 131 ; Washington's Journal of 1753.) 

Morris Turner, an employe of John Eraser; taken by the French 
Indians at Mad Creek near Pickawillany, May 27, 1750. (C P., v., 
482; P. A., ii., 50; N. Y. Col. Doc, vi., 599.) 

Arnold Viele, a New York Trader on the Susquehanna and Ohio 
in 1692. (See chapter iv., vol. i.; chapter iv., vol. ii.) 

John Walker, an Allegheny Trader before 1755; one of Bouquet's 
guides in 1758. (Hulbert's Old Glade Road, 86, 100; Calendar of 
Bouquet Papers in Can. Archives i88g, p. 78.) 



342 The Wilderness Trail 

Oliver Wallace, licensed in Lancaster County in 1730; at Allegheny 
in 1734. (Evans's Lancaster County, 27; P. A., i., 425.) 

William Wallace, licensed in 1747. {P. A., Sec. Ser., ii., 532.) 

Edward Ward, a half-brother of George Croghan; at Allegheny in 
1754, when he surrendered the Virginia Fort to the French. 

Thomas Ward, a Trader at Logstown in 175 1. (C. R.,v., 532, 536.) 
Edward Warren, an employe of Peter Allen, of Donegal ; at Allegheny 

in^i732. (P. A., i., 309; Smith's Armstrong County, 232-3, 239.) 

Francis Water, Donegal ("Shippen and Levy"), an unlicensed 

Trader in 1747. (P. ^., ii., 14.) 

Abraham Wendell, a New York Trader; "in Seneca Land," on the 

Genesee or Upper Allegheny in 1735. (C. R., iii., 660; P. A., i., 454.) 
William West, a Trader at Allegheny in 1753. (C R., v., 761.) 
Patrick Whinney, licensed in Chester County in 1749 and 1750. 

(F. and C, Chester County, 432.) 

James White, licensed in 1743. {P.'A., Sec. Ser., ii. 531.) 

John Wilkins, died 1741; a Trader at Allegheny in 1732. (P. A., 

i., 328.) 

Peter Wilkins, a Donegal Trader in 1719; died 1748. (Evans's 

Lancaster County.) 

Robert Wilkins, a Donegal Trader in 1718. (See chapter v., vol. i.; 
Egle's Notes and Queries, ii., 181.) 

Thomas Wilkins, a Donegal Trader in 1719; died 1746. (See chap- 
ter v., vol. i.; Evans's Lancaster County.) 

William Wilkins, a Donegal and Shamokin Trader in 1723-24. 
(C R., iii., 148, 153; Egle's Notes and Queries, ii., 168, 181; xii., 191.) 

Charles Williams ("with Thos. McKee"), an unlicer<5ed Trader in 
1747 and 1748). (P. ^., ii., 14.) 

James Wilson, licensed in 1744. (P. A., Sec. Ser., ii., 532.) 
Thomas Wood, licensed in 1743, 1748. (P. ^4., Sec. Ser., ii., 531-32.) 
John Wray, the first Trader to settle near the site of Raystown (now 
Bedford) ; came to Philadelphia with Potomac Shawnees from Allegheny 
in 1732. (C. P., iii., 481, 491, 496.) 

Thomas Wright, an employe of John Burt at Snaketown, "forty 
miles above Conestoga," where he was killed by Minsi Indians in Sep- 
tember, 1727. (C. P., iii., 301, 344.) 

Peter Wylt, licensed in 1743. (P. A., Sec. Ser., ii., 531.) 

Jacob Young, a Conestoga Trader before 1680. (See chapter 
ii.) 



Indian Trade and Pennsylvania Traders 343 

James Young, an Allegheny Trader in 1750. (P. A., ii., 50.) 
John Young, an Allegheny Trader in 1734. {P. A., i., 425.) 
William Young, licensed in Chester County in 1730, 1737. (F. and 
C, Chester County, 432.) 



CHAPTER X 

THE PERILS OF THE PATH 

THE first permanent European settlement undertaken on the west 
shore of Delaware Bay was wholly destroyed by the Indians living 
there. This was a colony of some thirty Dutchmen, who had been sent 
from Amsterdam by Samuel Godyn, David Pietersz. de Vries, Jan de 
Laet, Gilliaume Van Renssellaer, and five of their associates, all known as 
Patroons. The ship bearing the settlers and "a large stock of cattle" 
left Texel December 12, 1630, and reached the Bay of Delaware in the 
early part of May, 1631. They landed at the mouth of the Whorekill 
(near the present Lewestown, Del.), built a small fort or trading house 
(named Fort Oplandt), and planted a settlement, which they called 
Zwanandael 

In 1632, the nine persons who had sent out this colony, despatched 
a second expedition, consisting of a ship and "yacht," under the com- 
mand of Patroon De Vries himself. These two vessels sailed from the 
Texel on the 24th of May, and after a long stay at Portsmouth, to make 
repairs, started on a cruise to the West Indies, and did not reach the 
mouth of Delaware Bay until the 3d of December. "Before sailing out 
of the Texel, " De Vries writes in the Journals of his voyages, "we under- 
stood that our little Fort [at Swanandael] had been destroyed by the 
Indians, the people killed — two and thirty men — who were outside the 
Fort working land." On the 6th of December, De Vries went by boat 
into the mouth of Lewes Creek, and coming by the fort, which was 
destroyed, found it surrounded with palisades, but almost burned to the 
ground. He also found lying about on the ground the skulls and bones 
of the unfortunate colonists, with the heads of the horses and cows they 
had brought with them. 

The 8th of December, we sailed into the River before our destroyed 
Fort, well on our guard. The Indians came to the edge of the shore, 
near the yacht, butfdared not come in. At length, one ventured to come 
aboard the yacht, whom we presented with a cloth dress, and told him 
we desired to make peace. Then immediately more came running 

344 



The Perils of the Path 345 

aboard, expecting to obtain a dress also. . . . An Indian remained on 
board of the yacht at night, whom we asked why they had slain our 
people, and how it happened. He then showed us the place where our 
people had set up a column, to which was fastened a piece of tin, whereon 
the arms of Holland were painted. One of their chiefs took this off for 
the purpose of making tobacco pipes, not knowing that he was doing 
amiss. Those in command at the House made such an ado about it, 
that the Indians, not knowing how it was, went away and slew the chief 
who had done it, and brought a token [scalp] of the dead to the House 
to those in command, who told them that they wished they had not done 
it; that they should have brought him to them. . . . They then went 
away, and the friends of the murdered chief incited their friends ... to 
set about the work of vengeance. Observing our people out of the House, 
each one at his work, that there was not more than one inside, who was 
lying sick, and a large mastiff, who was chained — had he been loose they 
would not have dared to approach the House; and the man who had 
command standing near the House, three of the stoutest Indians, who 
were to do the deed, bringing a lot of beaver-skins with them to exchange, 
sought to enter the House. The man in charge went with them to make 
the barter ; which being done, he went to the loft where the stores lay, 
and in descending the stairs, one of the Indians seized an axe, and cleft 
his head, so that he fell down dead. They also relieved the sick man of 
life; and shot into the dog, who was chained fast, and whom they most 
feared, twenty-five arrows before they could despatch him! They then 
proceeded toward the rest of the men, who were at their work, and going 
among them with pretentions of friendship, struck them down. Thus 
was our young colony destroyed, causing us serious loss. 

On the ist of January, 1633, De Vries started up Delaware Bay and 
River in his yacht, and on the 5th arrived off the present Gloucester 
Point, where Captain Cornelius Jacobson May had, in 1623-24, built a 
trading post, to which he had given the name of Fort Nassau. It was 
now occupied by a few Indians, who wanted to barter some furs. As 
De Vries had already given all his goods to the Indians at Swanandael, 
he told them that he only wanted some corn, and was accordingly 
directed to proceed to Timmer-kill. But an Indian woman, belonging 
to the "Sankitans, " came and warned him not to go far up the creek, 
or they would be attacked. She told him that the Indians had murdered 
the crew of an English boat which had ascended the "Count Ernest" 
River. 

Alexander Boyer wrote to Director Peter Stuyvesant from Fort 
Nassau on the Delaware September 25th, 1648: 

On the 2 1 St of September arrived here the chief of the Minquase 
country with four of his people and thirty to forty beavers, to learn 
whether no vessel had arrived here from the Manhattans with goods. 
As there is an abundance of peltries in their country at present, it makes 
them desire for these goods so much more. They are also much dissatis- 
fied, that this River is not steadily provided with cargoes by our people. 



346 The Wilderness Trail 

The Swede [Governor Johann Printz] has at present few goods, so that, 
were cargoes here now, we should doubtless have a good trade with the 
Minquase. 

There have been killed by the Indians two men of the Swede, who 
had gone to the savages with six or seven guns and some powder and 
lead, to trade the same there. 

On August 10, 1657, Director Jacob Alrichs wrote Peter Stuyve- 
sant from New Amstel (now Newcastle, Del.) concerning the activities 
of the Swedes who had been permitted by the Dutch to remain at Altena 
on Christina Creek and other points farther up the river : 

But they send from time to time men and merchandise to the Min- 
quaas' Country, under the pretense that all relating to Trade was con- 
tained in their Liberties, and permitted. Consequently, a short time 
ago, one Sander [Alexander] Boyer and Lourens Hansen, Captain des 
Armes, from Christina, now Altena, have been there to trade for others, 
their principals. But Lourens Hansen did not return, having been 
cruelly killed by a savage, and robbed of the wampum and other things 
which he had with him. Afterwards, a Minquaas savage, with some 
other savages, came here into the Colony, who commands in the Fort 
nearest here, in the Minquaas' Country, and brought some wampum 
and other things which they had taken from the savage there who had 
perpetrated the crime. 

In the summer of 1671 two Delaware River Indians killed two 
Dutchmen on the Island of Matiniconck, in that river. At a Council 
held at Fort James in New York, in September, Peter Alrichs, who 
brought the news of this affair, said that two of the Saggamores of the 
nation of the murderers had promised their best assistance to bring 
in the criminals, or to procure them to be knocked in the head, if that 
might be allowed by the Governor. 

The occasion of this murder, Alrichs told the Council, was, "that 
Tashiowycan's sister dying, hee exprest great griefe for it, and said, 
' The Manetto hath killed my Sister, and I will go and kill the Christians ' ; 
soe, taking another with him, hee went and executed this barbarous 
fEact." 

Some ten weeks later, Captain William Tom wrote from the Dela- 
ware to Governor Lovelace regarding this affair: 

About eleven days since that Mr. Alrick came from New Yorke, 
the Indians desire to speak wth. us once more concerning the murtherers, 
whereupon they sent for me to Peter Rambers ; where coming, they faith- 
fully promised within the time of six days to bring in the murtherers, 
dead or alive. 

Whereupon, they sent out two Indians to the stoutest, to bring him 
in; not doubting easily to take the other, he being an Indian of little 
courage. But the least Indian, getting knowledge of the design of the 



The Perils of the Path 347 

sachems, ran to advise his fellow, and advised him to run, or else they 
should be both killed. Who answered him, he was not ready, but in the 
morning would go with him to the Maques; advised him to go to the 
next house, for fear of suspition; which he did. And the two Indians, 
coming to his house at night, the one being his great friend, he asked him 
if he would kill him; who answered no; but the sachems have ordered 
you to die. Whereupon he demanded what his brothers said; who 
answered, "They say the like." Then he, holding his hands before 
his eyes, said, "Kill me." Whereupon, this Indian that comes with 
Cockee shot him with two bullets in the breast, and gave him two or 
three cuts with a bill on the head; and brought him down to Wickakee, 
from whence we shall carry him tomorrow to Newcastle, there to hang 
him in chains. . . . 

When the other Indian heard the shot in the night, naked as he was, 
he ran into the woods; but this sachem promised to bring the other alive. 

An account of the killing of Francis de la Tore and some of his 
fellow servants, employes of John Hans Steelman, by the Shawnees, at 
Steelman's instigation, in 1710-11, has already been given in the chapter 
on the Conestoga Traders. La Tore had run away from Steelman and 
carried off some of his goods. The latter thereupon sent the young 
men of the Pequea Creek Shawnees after him, to bring him back or 
kill him, telling them they might have the goods for their trouble. 

Governor William Keith told his Coimcil at Philadelphia on the 
6th of March, 1721, that he had been informed of the sudden death of an 
Indian at one of their towns a considerable distance beyond Conestoga, 
occasioned by blows given him by John or Edmund Cartlidge, the 
Traders. James Logan and Col. John French were appointed to go 
to Conestoga and hold an inquest. They did so, and after returning, 
presented their report to the Council. The murdered man was a Seneca 
Warrior, who had been hunting at "Manakassy [Monocacy], a branch 
of the Pawtomeck River." The Indian had been hunting there alone, 
with a Shawnee squaw, who kept his cabin, until John Cartlidge and 
his people came there to trade with him for his skins. Cartlidge was 
accompanied by an Indian guide, a Ganawese. The latter gave the 
Commissioners the following account of the tragedy : 

That he came in the evening to the Indian's cabin who is dead, 
with John Cartlidge and Edmund Cartlidge, who had with them William 
Wilkins and one Jonathan [Swindell], both servants to John Cartlidge, 
with an intent to trade with the said Indian for his skins, they having 
hired him [the deponent] to be their guide. 

That John Cartlidge gave the Sennikae some small quantities of 
Punch and Rum, three times that evening, as he remembers, as a free 
gift, and then sold him some rum. That both the Sinnikae and this 
examinant were drunk that night. 

That in the morning, the Sinnikae said he must have more Rum, 



348 The Wilderness Trail 

for that he had not received all he had bought; that, accordingly, he 
went to John Cartlidge and demanded it; but that John denied to give 
him any, and taking the pott out of the Indian's hand, threw it away. 
That the Indian told him he need not be angry with him for asking more, 
for he owed it to him, and he still pressed him to give it. 

That John then pressed the Indian down, who fell with his neck 
across a fallen tree, where he lay for some time, and then rising, walked 
up to his cabin. 

The dead Indian's squaw was afterwards examined and said: 

That she was in the cabin, when her husband came in for the gun; 
that she shrieked out, and endeavored to hinder him from carrying it out, 
but coiild not. 

That she followed him, and Wilkins, being then by the cabin, laid 
hold of the gun, but could not take it from him; that Edmund forced it 
out of his hands, and struck him, first on the shoulder, and then thrice 
upon the head, and broke the gun with the blows; that John Cartlidge 
stripped off his clothes, and coming up to them found the Indian sitting, 
and he then gave him one kick on the side with his foot, and struck him 
with his fist. 

That the man never spake after he received the blows, save that 
after he got into the cabin, he said his friends had killed him; . . . 
that he died the next day, about the same time he was wounded the day 
before. That she was alone with the corpse and went to seek some help 
to btu-y him. That in the meanwhile an Indian woman, wife of Passalty 
of Conestogoe, with the Hermaphrodite [an Indian eunuch] of the place, 
coming thither by accident and finding the man dead, buried him in the 
cabin. 

The Cartlidges were imprisoned for this homicide, but afterwards 
released on bail, and later discharged at the request of the Five Nations, 
who considered the killing to have been done in self-defence. 

On September 27, 1727, James Logan informed the Pennsylvania 
Council that he had, the night before, received a letter from Justice 
John Wright, of Chester County, giving account that one Thomas 
Wright was killed by some Indians at Snaketown, forty miles above 
Conestoga. This letter, together with the depositions of John Wilkins, 
Esther Burt, and Mary Wright, and the report of an inquest, were laid 
before the Council. These papers set forth: 

That on Monday, the eleventh of this instant, September, several 
Indians, together with one John Bturt, an Indian Trader, and the said 
Thomas Wright, were drinking near the house of said Burt, who was 
singing and dancing with the Indians, after their manner. 

That some dispute arising between one of the Indians and the said 
Wright, Burt bid Wright knock down the Indian; whereupon, Wright 
laid hold of the Indian, but did not beat him; that afterwards Burt 
struck the Indian several blows with his fist. 



The Perils of the Path 349 

That the said Wright and Burt afterwards retired into the house, 
where the Indians followed them, and broke open the door; that while 
Wright was endeavoring to pacify them, Burt called out for his gun, 
and continued to provoke them more and more. 

That hereupon, the said Wright fled to the hen-house to hide him- 
self, whither the Indians pursued him; and next morning he was there 
found dead. . . . 

Jonas Davenport, who brought this account, and was one of the 
inquest, being called in and examined, says . . . that John Burt sent 
for rum to the Indians, which they drank, and that he afterwards sent 
for more; that a dispute arising between Burt and the Indians, the said 
Burt filled his hands with filth and threw it among the Indians; that 
it is generally believed, if Burt had not provoked and abused them to so 
high a degree, the matter might be made up amicably. . . . Being 
likewise examined of what nation these Indians are, says, they are 
of the Munscoes [Minsi] Indians, who live on an eastern branch of 
Sasquehannah, 

The members of the Governor's Council observed that his was the 
first accident of the kind they had ever heard of in the Province since 
its first settlement. 

The adventure which the Trader, Thomas McKee, had with the 
Shawnees at Big Island, in the mouth of the Juniata River, in January, 
1743, has already been given at length in the chapter on the Shamokin 
Traders. McKee was saved at that time through the good ofiices of a 
white woman prisoner among the Shawnees, who warned him of the 
plot against his life. She was probably the woman he afterwards took 
as a wife, and the mother of Alexander McKee, the traitor. 

In April, 1744, Alexander Armstrong, an Indian Trader, near Shamo- 
kin, having a suspicion that his brother John, or Jack, Armstrong, had 
been murdered by the Indians, met with some eight or nine other Traders 
at the house of Joseph Chambers, in Paxtang Township, and sent a 
message to Shekallamy and the Delaware chief at Shamokin. Shekal- 
lamy sent eight Indians down to meet them, and to go and hunt for 
Armstrong's body at his last supposed Sleeping- Place, which was on the 
Juniata River. The white men and five of the Indians went there, and 
from the Sleeping-Place "steered along a Path about three or four miles 
to the Narrows of Juniata [now Jack's Narrows], where they suspected 
the said murder to have been committed, and where the Allegheny 
Road crosses the [Juniata] Creek." At the Sleeping- Place they found a 
shoulder-bone, which they supposed to be that of John Armstrong, 
"and that he himself was eaten by the Indians." Below the Juniata 
Crossing, they found the corpses of Woodworth Arnold and James 
Smith, two of Armstrong's employes. 

These murders having been brought to the attention of Governor 
Thomas, he sent Conrad Weiser to Shamokin for the piirpose of learning 



350 The Wilderness Trail 

the history of the crime from Shekallamy, who, meanwhile, had caused 
two of the murderers to be arrested by his son, John, and had sent them 
down the river to Lancaster County for trial. 

"The following," wrote Weiser in his Journal, "is what Shick 
Calamy declared to be the truth of the story concerning the murder of 
John Armstrong, Woodward Arnold, and James Smith, from the begin- 
ning to the end": 

That Mussemeelin [a Delaware Indian] owing some skins to John 
Armstrong, the said Armstrong seized a horse of the said Mussemeelin, 
and a rifled gun; the gun was taken by James Smith, deceased. 

Sometime last Winter, Mussemeelin met Armstrong on the River 
Juniata, and paid [on account] to about twenty shillings, for which he 
offered a neck-belt in pawn to Armstrong and demanded his horse. 
And James Armstrong refused it, and woiild not deliver up the horse, 
but enlarged the debt, as his usual custom was. And after some quarrel, 
the Indian went away in great anger, without his horse, to his hunting 
cabin. 

Sometime after this, Armstrong, with his two companions, in their 
way to Ohio, passed by the said Mussemeelin's hunting cabin. His 
wife only being at home, demanded the horse of Armstrong, because he 
was her proper goods; but did not get him (Armstrong had by this time 
sold or lent the horse to James Berry). 

After Mussemeelin came from hunting, his wife told him that 
Armstrong had gone by, and that she had demanded the horse of him, but 
did not get him; (and, as is thought, pressed him to pursue and take 
revenge of Armstrong). 

The third day in the morning, after James [John] Armstrong was 
gone by, Mussemeelin said to the two young men that hunted with him, 
" Come, let us go towards the Great Hills, to hunt bears. " Accordingly, 
they went all three in company. After they had gone a good way, 
Mussemeelin, who was foremost, was told by the two young men that 
they were out of their course. "Come you- along, " said Mussemeelin; 
and they accordingly followed him till they came to the path that leads 
to Ohio. 

Then Mussemeelin told them he had a good mind to go and fetch 
his horse back from Armstrong, and desired the two young men to come 
along. Accordingly they went. 

It was almost night, and they travelled till next morning. Musse- 
meelin said, "Now, they are not far off. We will make ourselves black; 
and I will tell Jack that if he don't give me the horse, I wiU kiU him. " 
And when he said so, he laughed. 

The young men thought he joked, as he used to do. They did not 
blacken themselves, but he did. 

When the sun was above the trees (or about an hour high), they all 
came to the fire, where they found James Smith sitting, and they sat also 
down. Mussemeelin asked where Jack was. Smith told him that he 
was gone to clear the Road a little. Mussemeelin said he wanted to 
speak with him, and went that way, and after he had gone a little distance 
from the fire, he said something and looked back, laughing. But he 



The Perils of the Path 351 

having a thick throat, and his speech being very bad, and their talking 
with Smith, hindered them from understanding what he said. They 
did not mind it. 

They, being hungry. Smith told them to kill some turtles, of which 
there were plenty, and we would make some bread, and, by and by, they 
would all eat together. 

While they were talking, they heard a gun go off, not far off, at 
which time Woodward Arnold was killed, as they learned afterwards. 

Soon after Mussemeelin came back and said, "Why didn't you 
two kill that white man, according as I bid you? I have laid the other 
two down." 

At this they were surprised, and one of the young men, commonly 
called Jemmey, run away to the River Side. Mussemeelin said to the 
other, "How will you do to kill Catabaws, if you cannot kill white men? 
You coward, I '11 show you how you must do. " 

And then taking up the English axe that lay there, he struck it 
three times into Smith's head before he died. Smith never stirred. 

Then he told the young Indian to call the other, but he was so 
terrified he could not call. Mussemeelin then went and fetched him, 
and said to him, that two of the white men were killed; he must now go 
and kill the third ; then each of them would have killed one. But neither 
of them dare venture to talk about it. Then he pressed them to go along 
with him. He went foremost. Then one of the young men told the 
other, as they went along, "My friend, don't you kill any of the white 
people, let him do what he will; I have not killed Smith, he has done it 
himself; we have no need to do such a barbarous thing. " 

Mussemeelin being then a good way before them, in a hurry, they 
soon saw John Armstrong, setting upon an old log. Mussemeelin spoke 
to him and said, "Where is my horse?" Armstrong made answer and 
said, "He will come by and by; you shall have him." 

"I want him now," said Mussemeelin. Armstrong answered, "You 
shall have him; come, let us go to that fire" (which was at some distance 
from the place where Armstrong sat), "and let us smoke and talk 
together." 

"Go along, then," said Mussemeelin. "I am coming," said Arm- 
strong, "do you go before, Mussemeelin; do you go foremost." Arm- 
strong looked then Hke a dead man, and went towards the fire, and was 
immediately shot in his back by Mussemeelin and fell. MussemeeHn 
then took his hatchet and struck it into Armstrong's head, and said, 
"Give me my horse, I tell you." 

By this time one of the young men had fled again that had gone away 
before, but he returned in a short time. Mussemeelin then told the 
young men they must not offer to discover or tell a word about what had 
been done, for their Hves; but they must help him to bury Jack, and the 
other two were to be thrown into the River. . . . 

The Pennsylvania Traders, as has been shown, reached the Ohio 
River with their pack-horses and goods for trade, as early as 1727 or 
before. For nearly twenty years after that time, their comm.erce with 
the Western Mingoes, Delawares, and Shawnees, was carried on in peace, 



352 The Wilderness Trail 

and with comparatively few dangerous or fatal experiences. Such as 
resulted in casualties to the white men or the Indians, so far as shown on 
the Pennsylvania records, scarcely exceeded half a dozen before 1755. 
Some of these adventures will be here set forth, as the records give 
them. 

On the 20th (or 30th) of April, 1730, Mulcqun, Keakeen-homman, 
Shawannoppan, and three or four more Delaware chiefs wrote to Gover- 
nor Gordon by Edmund Cartlidge and James Le Tort, as follows 
(Cartlidge's spelling was somewhat more simplified) : 

We, the subscribers, the Chiefs of the Dela wares at Alleegaeenin on 
the Main Road, Do hereby certify to the Governor as far as we know 
concerning the death of one white man last Fall, and another shot 
through the leg and broke it; none of us being present at ye actions, but 
have made due inquiry and find thereon : 

That some of our people was going down this River a hunting. 
Two of the Shoahmokin Traders, viz., John Fisher and John Hart, went 
along; and when they was got above a hundred miles down, our people 
proposed to Fire Hunt, by making a Ring. 

The white men would go along. Our people would have dissuaded 
them from it, alleging they did not understand it, and might receive some 
harm. But they still persisted in it; so all went together; Wherein ye 
said John Hart was shot in at ye mouth and ye bullet lodged in his neck, 
and so was killed. But by whom we cannot learn, which believe to be 
accidental, and not on purpose. 

As to the other, David Robeson, he being at a friend's house about 
twenty miles distant from hence [probably at one of the Shawnee towns 
on the Conemaugh, twenty miles distant from Kittanning], Henry Smith 
being there with rum, the Indians got drunk. And a certain man be- 
longing to the Five Nations, being formerly taken a prisoner by them, 
and there being in drink, got hold of a gun. A Shawnee woman there 
present seized on ye said gun; and by struggling, ye gun went off and 
shot ye said David as aforesaid. 

As soon as ye gun was discharged and ye man wounded, oiu" friend 
aforesaid immediately took ye said gun from him by violence and broke 
it over him; and the Chief Mingue in this Town took charge of him for 
some time, till there came a Company of ye Five Nations by, and they 
took him away with them, least, by the means of drink, he might do 
some further mischief. 

In October, 1736, James Logan laid before the Council a letter writ- 
ten by the Trader, George Miranda, stating that one, Solomon Moffat, 
a blacksmith, had, in a quarrel with a Mingo at one of the Ohio River 
towns, given him a blow, from which he died; and that Moffat had fl.ed 
toward Virginia. Logan added that the Indians then in Philadelphia 
gave a different account of the affair, the blacksmith being charged with 
having been abusive to the Indian, and having first assaulted him, giving 
him several blows and wounds, from which the Mingo died after several 



The Perils of the Path 353 

days. The Council offered a reward of ten pounds for the discovery and 
arrest of Moffat. 

An account of the murder of one Brown, an employe of Hugh Parker, 
the Virginia Trader, by some drunken Indians at Kuskuskies in October, 
1748, has already been given in the chapter relating to that settlement. 
So, also, has reference been made in the chapter on the White River 
Indians, to the killing of a noted Philadelphia Trader by the French 
Indians about 1745 (whose name has not been preserved) in revenge for 
which the White River Indians and the Wyandots killed five French 
Traders near Sandusky in 1747. 

James Adair, the Scotch Trader of Carolina, who travelled and 
traded among the Chickasaws and Creeks for nearly forty years after 
1735, has left on record in his book on the Southern Indians, which has 
long been out of print, the following accounts of two of his adventures 
with the Shawnees and the Choctaws : 

"In the year 1749, when I was going to Charles Town, under the 
provincial seal of South Carolina with a party of Chikkasah Indians, 
the small-pox attacked them, not far from Muskohge Country, which, 
becoming general through the camp, I was under the necessity of setting 
off by myself. Between Flint River and that of the Okmiilgeh, I came 
up with a large camp of Muskohge Traders, returning from English 
settlements. The gentlemen told me, they had been lately assured at 
Augusta by the Cheerake Traders, that above a hundred and twenty 
of the French Shawano might be daily expected near that place, to cut off 
the English Traders, and plunder their camp, and cautioned me with 
much earnestness at parting to keep a watchful eye during that day's 
march. 

"After having rode 15 miles, about 10 o'clock, I discovered ahead 
through the trees, an Indian ascending a steep hill. He perceived me 
at the same instant, for they are extremely watchful of such dangerous 
attempts. Ambuscade is their favorite method of attack. 

"As the company followed their leader in a line, each at a distance 
of a few yards from the other, all soon appeared in view. As soon as I 
discovered the foremost, I put up the shrill whoop of friendship and 
continually seemed to look earnestly behind me, till we approached near 
to each other, in order to draw their attention from me and fix it that 
way, as supposing me to be the foremost of a company still behind. 

"Five or six soon ran at full speed to be at the place of our meeting, 
to prevent my escape. They seemed as if their design was to attack me 
with their barbed arrows; lest they should alarm my supposed com- 
panions by the report of their guns. I observed that instead of carrying 
their bow and quiver over their shoulders, as is the travelling custom, 
they held the former in their left hand, bent, and some arrows. I ap- 

VOL. II. — 23 



354 The Wilderness Trail 

preached and addressed them, and endeavoured to appear quite in- 
different at their hostile arrangement, while I held my gun ready in my 
right hand about five yards distance from them. 

"Their leader, who stood foremost, came and struck my breast with 
the butt end of one of my pistols, which I had in my left hand. I told 
him with that vehemence of speech which is always requisite on such 
an occasion, that I was an English Chikkasah, and informed him by 
expressive gestures that there were ten of Chikkasah warriors, and more 
than half that number of women, besides children, a little behind, just 
beyond the first hill. At this news, they appeared to be much confused, 
as it was expected, for such a number of warlike enemies to be so near at 
hand. 

"This Shawano party consisted only of twenty- three middle-sized 
but strong bodied men, with large heads and broad flat crowns, and four 
tall young persons, who I conjectured to be of the Cheerake nation. I 
spoke a little to a fair-lipped warrior among them, who told me he lived 
at Tukkasehche, a northern town of that country. The leader whispered 
something to his waiter, which in like manner was communicated to the 
rest and they all passed by me, with sullen looks and glancing eyes. 

"I kept my guard till they were out of arrow shot ; when I went on at 
a seemingly indifferent pace. But as soon as out of their view I rode 
about seventy miles with great speed, to avoid the danger of a pursuit, 
as I imagined they would be highly enraged against me for their double 
disappointment. About sun-set of the same day, I discovered more 
Indians ahead, but instead of sounding the usual whoop of defiance, 
I went slowly and silently a little way, reasoning with myself about the 
safest method in so dangerous a situation. | 

"I had apprehensions of their being another party of the Shawano 
company, separated in that manner to avoid pursuit, which otherwise 
might be very easy by the plainness of their tracks, through the long 
grass, and herbage. But at the critical time, when I had concluded to 
use no chivalry but give them leg bail instead of it, by leaving my bag- 
gage horses, and making for a deep swamp, I discovered them to be a 
considerable body of Muskohge head-men returning home with presents 
from Charles Town, which they carried chiefly on their backs. 

"The Wolf King (as the Traders termed him) our old steady friend of 
the Amooklasah Town near the late Alibahma, came foremost, harnessed 
like a Jackass, with a saddle on his back, well girt over one shoulder 
and across under the other. We seemed equally glad to meet each other; 
they, to hear how affairs stood in their country, as well as on the Trading 
Path, and I, to flnd, that instead of bitter-hearted foes, they were friends, 
and would secure my retreat from any pursuit that might happen. I 
told them the whole circumstances attending my meeting the Shawano, 



The Perils of the Path 355 

with their being conducted by our deceitful Cheerake friends, who were 
desirous of spoihng the old beloved White Path, by making it red, and 
earnestly persuaded them to be on their guard that night, as I imagined 
the enemy had pursued me when they found I had eluded their bloody 
intention. ... 

"The Choktah have a remote, but considerable Town, called 
Yowanne, which is the name of a worm that is very destructive to corn 
in a wet season. It lies forty miles below the seven southernmost towns 
of the nation, toward Mobille, and 120 computed miles from thence, 
on a pleasant small river, that runs south of the Town. As it is a remote 
barrier, it is greatly harassed by the Muskohge, when at war with 
them. . . . 

"A little after those white men were murdered [two Traders killed 
near Yowanne by a Muskohge war party], business calling me to Mobille 
by myself, I chose to decline the Eastern Path, and the Middle one that 
leads by the Chakchooma Old Fields, as they were much exposed to the 
incursions of the Muskohge, and rode through the chief towns of the 
[Choktah] nation along the horse-path that runs from the Chikkasah, 
nearest the Missisippi, to Mobille. About six miles below the seven 
towns that lie close together, and next to New Orleans, I met a consider- 
able party of leaders and head warriors returning home from war. We 
shook hands together, and they seemed very glad to see me. They 
earnestly dissuaded me from proceeding any farther . . . declaring 
that ... I should surely be killed, the enemy were ranging the woods 
so thick. ... I thanked them, and said I wished business allowed me to 
act according to their advice . . . but it did not. ... I proceeded, and 
met several parties of the same main company. . . . 

"I encamped early, and within two leagues of Yowanne, as it 
seemed to be a good place for killing wild game. I imagined also, that 
there the people were awed by the Muskohge from ranging the wood. 
But it happened otherwise; for soon after the horse-bells began to ring, 
two sprightly young fellows came through a cane swamp, and as enemies 
they crawled up the steep bank of the creek near to me, before I dis- 
covered them. My fire-arms were close at hand, and I instantly stood 
on my guard. They looked earnestly around to see the rest of my 
company, as it is very unusual for any of the Traders to take that journey 
alone. I asked them who they were, from whence they came, and what 
they were so earnestly searching for. They evaded answering my queries 
and asked me if I did not come by myself. I told them, without hesi- 
tation, that some way behind my companion rode out of the Path to kill 
a deer, as his gun was good and he could use it extremely well. On 
this they spoke a little together with a low voice, and then told me, that 



356 The Wilderness Trail 

they belonged to Yowanne, and were part of a hunting camp, which was 
near at hand and in view of the Path. I asked them to sit down, which 
they did, but their discourse was disagreeable, as my supposed fellow- 
traveller was the chief subject of it. They said they would go back to 
their camp, and return to mine soon, to see whether the white man was 
come from hunting. 

"They went, and were as good as their word, for they did me the 
honor to pay a second visit. As they were so very earnest in that which 
did not concern them, unless they had ill intentions, the sight of them 
would have instantly inflamed the heart of one not infected with stoicism, 
to wish for a proper place to make a due retribution. At this time, the 
sun was near three hours from setting. The white hunter's absence was 
the first and chief subject of their discourse, till evening. As on a level 
place, all the savages sit cross-legged, so my visitors did, and held their 
guns on their knees, or kept them very near, with their otter-skin shot 
pouch over one of their shoulders, as is usual in time of danger. 

" I observed their mischievous eyes, instead of looking out eastwardly 
toward the Muskohge country, were generally pointed toward the N.W. 
the way I had come. As by chance, I walked near one of them, he 
suddenly snatched up his gun. No friendly Indians were ever known to 
do the like, especially so near home and a considerable camp of his own 
people. Innocence is not suspicious, but guilt. He knew his own 
demerit, and perhaps imagined I knew it, from concurring circumstances. 
To see whether his conduct proceeded from a fear of danger or from 
accident, I repeated the trial, and he did the same, which confirmed me 
in my opinion of their base intentions. 

"In this uneasy and restless manner, we continued till sun-set, 
when one of them artfully got between me and my arms. Then they 
ordered me to stop the bells on my horses, which were grazing near the 
camp (used partly on account of the number of big flies that infest the 
country). I asked them the reason; they told me, because the horse 
frightened away the deer. I took no notice at first of their haughty 
command, but they repeated it with spitefiil vehemence and I was forced 
to obey their commands. They looked and listened earnestly along the 
edge of the swamp, but being disappointed of their expected additional 
prey, in about the space of ten minutes ordered me to open the bells 
again. 

"Of the manifold dangers I ever was in, I deemed this by far the 
greatest; for I stood quite defenceless. Their language and behavior 
plainly declared their mischievous designs. I expected every minute 
to have been shot down, and though I endeavored to show a manly 
aspect, the cold sweat trickled down my face, through uneasiness and a 
crowd of contrary passions. After some time, in this alarming situation, 



The Perils of the Path 357 

they told me the ugly white man staid long, and that they would go to 
their camp a little while and return again. 

"They did as they said. To deceive them I made my bed as for 
two people of softened bear and buffalo skins, with the long hair and 
wool on, and blankets. My two watchmen came the third time, accom- 
panied with one older than themselves. He spoke little, was artful, and 
very designing. They seemed much concerned at the absence of my sup- 
posed companion, lest he shotdd by unlucky mischance be bewildered, or 
killed by the Muskohge. I gave them several reasons to show the futility 
of their kindly fears, and assured them he usually staid late to barbicue 
the meat, when he killed much, as he could not other ways bring it to 
camp; but that he never failed, on such an occasion, to come sometime 
in the night. 

"The cunning fox now and then asked me a studied short question, 
in the way of cross-examination, concerning the main point they had in 
view, and my answers were so cool and uniform, that I almost persuaded 
them firmly to credit all I said. When he could no way trepan me, and 
there was silence for several minutes, he asked me if I was afraid to be at 
camp alone. I told him I was an English warrior, my heart was honest, 
and as I spoiled nobody, why should I be afraid, 

"Their longing eyes by this time were quite tired. The oldest of 
them very politely took his leave of me in French, and the others, through 
an earnest friendly desire of smoking and chatting a little with my absent 
companion, told me at parting, to be sure to call them by sounding the 
news- whoop, as soon as he arrived in camp. I readily promised to com- 
ply for the sake of the favor of their good company; and to prevent 
any suspicion of the truth of my tale, I added, that if he failed in his 
usual good luck, they ought to supply us a leg of venison, or we woiild 
give them as much, if he succeeded, 

"And now all was well, at least with me, for I took time by the fore- 
lock, and left them to echo the news- whoop. Yowanne lay nearly south- 
east from me, but to avoid my being either intercepted on the Path, or 
heard by the quick-eared savages, I went a quarter of a mile up the large 
cane swamp, and passed through it on a southwest coiu-se, but very slow, 
as it was a dark thicket of great canes and vines, over-topped with large 
spreading trees. I seldom had a glimpse of any star to direct my course, 
the moon being far spent. About an hour before daylight, I heard them 
from the top of an high hill, fire off a gun at camp, which I supposed was 
when they found me gone, and in order to decoy my supposed companion 
to answer them with the like report, conjecturing he would imagine it 
was I who fired for him, according to custom in similar cases. I kept 
nearly at the distance of three miles from the Path, till I arrived at the 
out houses of Yowanne." 



358 The Wilderness Trail 

Adair also gives a few incidents of adventure which happened to 
other Traders in the Creek (or Muscogee) country about the time of the 
beginning of the French and Indian war, when the Creek chief, Great 
Mortar, organized a general conspiracy, intending to massacre all the 
English Traders in the Indian towns. While not connected with the 
Pennsylvania Traders, these accounts show some of the dangers to which 
they were all, at times, exposed: 

"The mischievous savages endeavored to bring desolation on the 
innocent objects of their fury, wherever they came; but the difEerent 
flights of the Trading People, as well as their own expertness in the woods, 
and their connexions with the Indians, both by marriage and other ties 
of friendship, disappointed the accomplishment of the French diabolical 
scheme of dipping them all over in blood. 

"By sundry means a considerable number of our people met at the 
friendly house of the Wolf King, two miles from the Alebahma Fort, 
where that faithful stern chieftain treated them with the greatest kind- 
ness. But, as the whole nation was distracted, and the neighboring 
towns were devoted to the French interest, he found that, by having no 
fortress, and only forty warriors in his town, he was unable to protect 
the refugees. 

"In order, therefore, to keep good faith with his friends, who put 
themselves under his protection, he told them their situation, supplied 
those of them with arms and ammunition who chanced to have none, 
and conveyed them into a contiguous thick swamp, as their only place 
of seciuity for that time ; ' which their own valor, ' he said, ' would main- 
tain, both against the French and their mad friends. ' 

"He was not mistaken in his favorable opinion of their war abilities, 
for they ranged themselves so well that the enemy found it impracticable 
to attack them, without sustaining far greater loss than they are known 
to hazard. He supplied them with necessaries, and sent them safe at 
length to a neighboring town, at a considerable distance, where they 
joined several other Traders from different places, and were soon after 
escorted to Savannah. 

"It is surprising how those hardy men evaded the dangers they 
were surrounded with, especially at the beginning, and with so little 
loss. One of them told me that wliile a party of the savages were on a 
corn-house scaffold, painting themselves red and black, to give the 
cowardly blow to him and his companions, an old woman overheard them 
concerting their bloody design, and speedily informed him of the threat- 
ened danger. He mentioned the intended place of meeting to his friends 
and they immediately set off, one this way and another that, to prevent 
a dispute; and all met safe, to the great regret of the Christian French 
and their red hirelings. 



The Perils of the Path 359 

"I was informed that another considerable Trader, who Hved near 
a river, on the outside of a town, where he stood secure in the affection 
of his savage brethren, received a visit from two lusty, ill-looking savages, 
without being discovered by any of the inhabitants. 

"They were annointed with bear's oil, and quite naked, except a 
narrow slip of cloth for breeches, and a light blanket. When they came 
in, they looked around, wild and confused, not knowing how to execute 
the French commission consistently with their own safety, as they 
brought no arms — lest it should have discovered their intentions, and 
by that means exposed them to danger. 

"But they seated themselves near the door, both to prevent his 
escape and watch a favorable opportunity to perpetrate their murdering 
scheme. His white domestics were, a little before, gone into the wood; 
and he and his Indian wife were in the storehouse, where there chanced 
to be no arms of defence; which made his escape the more hazardous. 
He was nearly in the same light dress as that of his visitants, according to 
the mode of their domestic living. 

"He was about to give them some tobacco, when their countenances, 
growing more gloomy and fierce, were observed by his wife; as well as 
the mischievous direction of their eyes. Presently, therefore, as they 
bounded up — the one to lay hold of the white man, and the other of an 
axe that lay on the floor — she seized it at the same instant, and cried, 
'Husband! Fight strong, and run off, as becomes a good Warrior.' 

" The savage strove to lay hold of him, till the other could disengage 
himself from the sharp struggle the women held with him; but by a 
quick presence of mind the husband decoyed his pursuer round a large 
ladder that joined the loft, and being strong and swift-footed, he there 
took the advantage of his too eager adversary, dashed him to the ground, 
and ran out of the house, full speed to the river, bounded into it, soon 
made the opposite shore, and left them at the storehouse; from whence 
the woman, as a trusty friend, drove them off with the utmost despight, — 
her family was her protection. 

"The remaining part of that day he ran a great distance through 
the woods ; called at night on such white people as he imagined his safety 
allowed him; was joined by four; and went together to Pensacola. " 

Frederick Post visited Wyoming in June, 1758, to carry a peace 
message to Teedyuscung, In his Journal of this visit Post states that 
he met there an Indian Trader, Lawrence Bork (Burke), of Lancaster 
County, who had been with the Delawares the whole time of the war. 
This man accompanied Teedyuscung and about fifty other Indians from 
Wyoming to Bethlehem, following Post's visit. Timothy Horsfield 
wrote Governor Denny from Bethlehem about Burke upon their arrival; 
' ' Here 's a man in this Company who has an Indian Squaw for a wife ; 



360 The Wilderness Trail 

has been an Indian Trader, I hear, for some years, I have spoke with 
him, and find he has been amongst the Indians ever since the Indian 
War broke out. He confessed to me he had been at ye French Fort, 
Niagara, and had traded at the place where Fort Duquesne stands; but 
whether he has been there since the Fort was bviilt, he did not say." 

Burke was in Philadelphia and examined before the Council on the 
14th of July, and three released captives were also examined as to his 
character and behavior, "who all spoke much in his favor, particularly 
with the respect to his treatment of a young English child that was given 
to his Indian wife." Burke wrote Richard Peters on the 17th that, 
having the interest of his king and country entirely at heart, he thought 
he could be of more service now in bringing the Delawares down to 
Shamokin than anywhere else, and would go there. "As you 're sensible 
the Country is doubtful of my loyalty, which I assure you, is without 
foundation, in order to remove any suspicion, should be glad your 
Honour woiild order a white man to be with me until I return. " 

On July 22, 1760, a census of the inhabitants of the village at Fort 
Pitt, not belonging to the army, was taken by order of Colonel Bouquets 
and a similar census was taken April 14, 1761. At that time, nearly all 
the male inhabitants of Pittsburgh were Indian Traders. Following is 
the enumeration of 1760; those marked with a star were also there April 
14, 1761: 

Cornelius Atkinson, Mary Atkinson, Anthony Baker, John Barklit, 
Lewis Bernard, Ephraim Blane,* Erasmus Bokias, Charles Boyle,* Philip 
Boyle,* James Braden, Thomas Bretton, Andrew Biarly, Phebe Byarly,* 
Philip Byarty,* William Bryan, James Cahoon [Calhoun], George Carr, 
John Coleman, Edward Cook, Hugh Crawford,* Judah [Judith]'Crawf ord, 
Windle [or Vendot] Creamer,* Kate Creamer, Conrad Crone, Margaret 
Crone, Patrick Cunningham, John Daily,* Sarah Daily, Matthias Dob- 
crick, William Downy, John Duncastle,* John Everlow, Alexander Ewing, 
John Finley,* WiUiam Fowler, Joseph George, Edward Graham,* John 
Graham, John Greenfield, Isaac Hall, France Ferdinanders Harnider, 
James Harris, Charles Hays, Mary Hays, WilHam Heath,* Uriah Hill, 
Samuel Hayden, Robert Hook, Samuel Hyden, William Jacobs, Elizabeth 
Jacobs, John Judy, Mary Judy, John Langdale,* John Lindsay,* Abra- 
ham Lingenfilder, Lazarus Lowry, William McAllister,* Patrick Mc- 
Carty,* Lydia McCarty, John McClure, Neil McCollum,* Chris'm 
McCollum [a woman], John McKee [imperfect], Hugh McSwine,* 
Susannah McSwine, Chris. Millar,* Eleanor Millar, James MilHgan,* 
Peter Mumaw, Adam Overwinter, Robert Paris,* Nicholas Phillips, 
John Pierce, Margaret Pomry, Henrietta Price, Elizabeth Randal, 
James Reed, Martha Reed, Mary Reed, Mary Reed [2], Robert Reed,* 

' See Penna. Mag., ii., 303, 469; iii., 351; vi., 344, 498. 



The Perils of the Path 361 

John Robinson, Leonora Rogers, Chris. Rorabunck, James St. Clair^ 

James Sampson, Margaret Sampson, Paul Sharp, Sinnott, Jacob 

Sinnott,* Susannah Sinnott, George Sly,* Margaret Sly, Thomas Small,* 
Chris. Smith [a woman], Peter Smith, Tineas Smith, John Snider, Joseph 
Spear, WilHam Splane,* Anna Thomas, George Tomb, Agnes Tomb, 
WiUiam Trent,* Mary Wallon, Edward Ward, Thomas Welsh, Bridget 
Winsor, William Winsor, John Work,* William Work, Henry Wumbock, 

alesby, dor, [imperfect]. Male Children: — Robert 

Atkinson, Jacob Byarly, Godfrey Christian, George Creamer, Patrick 
Feagan, Thomas McCollum, George McSwine, Henry Millar, Chris. 
Phillips, George Reed, John Reed, John Sinnott, Philip Sinnott, John 
Work. Female Children: — Nancy Ba — , Margaret Boyle, Rebecca 
Boyle, Margaret Coghran, Margaret Cro — , Susan Daily, Margaret 
Jacobs, Elizabeth Judy, Mary Judy, Mary McSwine, Elizabeth Otter, 
Elizabeth Pomroy, Mary Sinn — , Elizabeth Sly, Rachel Sly, Susanna 
Sly, Nelly Thomas, Elizabeth Work. Total population, 149. 

The census for April 14, 1761, gives the names of house owners only, 
with the number of men, women, and children in each house. Their 
names, exclusive of those who were there in 1760 (shown for both years 
on the former list), and exclusive of some forty- three "out-lying sol- 
diers," with their families, were as follows: 

William Armstrong, Thomas Box, Thomas Brighton, William Brown, 
Joseph Budwick, Thomas Calhoun, Thomas Camey [artificer], John 
Campbell, John Carter, William Cassady, William Clapham, Ellena 
Clark, Isaac Conn, James Crampton, John Craven, Eleanor Crawford, 
George Croghan, Arthur Curvent, Dennis Drogharty, John Field, Henry 
Fregstaff, Matthew Fulneck, James Gilbey, William Guttery [Guthrie, 
or Gauterais?], John Hadley [artificer], Dennis Hall, John Hart, John 
Hayton, Hugh Henry, John Hillman, Conrad House, Humphrey Kies, 
Frederick Klingle, John Leach, Chris. Limes, Michael Longsold, John 
McCantash [Mcintosh], Dennis McGlatdin [McLaughlin], Richard 
McManhan, Joseph McMurray, Michael McMurray, Patrick McQuaid, 
John Meatcalfe, Thomas Mitchell, John Neal, Christopher Negty 
[Negley?], Ambrose Newton, Jacob Nyers [Myers], John Ormsby, John 
Owens, Rowland Pemberton, Philip Phillips, Woodrow, Ramsay & Co., 
Hugh Read, Daniel Sailer, Thomas Sheppard (artificer) , Samuel Shunner, 
Frederick Sligh, Martin Smith, George Snigh, John Sutton, Nancy 
Thomas, William Thompson, William Venible, William Vinson [Winsor, 
or Winston?], Thomas Walker, John Welch, George White. 

In the chapters on George Croghan, mention has been made of the 
fact that while at Fort Pitt acting as Deputy Agent for Indian Affairs, 
under Sir William Johnson, Croghan instructed his assistant. Ensign 
Thomas Hutchins, April 3, 1762, to visit the different posts on the 



362 The Wilderness Trail 

Western Lakes, the Wabash, and the Scioto, hold Councils with the 
Indians about each post, deliver messages to them, and examine into 
their state and behavior. 

Hutchins's Journal of his travels and negotiations on this mission, 
preserved in the Bouquet Papers, is as follows : 

"The 4th of April, 1762, Set out from Fort Pitt in order to Visit 
the different Posts to the westward, agreeable to Instructions received 
from George Croghan Esqr., His Majesty's Deputy Agent for Indian 
AflEairs. 

"The same day arrived at Beaver Creek, where I was detained two 
days on account of wet weather. Whilst I was here, an Indian Woman, 
sister to White Eyes, a Delaware Chief, with some other Indians of the 
same Nation, complain'd to me that a Frenchman who lived at Fort Pitt 
had been at their Houses a few days ago and had Stole a Silk shirt, with 
Sundry other things, to the amount of Six pounds. They requested of 
me to write Mr. Croghan to try to bring the offender to Justice, which I 
accordingly did. 

"The 7th, Set out for Mohickon John's, where I arrived the 19th, 
at 12 o'clock, after a very desagreeable March, Occasioned by Bad 
Weather. I made him and his Tribe acquainted by a belt of Wampum 
that the Commander-in-Chief insists on his taking to Fort Pitt Edward 
Long and John Hague, both Deserters from the King's Troops; and 
likewise one, Frederick Jee [Jice?], who was taken Prisoner during the 
War and now is very troublesome to the Traders Passing backward and 
Forward. 

Mohickon John desired me at my Return to acquaint Mr. Croghan 
that one of the Soldiers had secretly gone from his House some time ago ; 
and [he] had been in quest of him but could not find him ; that he intended 
setting out in two days for the Lower Shawneese Town, where he sus- 
pected he was gone to, near which place the Cherokees had a few days 
before Killed and Scalped two Shawneese and made a Delaware Boy 
Prisoner; that he had some Business to Transact with the Shawneese in 
behalf of his Tribe, and as soon as it was over would do all in his Power 
to get the Deserter; and if he should find him he would immediately 
take him, with the other, to Fort Pitt; and if he should be obliged to 
Return without him, he woiild loose no time in taking the one that 
Remained at his House to Mr. Croghan. 

"He further says that as Frederick Jice had sundry times Stole 
Horses and Bells from Travellers passing by his House, for which himself 
and his People were Blamed, one of his young Men Tomhawked him. 

"Travelled a few miles further and Encamped. 

"The 2 1st, at night, arrived at Sandusky, where I was detained for 
want of a Batteau untill the 30th of April; then sett out for D'Troit, 



The Perils of the Path 363 

and arrived there the 8th of May, after a very Disagreeable Passage, 
Occasioned by wet weather and Contrary Winds. 

"I^was detained at D'Troit until the 15th of May, Partly on Ac- 
count of Bad Weather and partly on account of Batteau not being 
Ready for me, I being obliged to leave my other Boat here; which, be- 
ing now Prepaired, Set out for Michilimackinac, where I arrived the 
Second of June; detained here four days by Contrary Winds and Ruff 
Sea. 

"The day I arrived, the Cheap was Kill'd a Man of the Meynomeney 
Nation upon the Parade in the Fort, in Revenge for two Men that had 
been kill'd by his Nation some Considerable time ago of the Cheap was. 
Soon after this happen'd, a Chief, with the Murderers and some more of 
their Tribe, came to the Commanding OfHcer and assured him that they 
were extremely Sorry that they had Kill'd the Indian within the Fort, 
and hoped they wou'd impute to the Passion they were in and not to 
any Insult intended to be offered to the EngHsh; and to Confirm what 
was said, they made the Commanding Officer a Present of an Indian 
Slave and desired him to rest Satisfy'd. 

"June the 4th, Eighty of the Ottawas and Sixty of the Cheap wey 
Nations assembled; and, agreeable to my Instructions, I made them 
acquainted by a Belt of Wampum vrith the Business I came on. They 
then said they wou'd meet tomorrow and inform me with what they had 
to say. 

"The 5th, The above Indians met, and the Chief of the Ottawas 
Spoke as follows : 

"'Brother, We are much obliged to Sir WilHam Johnson for taking 
so much Notice of us as to send you to visit our Country — 

"'We assure you that we have no evil in our Hearts against the 
English, but are entirely reconciled to them, and will do all in our Power 
to advise our young People to behave well; every thing you told us at 
the Treaty of Peace at D'Troit we have experienced to be true, and we 
are of the same mind now that we were of then.' 

"Notwithstanding the Satisfaction the Ottawas express'd in the 
above speech, I was Inform'd by my Interpreter that they expected a 
Present from me and seem'd much dissatisfyed that they were disap- 
pointed, tho' they said nothing to me Concerning it. 

"The Cheapwas desired I wou'd hear them to-morrow. 

"The 6th they Assembled and their Chief spoke as follows . 

" 'Brother, We are very well satisfyed to see you here, and are Con- 
vinced you are come to see us on a Good design; and if you shou'd 
hear any bad reports Concerning us we desire you will! not ICredit 
them. 

' ' ' We have delivered up all the Prisoners that we had of the English ; 



364 The Wilderness Trail 

and we desire you will acquaint Sir William Johnson that we are a Poor 
People and we hope he will pity us. 

" ' And to assure you all we have said is true we give you this Bunch 
of Wampum. ' 

" Gave a Bunch. I was informed by my Interpreter that the Cheap- 
was expected a Present from me, and was much dissatisfyed at their being 
disappointed. Notwithstanding, they said nothing to me Concerning it. 

"The 7th, Set out for the Bay [Green Bay], where I arrived after a 
very Disagreeable Passage of 17 Days. I could not have a meeting 
with the Indians here untill the 25th, as their Chiefs were mostly gone 
to an Indian Village to hold a Council on Accot. of the Man of their 
Nation that was Kill'd at Michilimackinac. 

"The 25th, All the Indians of the Sax Nation that were at the Fort 
assembled, and after I made them acquainted with my Instructions, 
Confirming what I said with a Belt of Wampum, One of their Chiefs 
spoke as follows : 

'"Brother, I, in behalf of my Nation, Return you my Sincere thanks 
for the Accounts you have brought us. We are also greatly obliged to 
Sir William Johnson for taking so much care as to send you to let Us 
Know what the General had done respecting us. We are Extremely 
well pleased with every thing you have said. We are thoroughly Con- 
vinced the Prohibition of Spirituous Liquors was done for our good, 
from the bad effects attending the use of it long ago. We desire you 
will request Sir William Johnson to send a Smith to this Fort to mend our 
guns and Tomhawks, etc., as we are greatly Straitned many times to 
support our families. Occasioned by our Guns being out of Repair ; which 
obliges us to come here with our Women and Children to beg some Pro- 
visions from our Brother. You will also let him know we are a Poor 
People and it 's very likely we shall be obliged to take part in the quarrel 
that subsists between the Meynomenys here and the Cheapwas at 
Michilimackinac. This will prevent our hunting for furrs to Purchase 
Cloathes for our Women and Children. Therefore, we hope Sir William 
Johnson will Consider us and send us some Necessaries to Keep our 
Women and Children from the cold. Your coming here plainly convinces 
us the Commanding officer here was sincere in every thing he told us, 
And you may Assure your self that we will do every thing in our Power 
to serve the EngHsh. ' 

"The same day I made the Reynard Nation Acquainted with my 
Instructions and gave them a Belt of Wampum. 

"Their Answer was the same with the Sax Nation. 

"The 26th, I delivered the same Message to the Meynomeneys that 
I had done to the Sax and Reynard Nations, and gave them a Belt of 
Wampum 



The Perils of the Path 365 

" Their Answer was the same with the other two Nations, only added, 
that it was very probable they wotdd strike the Cheapwas in Revenge 
for the Man of their Nation that was lately Kill'd at Michilimackinac, 
but asured me that if any of the English should have occasion to come 
amongst them they should Pass and Repass immolested. 

" I was informed by my Interpreter that the Sax, Reynard, & Mey- 
nomeny Nations all expected a Present from me and were a good deal 
displeased at their being disappointed. 

"After my Business was over with the Meynomenies, I desired they 
wotild send a Careful Indian with me as a Guide to St. Joseph's. Their 
Chief assured me that at that time they could not Spare any, as they 
expected in a few days to send off a Party to War against the Cheapwas, 
and added, as their Indians along the way I had to go was informed that 
the English had Countinanced the Killing of one of their People in the 
Fort Michilimackinac, that it was more than Probable they wou'd do 
me an Injury, and advised me to Return to Michilimackinac, and go 
from there to St. Joseph's; which I did. 

"The 28th of June, Set out from the Bay and Retum'd to Michili- 
mackinac the 7th of July, where I was detained for want of a Passage 
untill the nth, I then set out, and arrived at St. Joseph's [near the 
present Niles, Michigan] the 6th of August. 

' ' The 7th, Assembled the Poutawantamies and made them acquainted 
with my Instructions and gave them a Belt of Wampum, 

"The 8th, They expressed great uneasiness that Rum was not allowed 
them as usual, and desired that as their whole Nation was afflicted with 
Sickness, which Rendered them uncapable of hunting, that Sir WilHam 
Johnson wou'd send them some few Presents to Keep their Women and 
Children from the Cold. And further said were greatly Surprised that 
I had not a Present for them. 

"They gave a string of Wampum. 

"The 9th, Set out for the Fort at the Miamie [at the site of which 
is now Fort Wayne, Ind.], where I arrived the 12th. 

"The 13th had a meeting with the Mineamie Indians and acquainted 
them with my Business. 

"Gave them a Belt of Wampum. 

"I then told them I had some Business at the Ouiatanon & on my 
Return wou'd hear what they had to say. 

"The 14th, Set out for the Ouiatanon [on the Wabash, about four 
miles below the present Lafayette, Ind.], and arrived there the i8th. 

" The 19th, Had a meeting with the following Indians, Vizt., Ouiata- 
nons, Kickaupooze, Musquetons, and Pyankishawes, who I made ac- 
quainted with my Instructions and gave each nation a Belt of Wampum. 

"They then desired I wou'd here them tomorrow. 



366 The Wilderness Trail 

"The 20th, The above Indians met, and the Ouiatanon Chief spoke 
in behalf of his and the Kickaupoo Nations as follows: 

'"Brother, We are very thankftil to Sir William Johnson for sending 
you to enquire into the State of the Indians. We assure you we are 
Rendered very miserable at Present on Account of a Severe Sickness that 
has seiz'd almost all our People, many of which have died lately, and 
many more likely to Die. However, this we don't grumble at; it was 
God that put us upon the Earth and when he pleases to take us away we 
must be satisfy'd. But what we think hardest of is, that the English have 
never so much as given us the least Present or even allowed a Smith to be 
at this Post to mend our Guns, etc. We know very well that other Indian 
Nations have had Presents given them at two or three different times, and 
a Smith allowed to mend their Guns. What those Indians have done to 
get themselves in so great favor with the English we have never heard ; 
but this we are sure of, that we are ready on all Occasions, to serve our 
Brethren, the English, and will advise our young Men to behave well. 

'" If we were to go to the French at the Illinois, they wou'd give us 
some Ammunition at least ; but our Brother here has Desired us to have 
as little dealing with them as Possible. You see, we mind what he says, 
as none of our People has offered to go near the French since the English 
came here. 

'"We desire you will acquaint Sir William Johnson with all we have 
said to you, and we hope he will allow a Smith at this Post, and also send 
some Presents for our Women and Children. 

'"As for English Prisoners, we have not any remaining amongst our 
Nations. And to assure you all I have said is true I give you this 
Wampum & Council Pipe. ' 

"The 2ist, Detain'd here on Account of my Horse being Stole by 
the Indians. 

" The 22nd, Set out for the Mineamie and arrived there the 26th. 

"The 27th, The Mineamie Indians Assembled and desired that I 
wotild request of Mr. Croghan to send them a Smith to mend their Guns 
and Tomhawks, and also to allow them some Presents, as their People 
were mostly Sick. 

"Gave a String of Wampum. 

"The Officer at this Post assured me that it was almost impossible 
to keep friendship with the Indians without allowing them some Presents, 
and that they were Extremely uneasy that a Smith was not allowed them. 

"The 28th & 29th, Detained here on account of wet weather. 

"The 30th, Set out for the Lower Shawneese Town' and arriv'd 

' This town was then on both banks of the Scioto at and opposite the site of the 
later village of Westfall, Pickaway County, Ohio, four miles below Circleville. See 
Hutchins's map of 1764. 



The Perils of the Path 367 

their the 8th of September in the afternoon. I could not have a meeting 
with the Shawneese untill the 12th, as their People were Sick and Dying 
every day. 

"The 1 2th, I made them acquainted with my Instructions, and 
gave them a Belt of Wampum. 

"They gave me for Answer that, as their Chiefs were gone to a 
Council with the English in the Inhabitants, they could not Transact any 
Business in their Absence; that they expected them to arrive in a few 
days, and as soon as they came they would send an answer to my 
Speech to Mr. Croghan. 

"Gave some Wampum. 

"The 13th, Set out for Fort Pitt and arrived there the 24th of 
Sept., 1762. 

"The Relation of what has Pass'd between the Indians inhabit- 
ing near the Distant Posts and me ; And notwithstanding the Manner they 
have expressed themselves in Speeches, I found in private conver- 
sation with them that they were not so well as I cotild have wished, 

as they were disappointed in their Expectations of my having Presents 
for them; and as the French has always Accustomed themselves, both 
in time of Peace and during the late War, to make these People great 
Presents, three or four times a year, and always allowed them a Sufficient 
Quantity of Ammunition at the Posts, they think it very strange that 
this Custom should be so immediately broke off by the English, and the 
Traders not allowed even to take so much Ammunition with them as to 
enable those Indians to Kill game sufficient for the support of their 
families. 

'And notwithstanding the Officers of the Different Posts has been 
obliged to give those Indians some Presents, as it would be impossible to 
Keep friendship with them without, they nevertheless look on those 
Presents as mere trifles, and are in great Expectation of having Presents 
sent them from Sir William Johnson. And I see it is with the greatest 
difficultv that the Officers can keep them in a good Temper. 

"I am Sir, Your Humble Servt. 

"Tho. Hutchins. 

"To Geo. Croghan, Esqr. 

"N.B. The Chief of the Musquetons spoke in behalf of their and 
the Pyankishaw Nations to the same Effect that the Ouitanons had 
done, Confirming what they said by giving . . , some wampum & a 
Council Pipe." 

Late in the spring of 1763, nearly all the Western Indians, with the 
Senecas, rose against the English posts on the Lakes, the Allegheny, 
the Maumee, and the Wabash, killed or captured most of the garrisons, 



368 The Wilderness Trail 

and seized nearly all the Traders between Fort Pitt and Detroit, as well 
as those at the Delaware and Shawnee towns on the Muskingum and 
Scioto ; putting most of them to death. 

At this time the Pennsylvania Traders were scattered in large 
numbers all over the Ohio country. Nearly one hundred of them were 
killed or taken by the hostile Indians. The eariiest details of these tragic 
occurrences which reached the English were brought to Fort Pitt, at 
the end of May. That Post was then in a state of siege, the garrison 
being under command of Captain Simon Ecuyer. The Commandant's 
Journal gives us the following details of the Traders' fate : 

"May 30th. All the inhabitants moved into the Fort [from the 
village]. About 4 o'clock one, Coulson [written Daniel Collet in Ecuyer's 
letter to Bouquet, May 30th], came in, who had been a prisoner [at the] 
Shawnese Town, and gave the following account : ' We came to the Town, 
with some Traders, where an Indian arrived from the Lakes [with a] 
Belt, to acquaint the Delawares that Detroit was taken, the Post at 
Sandusky burned, and all the garrison put to death, except the officer, 
whom they made prisoner. Upon this news, the Beaver and Shingess 
came and acquainted Mr. [Thomas] Calhoon [a Trader] with it, and 
desired him to move away from there as quickly as possible, with all his 
property; and that they sent three Indians to conduct him and the rest 
of the white people to this Post; and yesterday, as they were crossing 
Beaver Creek, they were fired on, and he believes all were killed except 
himself.' 

" 3 1 St. Two of Mr. Calhoon's men came in and confirmed the above 
account. A second express was depatched this night to the General. 

" Jime ist. About six o'clock in the afternoon Mr. Calhoon came in, 
and brought the following account, which he took in writing from the 
Indians at Tuskarawas : 

" ' Tuskarawas, May 27, 1763, 11 o'clock at night. King Beaver, 
with Shingess, Windohala, Wingenum, and Daniel, and William Ander- 
son came and delivered me the following intelligence (by a string of 
wampum) : 

'"Brother — Out of regard to you, and the friendship that formerly 
subsisted between [our] grandfathers and the English, which has been 
lately renewed by us, we come to inform you of the news we had heard, 
which you may depend upon as true. 

" ' Brother — All the English that were at Detroit were killed ten days 
ago; not one left alive. 

'"At Sandusky, all the white people there were killed five days ago, 
nineteen in number, except the officer, who is a prisoner, and one boy 
who made his escape, whom we have not heard of. 

" 'At the mouth of the Twigtwee [Maumee] River (about eighty miles 



The Perils of the Path 369 

from Sandusky by water), Hugh Crawford with one boy was taken 
prisoner and six men killed. 

" ' At the Salt Licks [on the Mahoning] five days ago, five white men 
were killed. We received the account this day. 

" 'We have seen a number of tracks on the Road between this and 
Sandusky, not far off, which we are sure is a party come to cut you and 
your people off; but as we have sent a man to watch their motions, request 
you may think of nothing you have here, but make the best of your way 
to some place of safety; as we would not desire to see you killed in our 
Town. Be careful to avoid the Road, and every part where Indians 
resort. 

'"Brother — What goods and other effects you have here, you need 
not be uneasy about them. We assure you that we will take care to 
keep them safe for six months. Perhaps by that time we may see you, 
or send you word what you may expect of us. 

"'We know there is one white man at Gichauga [Cuyahoga]; don't 
be concerned for him; we will take care to send him safe home. . . .' 

"The following is what Mr. Calhoon learned on his journey, from one 
of these three Indians who were sent [to conduct him] safe there, viz., 
Daniel, before mentioned as one of their chiefs: That Detroit was not 
really taken, but had been attacked by the Indians four days before the 
messenger who brought the account left it ; which Mr. Calhoon imagines 
must have been from about the 13th to the 17th of May; and that the 
Indians had not then met with much success, but strongly persisted in 
carrying on the attack, and said they were determined not to give over 
till they took it ; and that the English had sent out three belts of wampum, 
and the French two, desiring them to desist, which they refused. 

"Mr. Calhoon says that when he and his people left Tuskerawas, 
fourteen in number, the Indians refused to let them bring their arms, 
telling them that the three Indians who were going along with them were 
sufficient to conduct them safe; and that, the next day, passing Beaver 
Creek, they were fired upon by a party of Indians; when their guides 
immediately disappeared, without interfering for them; and he is con- 
vinced that they were led by their guides to this party knowingly, in 
order to be cut off; from which himself with three of his people only 
have escaped. 

"Mr. Calhoon further says that, having lost his way and falling in 
upon the Road leading to Venango, [located] about seventy miles above 
this Post, he saw a number of Indian tracks which had gone that way. 
Two men were sent to the General with the intelligence received. . . . 

"i6th. Four Shawnees appeared on the opposite side of the Ohio, 
and desired Mr. McKee would go over and speak to them ; which he did ; \/ 
and they made him the following Speech: 'Brother — We received 

VOL. II. — 24 



370 The Wilderness Trail 

the message you sent us on the death of Colonel Clapham, and our 
chiefs desired us to inform you that they will take care of the Traders in 
our towns. Mr. [John] Baird and [John] Gibson were taken by the 
Delaware Indian called Sir William Johnson [White Eyes'] and his 
people at the Muskingum Town, and carried to our Town. Our chiefs 
say they will take care of them until the War is over.'" 

John McCullough, who was carried off by the Delaware Indians from 
Conococheague Creek when eight years old (in 1756), has left us some 
additional information about the adventures of Thomas Calhoun and 
his party at Tuscarawas and Beaver Creek; and he has also given an 
account, as an eye-witness, of the murder of the Traders at the Mahoning 
Town, as follows : 

"We lived about two years and a half in Shenango [on Beaver Creek]. 
We then moved to where they were settling a new Town, called Kseek- 
he-oong, that is, ' a place of salt ' ; a place now well known by the name 
of Salt Licks, on the west branch of Beaver; where we lived about one 
year. We moved there about the time that General Forbes took Fort 
Dusquesne from the French. . . . The next Spring, we moved to a town 
about fifteen miles off, called Mo-hon-ing, which signifies * a lick. ' Some- 
time in the summer following [1762] my father came to Mo-hon-ing and 
found me out. I was shy in speaking to him, even with an interpreter, 
as I had at that time forgot my mother tongue. My Indian brother 
not being at home, my father returned to Pittsburgh and left me.^ 

"We lived about a mile out of Mohoning. There were some Traders 
at Kseek-he-oong, or Salt Licks, early in the Spring [of 1763]. A nephew 
of my adopted [Delaware Indian] brother's had stole a horse from one, 
Tom Green, a Trader; he pursued the thief to Mohoning. He was 
gone out a trapping when Green came after him. Green waited three 
days on the Indian's return with the horse. 

"The third night, about midnight, there came an alarm, which was 
notified by hallooing Qua-ahf, still repeating, four halloos at a time, at 
certain intervals. When we heard the alarm, my oldest [adopted] 
brother went off to the Town, to see what was the matter. In about 
two hours he returned. Green asked him what was the matter. He 
told him it was some foolish young fellows that had done it for diversion. 
Green did not seem to be satisfied with the answer. 

"However, about sunrise, Mus-sough-whese (an Indian, my adopted 

^Penna. Col. Rec, viii., 618. 

' A description of James McCullough's children, prisoners among the Indians, was 
written out at Fort Pitt June 3, 1761. Edward St. Leger, a Trader, wrote Bouquet 
from Salt Lick June 22, 1762, saying that he had done his best to assist McCullough to 
recover his son from the Indians, but to no purpose. Bouquet Papers, Can. Arch., 
1889, 208, 326. d 



y^ 



The Perils of the Path 371 

brother's nephew, known by the name of Ben Dickson among the white 
people) came to our house. He had a pistol and a large scalping knife 
concealed under his blanket, belted around his body. He informed 
Ket-tooh-ha-lend (for that was my adopted brother's name) that he came 
to kill Tom Green. But Ket-tooh-ha-lend endeavored to persuade him 
off it. 

"They walked out together, and Green followed them, endeavoring, 
as I suppose, to discover the cause of the alarm the night before. In a 
short time they returned to the house, and immediately went out again. 

"Green asked me to bring him his horse, as he heard the bell a short 
distance off. He then went after the Indians again, and I went for the 
horse. As I was returning, I observed them coming out of a house, about 
two hundred yards from ours. Ket-tooh-ha-lend was foremost, Green in 
the middle. 

"I took but slight notice of them, until I heard the report of a pistol. 
I cast my eyes towards them and observed the smoke, and saw Green 
standing on the side of the path, with his hands across his breast. I 
thought it had been him that had shot. He stood a few moments, then 
fell on his face across the path. 

"I instantly got off the horse, and held him by the bridle. Ket-tooh- 
ha-lend sunk his pipe tomahawk into his skull. Mus-sough-whese 
stabbed him under the armpit with his scalping knife. He had shot 
him between the shoulders with his pistol. The squaws gathered about 
him and stripped him naked, trailed him down the bank, and plunged him 
in the Creek. There was a fresh in the Creek at the time, which carried 
him off. 

^^Mus-sough-whese then came to me (where I was holding the horse; 
as I had not moved from the spot where I was when Green was shot), 
with the bloody knife in his hand. He told me that he was coming to 
kill me next. He reached out his hand and took hold of the bridle, telling 
me that that was his horse. I was glad to parley with him on the terms, 
and delivered the horse to him. 

' 'All the Indians in the Town immediately collected together, and 
started off to the Salt Licks, where the rest of the Traders were, and 
murdered the whole of them, and divided their goods amongst them, 
and likewise their horses. 

" My adopted brother took two horse loads of beaver-skin and set off 
with them to Tus-ca-law-ways [Tuscarawas], where a number of Traders 
resided, and sold the fur to them. There happened to be an old Indian 
[there], who was known amongst the Traders by the name of Daniel. 
He cautioned the Traders not to purchase the fur from him, assuring 
them that he had murdered some Traders; to convince them, he showed 
them that the skins were marked with so many different marks, which 



372 The Wilderness Trail 

convinced him in his opinion. However, either through fear or some 
other motive, they exchanged goods for the fur. 

"The same evening, old Daniel offered his service to them, assuring 
them that he would endeavor to conduct them safe into Pittsburgh; 
adding, that if they would not take his advice they would be all murdered 
by day-light the next morning. 

"They took his advice, and as they lived about a mile out of Town 
they had an opportunity of going away without being discovered. They 
started shortly after dark, as was conjectured by the Indians, leaving 
all their merchandise behind them; how many there were of them I do 
not recollect of hearing. 

" However, as I heard, they went on safe until they got to Ksack-hoong 
[Sauconk], an old Indian Town at the confluence of the Beaver and Ohio, 
where they came to an Indian camp unawares. Probably the Indians 
had discovered them before they reached the camp, as they were ready 
for them. As soon as they made their appearance, the Indians fired on 
them. The whole of them fell excepting old Daniel and one [Thomas] 
Calhoon [and three of his men], who made his escape into Pittsburg. 
Old Daniel had a bullet shot into his saddle, close behind him, the mark 
of which I frequently saw, after he made his escape back to his friends." 

The following extracts from the Journal of the Siege of Detroit in 
1763, kept by the Commandant's Secretary, shows what happened to 
Hugh Crawford, the Trader, who, according to Thomas Calhoun's 
account, was captured near the mouth of the Twightwee or Maumee 
River : 

May 19, 1763. This evening, a man that was taken prisoner six 
days ago by some Ottawas and Mingoes, in the Huron River, arrived 
here, by the assistance of two or three Frenchmen that were coming 
down that River. He informed us that he was hired with one [Hugh] 
Crawford, a Trader, who was on his way home; that about fifteen 
Indians met with them, and laid down their arms, and called them 
Brothers; but after having reconnoitred them, and finding they had a 
great quantity of peltry, fell upon them and took them all prisoners; 
and obliged them to return with them to a carrying place on a small 
river that runs into the Miami [Maumee]; from whence he made his 
escape, as the Indians took him for a Frenchman, he speaking a little 
French. . . . 

July 2d. At three o'clock this morning, Lieut. McDougall, with 
an Albany Trader, arrived at the Fort, having made their escape from 
the Indians. About half an hour afterwards, another prisoner arrived 
at the Schooner, that made his escape from the Hurons, who had been 
taken with one [Hugh] Crawford, a Trader, sometime ago. . . . 

July I2th. This morning the Puttawattamees came again, with 
Mr. [Abraham] Chapman, one [Hugh] Crawford, and another prisoner 
of Capt. Hopkins's Company and promised to bring the rest as soon 
as they arrived. Accordingly, at four in the afternoon, they came, with 



The Perils of the Path 373 

four Royal Americans, two of the Rangers, and one of Mr. Crawford's 
men. 

Hugh Crawford was one of the most noted of the Scotch-Irish 
Traders of Pennsylvania, a contemporary and neighbor at Fort Pitt of 
John Finley, at times trading for George Croghan or Thomas Smallman, 
and at times on his own account. He was Indian interpreter with 
Mason and Dixon from July i6 to November 5, 1767, when they ran 
part of the boundary line between Pennsylvania and Maryland. In 
Charles Mason's Journal of this survey, preserved in the Library of 
Congress, he gives a very full and interesting topographical "description 
of the Ohio and Mississippi, as described to me by Mr. Hugh Crawford, 
our Interpreter, who has traversed these parts for twenty-eight years 
[that is, since 1739], either as an Indian Trader or Commander in his 
Majesty's Service in the late War." From Crawford's description of 
New Orleans, it is apparent he had been there. He was an unlicensed 
Trader in 1747 ; licensed in 1748. He was at Pickawillany in the Winter 
of 1749-50 and at the end of May, 1750; met by Gist in Kentucky, below 
the mouth of the Scioto in March, 1751 ; and was at the Lower Shawnee 
Town in January, 1752. In 1753 or 1754 he took up land on the Juniata, 
at the mouth of Standing Stone Creek, the site of the present city of 
Huntingdon. This he afterwards conveyed (1760) to George Croghan, 
who, in 1768, sold it to Dr. William Smith, of Philadelphia, who laid out 
the town of Huntingdon. In 1756 Crawford was a Lieutenant in Cap- 
tain James Patterson's Company of Col. Weiser's Battalion of Pennsyl- 
vania Militia. Thomas Smallman was an ensign in the same Company ; 
all three of these officers being former Indian Traders. Crawford was 
Ensign in Captain Hance Hamilton's Company of Militia in Forbes's 
campaign of 1758, and was at Stony Creek and Fort Bedford in Feb- 
ruary, March, and April, 1759. 

In an enumeration made for Colonel Bouquet at Fort Pitt July 22, 
1760, of the people (mostly Indian Traders and their families) living in 
the village there and not belonging to the army (printed above), the 
name of Hugh Crawford appears, together with that of a woman, 
Judah (Judith) Crawford, who may have been his wife. A similar 
enumeration was made April 14, 1761, in which Hugh Crawford is men- 
tioned as the owner of a house in the Lower Town, in which were then 
living eight men and two women; while Eleanor Crawford and another 
woman occupied a house in the Upper Town. 

After the conclusion of peace with Pontiac, Hugh Crawford was 
sent by George Croghan to Detroit, in 1766, and instructed to conduct 
Pontiac and other Western chiefs to Oswego, for the purpose of holding 
a conference with Sir William Johnson. Crawford accomplished this 



374 The Wilderness Trail 

mission in the Summer of that year, and was commended for his good 
management. 

For his services in acting as Interpreter for Mason and Dixon during 
the survey of the Pennsylvania-Maryland boundary line in 1767, he 
received a "grant of preference" from Governor John Penn, in January, 
1768, for 500 acres of land. It was known as Crawford's Sleeping Place, 
on the Youghiogheny River, "twenty miles above Fort Pitt," and Veech 
says it was one of the Gist tracts, in the present County of Fayette. 
Crawford died in 1770. His estate was administered in August of that 
year, in Cumberland County. One daughter is mentioned in the pro- 
ceedings, but her name is not given. 

Crawford probably spent the winter of 1762-63 along the Wabash, 
trading with the Twightwees and Weas (or Ouiatanons) at the Miami 
and Ouiatanon Forts. 

Lieutenant Edward Jenkins, Commandant of the Fort at Ouiatanon, 
wrote Major Gladwin, who commanded at Detroit, March 28, 1763: 
" Mr. Crawford acquainted me this morning that the Canadians that are 
here are eternally telling lies to the Indians, and tells me likewise that 
the Interpreter and one. La Pointe, told the Indians a few days ago 
that we [the English] should all be prisoners in a short time (showing 
them when the com was about a foot high)." 

The following document, from the Johnson Papers, gives a little 
additional information in regard to Hugh Crawford's capture by the 
Indians in 1763, and shows that he was then in the employ of Thomas 
Smallman, who, it will be remembered, was also taken prisoner and 
carried to the Shawnee Towns : 

Hugh Crawford's Account of Losses Sustained from the Indians in 1763 

by Major Thomas Smallman, Cumberland Co., Pennsylvania, March 

31, 1766: 

An account of Losses sustained by Major Thomas Smallman by 
the breaking out of the Indian War in 1763, and the Indians seizing the 
Effects he had in their Country, and making himself Prisoner, viz.. 
Goods & Peltrys, &ca., in the hands of Mr. Hugh Crawford, taken by 
the Indians 4 May, 1763 : 

15 Packs of Beaver, 1,500 lbs., at 6/., £450. 

44 Packs of Parchment and dressed Leather, 4,400 lbs., at 2/. p. 
lb., £440. 

22 Packs of Deer Skins in the Hair, 2,200 lbs., at Y^ P- lb., £165. 

2,800 Raccoons, at 2/., £280. 

100 Catts and Foxes, at 2/5, £12, 10/. 

128 Otters, at 10/., £64. 

II Horses, with Sadies and Bitts, at £9, £99. 

3 Cannoes, £45. 

I Batteau, £30. 

A number of small of furs, I don't remember the quantity. 



The Perils of the Path 375 

The Goods [Traders' goods] remaining on hands, about £1,500. 
Above half the Goods remaining at the time they seized the Goods 
and made me Prisoner. 
Total, £3,085, 10/. 

Cumberland County, ss. : 

This day personally appeared, before me, Saml. Perry, Esqr., of 
Shippensbg., one of his Majesty's Justices of the Peace for the County 
of Cumberland, Hugh Crawford, who, being duly sworn on the Holy 
Evangelists of Almighty God, made oath, that the within Account of 
the goods, peltrys, and other effects, amounting to Three Thousand and 
Eighty-five Pounds, Ten Shillings, which were in his hands, belonging to 
Major Thomas Smallman, at the time of the breaking out of the Indian 
[War], in May, 1763, and which the Indians seized and at the same time 
made him, this Deponent, a Prisoner, is as just and true an Account as he 
can make, the Indians having seized and destroyed all his books and 
papers, and further this Deponent saith not. 

Hugh Crawford. 

Sworn before me at , this 31 day of March, 1766. 

Sam, Perry. 

Another somewhat doubtful account referring to the destruction of a 
trading party by the Indians on the Huron River, is the following, 
which is given by the Moravian historian, Loskiel (1788) : 

In the late Indian War, about the year 1763, there being a general 
appearance of peace, a numerous body of Traders ventured to go with a 
great quantity of goods into the country of the Hurons. The latter 
heard of it, and sent a party of warriors to meet them; but perceiving 
that the Traders were too powerful for them, they had recourse to the 
following stratagem : They told the Traders that, the war having broken 
out afresh, a large body of warriors had set out to kill and plunder them ; 
but that they, moved with compassion, came with all haste to prevent 
it, and to point out a mode by which they might escape with their lives, 
viz., that they shotdd suffer themselves to be bound and kept by them as 
prisoners. When, afterwards, the other troop, whom they declared to 
be very near at hand, shoiild come and see that they were prisoners, they 
would do them no harm. Then they woiild escort them with safety to 
their villages, and not suffer them to lose any of their goods. 

The Traders foolishly believed them. They suffered themselves 
to be bound, and even assisted in binding each other; but no sooner had 
they done this than they were all murdered by their pretended friends. 
The Hurons enriched themselves with the spoil, and boasted everywhere 
of their address in deceiving the white people. 

On June 11, 1763, James Sterling and Samson Fleming, two Traders 
at Detroit, made a Declaration before Caesar Cormick, another Trader, 
of some intelligence they had received from a certain person whose name 
is not given, relating to the capture of John Welch and four or more other 
Traders at the mouth of the Miamis (Maumee) River. This may have 



376 The Wilderness Trail 

been the party to which Loskiel's relation referred. The Declaration 
was in part as follows : 

The said person has declared before us, that Miny Chain, Jacque 
Godfroy, and Messrs. Beauban, Chavin, and Labadee [probably all 
French Traders], went from here the 12th or 13th ultimo, being the 
third or fourth day of the siege, publickly, as they pretended, for an 
officer from the Illinois to disperse the Nations ; and in this way they met 
John Welch, merchant from Miamis, in the mouth of the Miamis River, 
with two Perriagus loaded with peltry, bound for this place. 

The said five Frenchmen ordered a band of Indians who were with 
them, to hide themselves in the woods close by, until they would entice 
the English ashore. Then, hailing them to come and smoke a pipe, and 
get the news, they came ashore and sate down. The said Frenchmen 
then seized, and told them they were their prisoners; and calling up the 
Indians, they divided the prisoners and peltry betwixt them. 

Then the said Chain and Godfroy detached the other three compan- 
ions back to Detroit, with their share of the booty, and Mr. Welch 
prisoner; who came and lodged the same in the house of the aforesaid 
Miny Chain, next in the settlement to the Potewatamis' Village; that 
the Outawas, claiming Mr. Welch, seized and murdered him since s 
and that the said Outawas came this day, seized and carried off the said 
peltry, and told them that the French had no business with any plunder, 
but that it belonged entirely to the Indians. 

The said informer likewise declared that the said Chain and Godfroy 
took also four of the said prisoners along with them, saying that they 
would take them to the Illinois and make soup of them, to spirit up the 
Indians to war, and come against the English; which they now daily 
expect here. And that the said Chain and Godfroy, proceeding with 
the same Indians to Miamis, with whom they acted in conjunction to 
destroy that garrison. Then parted for Ouitanon, intending to act the 
same barbarous part there; being in their way to Illinois. 

In the extract from the Diary of the Siege of Detroit, printed on a 
former page, it is stated, under date of July 12th, that the Pottawattomies 
delivered Abraham Chapman with Hugh Crawford and other prisoners 
at the fort on that day. Some account of Chapman's adventures, 
which may or may not be true, is given by Heckewelder in his Indian 
Nations. The account reads as follows : 

About the commencement of the Indian War of 1763, a trading 
Jew, named Chapman, who was going up the Detroit River with a 
batteau-load of goods which he had brought from Albany, was taken 
by some Indians of the Chippeway nation, and destined to be put to 
death. A Frenchman, impelled by motives of friendship and humanity, 
found means to steal the prisoner, and kept him so concealed for some 
time, that, although the most diligent search was made, the place of his 

^ Before being killed, Welch was first carried towards the Miami Fort, and used 
by the French and Indians as an unwilling herald, to announce to the besieged garrison 
there that their lives would be spared if they gave up the fort. 



The Perils of the Path 377 

confinement could not be discovered. At last, however, the unfortunate 
man was betrayed by some false friend, and again fell into the power of 
the Indians, who took him across the River to be burned and tortured. 
Tied to the stake and the fire burning by his side, his thirst, from the 
great heat, became intolerable, and he begged that some drink might 
be given to him. It is a custom with the Indians, previous to a prisoner 
being put to death, to give him what they call his last meal. A bowl of 
pottage or broth was therefore brought to him for that purpose. Eager 
to quench his thirst, he put the bowl immediately to his lips, and the 
liquor being very hot, he was dreadfully scalded. Being a man of very 
quick temper, the moment he felt his mouth burned, he threw the bowl 
with its contents full in the face of the man who handed it to him. "He 
is mad! He is mad!" resounded from all quarters. The bystanders 
considered his conduct as an act of insanity, and immediately untied the 
cords with which he was bound, and let him go where he pleased. 

The Trader who had the most exciting adventures and marvellous 
escapes in the direction of Detroit was a Jerseyman, named Alexander 
Henry, whose Narrative was published at New York in 1809. As his 
experiences have been very fully described by Parkman, in the Con- 
spiracy of Pontiac, they will not be repeated here. "Of the English 
Traders that fell into the hands of the Indians," Henry writes, "at 
the capture of the Fort [Michillimackinac], Mr. Tracy was the only one 
who lost his life. Mr. Ezekiel Solomons and Mr. Henry Bostwick were 
taken by the Ottawas, and after the peace, carried down to Montreal, 
and there ransomed. " 

On the 13th of July, 1763, Bouquet wrote Governor Hamilton from 
Carlisle that the list of killed within from sixteen to forty miles of that 
town, was nineteen, and increasing every hour; that the desolation and 
distress form a scene of horror impossible to describe; that the whole 
country is abandoned west of Carlisle, with the harvest and, cattle; that 
when he sent suggestions to prevent the ruin of the country, he little 
expected to see it so soon, nor that the Assembly would pay no regard to 
his representations; the few troops voted (700) cannot be raised in time, 
nor can they save the people and harvest; that requires united action; 
he himself is marching to the relief of Fort Pitt. 

Escorted by the shattered remnant of the Royal Highlanders of the 
42d or "Black Watch" regiment, and a smaller number from the 77th, 
"lately returned in a dismal condition from the West Indies," about 
460 men with their officers, Bouquet reached Fort Bedford on the 25th 
of July, and Fort Ligonier on August 2d. He left thirty men at each 
post. Three days later, his advance guard was attacked at Edge Hill, 
and on August 6th, he fought the battle of Bushy Run, putting the com- 
bined forces of the Senecas, Delawares, and Shawnees to rout. Bou- 
quet's losses were fifty killed and sixty wounded. He reached Fort 
Pitt on the loth of August. 



378 The Wilderness Trail 

In the Bouquet Papers is a document made up at Fort Pitt, probably 
by Alexander McKee, and bearing date September 5, 1763, a few weeks 
after that Post had been relieved by Bouquet. This paper is headed 
"A List of Traders' Names, and their Servants, Killed and Taken, and 
their Losses by the present Indian War." A sub-heading recites that 
the List is of "Indian Traders' Names that were out a Trading on this 
side D'Troit; Where Trading; Where Killed and Taken; Servants, 
where Killed and Taken; Traders Escaped; Servants Escaped; and Loss 
of the Whole." The " Computed, Loss " was £45,000. There were 
sixteen of the Traders, and eighty-eight of their employes or servants 
killed or taken. Two Traders and three servants escaped. At the foot 
of the list is written the following note : " N.B. These were all Traders 
from Pennsylvania, except Levy Solomon; and in the Indian Country 
between this and Fort D'Troit, where ye massacre began (except Jno. 
Ormsby); and none escaped being killed and taken except the two 
Traders [Hugh Crawford and Andrew Wilkey] and three men mentioned 
here. We hear from Fort D'Troit that Levy Solomon and H. Crawford, 
with three of his men, made their escape and got into D'Troit after 
remaining prisoners with ye Indians some time. I am positive there 
were some more servants, that I have not been able to get an account of. " 
The following are the names of the Traders on this list, and their fate : 

Michael Teaff, trading to Miames; killed or taken at Chunondat, 
Wayondat Town; servants killed and taken, seven, near Sandusky. 

John Welch, trading to Miames; killed or taken at Sandusky; 
servants killed and taken, six, at Beaver Creek, Miame River, and near 
Sandusky. 

Hugh Crawford, trading to Miames; killed or taken at Miame 
[Maumee] River; servants killed or taken, six, at Miame River. 

Thomas Smallman, trading to D'Troit; killed or taken on Lake 
Erie; servants killed and taken, four, at Beaver Creek, Shawnesse Town, 
and Lake Erie. 

Robert Wilkey [Wilkins], trading to Sandusky; killed or taken at 
Sandusky; servants killed and taken, two, at Sandusky. 

John Prentice, trading to Detroit; killed or taken at Sandusky; 
servants killed or taken, twenty, on the Road to Sandusky. 

Levy A. Levy, trading to D'Troit; killed or taken on Lake Erie; 
servants killed and taken, ten, on the Road to Sandusky, on Ohio, and 
Lake Erie. 

John Gibson, trading to Lower Shawnesse Town ; killed or taken at 
Mouth of Beaver Creek; servants killed or taken, seven, at Shawaneese 
Town and on Ohio. 

John Bard (or Baird), trading at Shawnesse Town; killed or taken 



The Perils of the Path 379 

at Mouth of Beaver Creek; servants killed and taken, two, at Shawnesse 
Town and on Ohio. 

Lazarus Lowrey, [Jr.], trading at Lower Shawnese Town; killed or 
taken at Lower Shawnesse Town; servants killed and taken, four, at 
Shawnesse Town. 

Matthew McCrea, trading to Salt Licks Shawnese; killed or taken 
at Salt Licks; servants killed and taken, four, at Shawnesse Town. 

Thomas Copelen, Tuskarawas smith, killed or taken at Beaver Creek; 
servants killed and taken, two, at Beaver Creek. One servant escaped. 

John Cammel, smith at Fort Pitt; killed or taken at Beaver Creek. 

Thomas Calhoon, trading to Tuscarawas; killed or taken at Beaver 
Creek; servants killed and taken, four, at Beaver Creek and Gichauge 
[Cuyahoga]. Thomas Calhoon and two servants escaped. 

John Ormsby (at Fort Pitt), trading to Salt Licks Delawares; 
servants killed and taken, five, at Salt Licks. [See John McCullough's 
Narrative above.] 
- Andrew Wilkey [Wilkins], trading to Venango. Escaped. 

Thomas Mitchell, trading to Shawnesse Town; killed or taken at 
Shawnesse Town; servants killed and taken, three, at Shawnesse Town. 

Hays, trading to Sandusky; killed or taken at Sandusky. 

Levy Solomon (a York Trader), trading to D'Troit; killed or taken 
on Lake Erie. 

Either before or after the foregoing list had been made up, and in 
the same year, a second list was prepared by George Croghan, Deputy 
Agent for the Indian Department, which is also found in the Bouquet 
Papers, endorsed, "List of Traders, 1763." This list is as follows: 

Robert Calender, [trading] to Detroit ; at home. 

John Prentice, to Detroit; su'pec'd [suspected] killed or taken. 

Thomas Smallman, to Detroit; at Detroit. 

Mr. Levy, to Detroit; su'pec'd killed or taken. 

John and Thomas Welsh, to Miamies; su'pec'd killed or taken. 

Hugh Crawford, to Miamies; suspec'd killed or taken. 

Michael Taffe, to Sandusky; su'pec'd killed or taken. 

Robert Wilkey, to Sandusky; su'pec'd killed or taken. 

Philip Boyle, to Sandusky; at Ligonier. 

Frederick Hambough, to St. Joseph's; at St. Joseph's. 

Dennis Cocheron, to La Bay; at La Bay. 

Richard Winston, to Weaugh ; with Mr. [Commandant] Jenkins. 

Alexander Lowery, to the Shawnese; at home. 

John Gibson, to the Shawnese; taken prisoner. 

Allison and McCray, to the Shawnese; AlHson at home; McCray out. 

John Beard, to the Shawnese; taken prisoner. 

Thomas Mitchell, to the Shawnese; at home. 



38o The Wilderness Trail 

John Ormsby, to the Dellaways; at Fort Pitt. 

Thomas Colhoon, to the Dellaways; at Fort Pitt. 

Andrew Wilkey, to the Dellaways at Venango; at Fort Pitt. 

Trent and Levy, to Fort Pitt ; Trent at Fort Pitt. 

John Hart, to Fort Pitt; at Fort Pitt. 

Besides the two reports of Indian Traders killed and taken which 
have been printed above, there is another and larger Hst, giving more 
details of the miirders, which is in the British Museum Collection of the 
Bouquet Papers, and is printed below. This Hst is not dated, but it 
was probably prepared in 1763 or 1764. Its terse and tragic significance 
is more than mere word eloquence can portray. 

"A List of the Diferent Persons Killed by the Diferent Nations 
of Indians, Specifying the Number, Where, and by Whome KiUed :" 

Killed in the Lower Shaney Town, by Wapthamy, a Shaney [Shawnee] : 

Lazarus Lowry. 

John Quigly. 

William Write. 

John Edny. 

Pat'k Moran. 

John Pharrell. 

John McCotter. 

Samuel Gest. 

Pat'k Quin. 
Killed at the Falls of Hockhocking, by Delaway Jack : 

Wm. Tunchehan. 
Killed at Moouskingdom Island, by Delaway Jack: 

Mark Curry. 

John Graver. 
Killed at Moouskingdom Island, by Tuckemy's Party : 

Pat'k Neal. 
Killed below ye Cannoe place : 

John Piles. 

William Woods. 

Joseph Stroud. 

One Other Hand. 
Killed at ye Mouth of ye Two Creeks, by Simon Girty's^ Elder Brother: 

Antony Rorty. 
Killed at ye Mouth of ye Two Creeks, by Simon Girty's Younger Brother: 

Thomas Wails. 
Killed at ye Mouth of ye Two [Cross] Creeks, by White Eyes' Cousin: 

William Patterson. 

* An Indian. 



The Perils of the Path 381 

Killed at ye Mouth of ye Two Creeks, by White Eyes' Brother: 

One Frenchman.l 
Killed at Will's Town [now Duncan's Falls, Muskingum County, Ohio], 

by Delaway George's Son: 

John Bard. 
Killed at ye Mouth of Bever Creek, by White Eyes' Cousin : 

John Robertson. 

Pat'k Dum [Dunn?]. 

John Campble. 
Killed in Will's Town, by the Long Spoon: 

William Ives. 
Killed in Waketomica : 

Thos. Mitchel, Jun'r. 

John Price. 

James Morgan. 

Edmond Matthews. 
Killed at ye Salt Licks on Siota : 

Matthew McCrea. 

Wm. McGuire. 
Killed at Geinahaga, or Salt Licks, by Capt. Johney: 

Edw'd Santladger. 

McFarolon. 

Thos. Ormsby. 

John Tool. 

One other Man [Thomas Green ? ]. 
Killed at Bever Creek, by the Turtle Heart: 

John Calkoon. 

Aaron Skyhawk. 

Thos. Coplin. 

Abram Hendricks. 

Richard Askin. 

Alex'r McCluse. 

James Givens. 

Alex'r Macklewean. 

Jno. Diermod. 

Sam'l Pearsifield. 

The following document from the Johnson Manuscripts is the copy 
of an account presented to Sir William in 1765 by some of the Pennsyl- 
vania Traders, who had suffered losses by the Pontiac uprising : 

A List of Indian Traders' Losses : — Incurred by the Robbery of the 
Indians in the Year 1763; In Consequence Whereof several of Those 



382 The Wilderness Trail 

Traders Petitioned the Honorable Sir William Johnson, Baronet, In the 
Month of February, 1765, to demand a Retribution for the same, from 
the Six United Nations, Vizt., 

No I Andrew Wilkins ) Baynton and Wharton Represent 

2 Patrick Allison & Compy. > these Persons by their Deeds 

3 Patrick Allison * of Assignment 

4 John Welch (Represented by Saml Wharton, his Administrator) 

5 Philip Boyle 

6 Baynton, Wharton & Compy. 

7 Thomas Smallman 

8 John Ormsby 

9 Franks, Trent, Simons, and Compy. 

10 Edmund Moran and Compy. 

11 Robert Callender 

12 John Gibson 

13 Thomas Mitchel, Senior 

14 Richard Winston 

15 Thomas Mitchel's Accotint of Goods sent by Pat. Burns 

16 William Trent's 

17 Joseph Simons and Thomas Mitchel's 

18 Dennis Crohon 

19 Captain William Thompson 

20 Mitchel, Dundass and Compy. 

21 William Edgar's Account (under Callender 's) 



William Trent, 
Attorney in Fact for the Indian Traders. 

About the time that Bouquet defeated the Indians at Bushy Run, 
and raised the siege of Fort Pitt, Col. Adam Stephen, of Virginia, wrote 
to General Amherst, proposing a plan of attacking the Shawnee towns 
on the Scioto. Amherst wrote Governor Fauquier, of Virginia, enclosing 
a copy of his answer to Col. Stephen, dated August 31, 1763, and sug- 
gesting that the Virginia volunteers should be employed in destroying 
the Shawanese, for which purpose, he (Amherst) would try to spare a 
few men from Fort Pitt to join in the attack. He wrote Bouquet on the 
same day, mentioning his orders to Stephen as to his movements against 
the Indians, and desiring Bouquet to concert measures with Stephen to 
that end. Bouquet wrote in reply that the plan for attacking the 
Shawnese was practicable, and he thinks it should be by land; that 
Stephen is a man of resolution, and he has urged him by various motives 
to undertake the duty. Bouquet wrote again on October 24th, that 
Stephen can raise 1,000 men, if the question whether the Crown or the 
Colony is to pay the expense is settled. A few days later, the General 
wrote Bouquet that it was too late this season, but when the winter is 



£1453 


19 


8 


6480 








1300 








r) 6000 








1567 


9 


3^ 


4369 


I 


iiM 


3085 


10 





3561 


17 


7 


24,780 


I 


8 


2430 


7 


6 


8110 








3384 


8 


4 


104 


10 


2 


2415 


13 


8 


259 


I 


7 


4500 








3085 


15 


8 


860 








613 


13 


4 


1408 


15 


iK 


1092 


6 


10 


£80,862 


12 


4% 



The Perils of the Path 383 

over, he (Amherst) trusts they shall be able to put into execution a 
proper plan for taking vengeance on the barbarians. 

General Gage wrote Bouquet on November i8th, that he had 
succeeded Amherst, who had sailed for England; that the Crown will 
pay the expense of the expedition proposed in conjunction with Col. 
Stephen, if Bouquet approves of it; if too late this year, it must be 
deferred till Spring. 

Bouquet remained at Fort Pitt until the 21st of January, 1764. On 
his return towards New York he wrote Gage from Bedford that he was 
pleased to know that it is determined to punish the Delawares and 
Shawanese; the Senecas do not deserve milder treatment. Bouquet 
met Gage in New York in March, and a plan of action was agreed upon 
for the ensuing season. On his return to Philadelphia, Gage wrote him 
April 8th that all the troops from Philadelphia southward were placed 
under his command. Bouquet wrote Gage from Carlisle about a month 
later, asking what terms were to be granted the Delawares, Shawanese, 
Wyandots, and Mingoes, if they sued for peace; and suggested the 
following terms : 

1. That they deliver the murderers of Col. William Clapham, and 
others, to be put to death. 

2. That they deliver all white people, prisoners or adopted; and 
this must be insisted on, as the latter have been active in hostility. 

3. That they renounce alliance with any Indians besides the Six 
Nations. 

4. That they renounce in favor of the Crown all rights, etc., to the 
lands on the east side of the Ohio, from the head of that River to the sea. 

5. That they do not cross that River without leave. 

6. That they shall trade only at posts pointed out. 

7. That they repay in skins, within seven years, the losses sus- 
tained by the Traders. 

8. That they give sufficient hostages for the performance of the 
treaty. 

Virginia disgraced Col. Stephen by failing to send the expected 
quota of troops to join Bouquet; but Pennsylvania raised 1,000 men; 
and Virginia, later, did furnish 248 more, including officers, under com- 
mand of Col. Andrew Lewis. Part of the 42 d and 60th regiments of 
Regulars were ordered to accompany the expedition. The Pennsyl- 
vania levies could not be assembled until about the first of August, and 
it was not until the 5th of that month, just one year from the date of the 
battle of Edge Hill, that the little army started on its march westward 
from Carlisle. 

During the course of his preparations for the campaign, in the pre- 
ceding Spring, the following letter was written from Philadelphia by 



384 The Wilderness Trail 

Colonel Bouquet to Sir William Johnson, May 31, 1764. It gives what 
is probably an accurate list of the Indian Towns in Ohio at that time, 
south of Lake Erie: 

Sir : — General Gage having been pleased to appoint me to command 
the troops in the Southern department and the Government of Pennsyl- 
vania having at last, yesterday, passed their Bill giving one Thousand 
men to act in Conjunction with his Majesty's Forces employ'd this way, 
I beg you will permit me to have the honor to correspond with you. 

I request the favor of your sentiments concerning the opperations 
intended against the Ohio Indians ; as I have no Certain information 
of the Numbers they can collect for the defence of their Country, from 
among themselves and their allies, nor of the Situation of their Towns 
and the difficulties of getting at them, but from the Imperfect accounts 
of our Traders. 

I shall be much obliged to you to give what intelligences you have 
upon those heads, and your oppinion as to the number of Troops you 
wou'd Judge Necessary to answer the purpose of destroying their Towns 
without too great a Risque of being overpowered; likewise, whether you 
would think it more advisable to attack them by going down the River, 
or Marching by Land from Fort Pitt. 

In the first case, I am apprehensive that from the delays of this 
province. We have already lost the opportunity of the high waters, and 
that, even supposing the Ohio to be navigable, the Muskingham or 
Siota would be too shallow to admit loaded Batteaus, of which we have 
not a sufficient Number to carry the necessary Troops; and I am 
informed that it would be Extreamly difficult for men and Horses to 
March along the Shore (Supposing the Batteaus to carry the provision) 
on account of the Craggy Hills, Swamps, and high Weeds. And to 
Build a sufficient Nrmiber of Batteaus at Pittsburg would require at 
least three months; besides the Risque in Case of Miscarriage to have 
to go back against the Stream. To go by Land with Pack Horses and 
cattle is Certainly slow and expensive, but the Woods at a Certain dis- 
tance from the River are said to be open; no large Rivers to obstruct 
the March; and More facility to get at their inland Towns. From the 
accounts given me of the Country (in which I flatter myself you will be 
so good as to set me right) it appears that : 

From Fort Pitt down the river to the Mouth of Muskingham is 
200 Miles. 

From the Mouth of Muskingham to Will's Town is 60 Miles. 

From thence to Wakataunicke is 20 Miles. 

From the Muskingham by Land to the Lower Shawanese Town 
upon the Scioto is 70 Miles; and 

From the mouth of Muskingham to the Mouth of Scioto by Water, 
200 Miles. 

From the Mouth of Scioto by Water to the Lower Shawanese Town, 
120 Miles. 

By Land, from Fort Pitt to the Lower Shawanese Town, 230 Miles. 

List of Delaware and Shawanese Towns over the Ohio : 

N. W. from Fort Pitt: 
Kiskuskus, 



The Perils of the Path 385 

Shaningo, 

Pematimicy [Pymatuning], 
Salt Lick, 
Mahoning, 
Cayahagh, 
Ottawas' Town. 
West from Fort Pitt, upon the Branches of Muskingham : 
Tuscorauras, 
Mohikon John. 
S. W. from Fort Pitt, upon the Branches of Muskingham: 
Mingoes' Town, 
Old Hunting, 
Bullett Town, 
Waukataunicha, 
Will's Town. 
S. W. from Fort Pitt, upon Sciota: 

Shawanese Salt Lake [Lick] Town, 
Lower Shawanese Town. 
In all 16 Towns, Besides those upon Lake Erie. 

The General has acquainted me that you would procure a Body of 
Indians to Join me, and it is upon that I must Chiefly depend for guides 
or pilots, and as I am not sufficiently acquainted with the manner of 
Managing them, I beg you will appoint to command them a Person who 
can take the Care upon himself; and as it is very difficult to transport 
Provisions so far by Land, to let me know whether they will be satisfied 
at the Rate of the common allowance of a Ration per day, or if they must 
have more; and if they will expect Presents from me, and what they 
should be; or only from you at their Return; and if they can run their 
own Batt, to fit their own Bores, that I may be prepared accordingly, 
and avoid giving them any Cause of Complaint, 

To prevent accident, you will no doubt fix upon some Badge to be 
worn by our friend Indians, easy to be distinguished in the Woods and 
which the enemy cannot imitate. 

In 1758 We gave the Cherokees a yellow piece of Stuff to tie about 
their Heads, the End flying loose behind them. 

I shall inform you when we shall be ready to march, but it will 
require at least five Weeks from this day before any Provincial Troops 
can quit the Settlement. 

On the I2th of June, Governor Penn and the Provincial Commis- 
sioners for Indian Affairs in Pennsylvania, agreed to offer rewards for 
Indian prisoners, if taken alive, or for their scalps, if dead. Accordingly, 
a bounty was promised, of 150 Spanish dollars, for every male enemy 
Indian prisoner above the age of ten years, and 134 pieces of eight for 
every female prisoner or for every male child; for every male Indian's 
scalp, 134 pieces of eight were offered, and for every female scalp, 50 

pieces. 

Alexander Lowrey was made chief guide of the expedition, and 
Thomas Mitchell, Samuel Brown, and Andrew Boggs, were also appointed 
as guides. 

VOL. II. — 25 



386 The Wilderness Trail 

Another of Bouquet's guides and interpreters on this expedition, 
was a notorious villain named David Owens, son of John Owens, a 
former Indian Trader. He appeared in Philadelphia in the latter part 
of April, and Governor Penn gave him a pass, instructing all persons 
within the Province to permit him "to proceed immediately^ to Lan- 
caster and Carlisle, with a letter to Colonel Bouquet, on his Majesty's 
Service," as the Governor had directed him. In reply to an inquiry 
made of Sir William Johnson in regard to Owens's history, the baronet 
wrote Governor Penn, June i8th: 

David Owens was a Corporal in Captn. McClean's Company, and 
lay once in garrison at my house. He deserted several times, as I am 
informed, and went to live among the Delawares and Shawanese, with 
whose language he was acquainted, his father [John Owens] having been 
long a Trader amongst them. 

The circumstances relating to his leaving the Indians have been told 
me by several Indians: — that he went out a hunting with his Indian 
wife and several of her relations, most of whom, with his wife, he killed 
and scalped as they slept. As he was always much attached to Indians, 
I fancy he began to fear he was unsafe amongst them, and killed them 
rather to make his peace with the English than from any dislike either 
to them or their principles. 

The letter which Owens carried to Bouquet was from Governor 
Penn, introducing him as a man who was not much to be trusted. Penn 
wrote a second letter to Bouquet on the same day (April 26th) to say 
that "Owens takes five scalps with him, of which he will tell his own 
story." Owens's farther history is related in the Narrative of Robert 
Robison, published at Carlisle by Loudon in 181 1 : 

At this time, Bouquet went down the Ohio seventy-five miles below 
Fort Pitt, and sent one, David Owens, who had been married to an 
Indian woman, and had by her three children, when, taking a thought 
that he would advance himself, killed and scalped his wife and children, 
and brought their scalps to Philadelphia. He received no reward, only 
was made ambassador between General Bouquet and the Indians. 

When Owens was sent to let the Indians know they might have 
peace, they made a prisoner of him, for the murder he had committed; 
two of his wife's brothers being there. Owens gave them to know, if 
they killed him they would never get peace. 

The Indians held Council three days upon him. They then let 
him go, and came up themselves, agreeable to the invitation which was 
sent to them; and agreed to give up the prisoners. So ended that 
campaign. 

Bouquet marched from Fort Pitt with his army on October 3d, 
and on the 25th, made his sixteenth and final encampment within one 
mile of the Forks of Muskingum. By the 9th of November, 206 white 
prisoners were delivered up b}^ the Indians, leaving about 100 more in the 



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Hector St. John Crevecoeur's 1787 Maps o£ the Old West. 



The Perils of the Path 



387 



Shawnee towns on the Scioto. A few additional captives were brought 
in during the succeeding week, and on the i8th of November the army 
started on the return March for Fort Pitt, taking with them hostages to 
insiu"e the siirrender of the remaining prisoners at Fort Pitt the following 
spring. Hutchins's map of the outward march is reproduced on a 
preceding page. In May, 1765, the greater part of these prisoners, forty- 
four in number, ^ were brought to Fort Pitt by the Shawnees and delivered 
into the hands of George Croghan. 

The names of the prisoners delivered up to Bouquet, so far as the 
writer has been able to discover, have never been printed. It is doubtful 
if they have been preserved, in full. Among the Bouquet Papers are 
found two or three lists of a portion of these prisoners, which are as foUows : 

The following is a list of sixty Prisoners, stirrendered by the Indians, 
who were taken by Captain Charles Lewis from the English Camp at 
the Forks of Muskingum, to Fort Pitt, November 15, 1764. 



John Wiseman, 

John Donehoe, 

Soremouth, 

Crooked Legs, 

David Bighead, 

Clen, 

James Butler, 

Michael Cobble, 

Ponter, or Wynima, 

Charles Stormontront, 

Ebenezer, 

Mordecai Babson, 

Henry Bonnet, 

James, 

Tommy Wig, 

Michael Lee, 

George Lee, 

John Huntsman. 

Solomon Carpenter, 

John Gilmore, 

Eve Harper, 

Mary Campbell, 

Ann Finley, 

Mary Cath. Lengenfield, 



Kitty Stroudman, 
Betty (black Eyes or hair),, 
Eliz. Franse, 
Peggy Baskin, 
Mary Mcllroy, 
Sour Plumbs, 
Christiana House, 
Mary Lowry, 
Jane Lowry, 
Susan Lowry, 
Mary Greenwood, 
Nancy Davison, 
Molly Davison, 
Magdalen, or Pagothou,. 
Mary Graven, 
Catherine Westbrooke, 
Molly Metch 
Whitehead, 
Margaret Yokeham, 
Mary McCord, 
Eliz. Gilmore, 
Eliz. Gilmore, Jun'r.,, 
Florence Hutchinson^ 
Mary Lee, 
Barbara Huntsman, 



' N. Y. Col. Doc, vii., 746. 



388 



The Wilderness Trail 



Susannah Fishback, 
Margaret Fishback, 
Peggy Freeling, 
Peggy Cartmill, 
Molly Cartmill, 



Peggy Reyneck, 
Eliz'h Slover, 
Eliz'h Slover, Jun'r., 
Mary Lansisco, and child. 
Girl with a sore knee. 



A Ust bearing the same date as the above (Nov. 15, 1764) shows the 
number of "Prisoners supposed to be [left] at the different Shanoes' 
[and Delaware] Towns on Sioto [and Muskingum]," as follows: "At 
the New Comer's Town, 50; the New Town, 15; the Old Town, 7; Salt 
Lick Town, 5; Bull Head's Town, i; at the Grenadeer's, a woman [i.e., 
Grenadier Squaw's Town], 6; total, 84." 

The following list of eighty-two prisoners at the Lower Shawnee 
Town is found among the Bouquet Papers, without date, but probably 
made in 1764. It was addressed to Colonel Bouquet, Commandant at 
Fort Pitt: 



Robert Puzy, 

John Potts, 

John Cotter, 

Samuel Huff, 

Abraham Ormand, 

John Freelands and 3 children and 

wife, 
Daniel Cowday, 
Jacob Good 
Dutch John, 
Thomas Cabe, 

Gower Sovereign and four Children 
Margrett Bard and five Children, 
Mary Tringer and two Children, 
Dutch Sarrah and three Children, 
Sarrah Barnett and one Child, 
Vanny Varnett and five Children, 
Aley Cincade and three Children, 
Mary Burk and two Children, 
Betsey Roberston, 
Hannah Densey, 
Betsey Snodgrass, 
Betsey Medley, 
A Dutch Girl, 



Nansey Miller, 

Betsey Jamison, 

Nely Fulerton, 

Mary Moore, 

Susanna Voss, 

Molly Gould, 

Jean Macrakin and her Sister, 

Ann Folkison, 

Wm. Medley, 

Nansey Raneck, her sister, and 

four Brothers, 
James Stewart, 
John Guthrey, 
Lezy Bingiman, 
John Martin, 
William Days, 
Benjamin Roberston's Son, 
Lodick, 

Soloman Carpenter, 
Margrett Carpmill, 
Saley Boyles & Brother, 
Joseph Ramsey, 
Moly Christopher, 
Molly Moore, 



The final narrative to be presented in connection with the subject 
of this chapter will be that of a certain blood-thirsty Indian Trader 



1 



The Perils of the Path 389 

named David Ramsay, who lived and traded on the shores of Lake Erie 
in the winter of 1771-72. Against this individual Sir William Johnson 
made the following charge, in a letter written to the Prime Minister 
June 29, 1772: 

"A certain man of the name of Ramsay, who formerly lived amongst 
the Indians, and was, by Capt. Brown, late Commanding Ofificer at 
Niagara, sent away to Quebec to prevent his doing further mischief 
amongst them, has since found means to get a small cargo of goods upon 
credit, with which he went to Lake Erie, where he traded sometime with 
the Chippawaes and Mississages, at a considerable distance from any 
Fort, or place of inspection or control ; but being of a disagreeable temper, 
and probably endeavoring to over-reach them, they warned him to 
remove, otherwise they would maltreat him ; of which however, he took 
no notice, but seemed to set them at defiance, which shortly after occa- 
sioned a quarrel between him and some of them who were in liquor, of 
whom he killed three ; upon this he withdrew to another place on Lake 
Erie, apprehensive of their resentment, and last April a party of Misi- 
sagas called at his trading hut, where they drank very plentifully, and 
as is usual with them on all such occasions, quarrelled, and threatened 
him, as he says, with death; to which he adds that they laid hands 
on him and bound him. However, he freed himself, and killed three 
men, one woman, and an infant, and as an aggravation of the same 
took off their scalps, which he brought to Niagara, where he was im- 
mediately confined by order of the commanding officer." 

In April, 1772, Ramsay had brought four or five Indian scalps into 
Fort Niagara, where he told a story to the Commandant, of which the fol- 
lowing was his own revised version, set down after he had been placed 
under confinement at the fort : 

"Soon after my arrival at the River Choudier [Kettle Creek], on 
the north side of Lake Erie, about the beginning of December, 1771, 
and before I had finish 'd the Building my House ["sixty miles above 
the mouth of Kettle Creek"], Wandagan and his Comerade, Smagunn, 
knowing me unarm'd, carried me down to the Boat, and insisted to 
have Rum, threatening to kill me; and with a Tomohawk drove some 
hoops of the Cask. 'You are always angry,' said they, and endeavour'd 
to provoke me. 

"About the 20th December, Unacans, with a young Indian, traded 
with me; But afterwards, Unacans, with his Hatchet, and four Indians, 
with their knives, along with him. He insisted to have more. 'I can 
give you no more' (said I) He insisted, saying, 'if you thinlc much of the 
Rum, I will kill you and take it'; Being so threatened, I said, 'I don't 
value the Rum, I will give you what you ask.' At that time they were 
not drunk. 



390 The Wilderness Trail 

"About the middle of January, Two Indians witli the Express from 
Detroit came to my house, one of them, named Olakesek, had a belt 
about his neck; it was black, and two white men in it. I believed it to 
be a War Belt; tho' Wandagan told me, and endeavored to make me 
believe it to be a peace Belt. Wandagan went to Niagara with the two 
Indians. During his absence, the women, by their discourse discover'd 
a war would happen in the Spring. 

" About the beginning of February, a family of Indians came to hunt ; 
the above nam'd Smagan liv'd with them. They laid many Schemes to 
kiU me, and often came with their knives for that ptirpose. I was upon 
my guard, and never allow'd them to enter unless they delivered up 
their Knives. 

' ' About the middle of February, the Express and Wandagan return'd. 
He told me so soon as the Snow was Six inches thick there would be war 
with the Six Nations, Saying his Chief, Teschetabra, had no liking to 
the EngHsh, and he would have no traders in the woods. Another Indian 
came, call'd Ninekanine; he profess 'd friendship for me. 'These familys 
are bad ' (Says he) ' they are resolved to kill you. ' A few days after 
this, they brib'd him with Belts & other things to induce him to kill 
me; and sure enough he pledged these very belts with me. Saying, 'you 
must not part with them ; I will have them in the Spring. ' 

" Some days after, Wandagan and Smagun came into my Room with 
their knives, ' we will kill you, ' (said they). I had my knife in my hand: 
' I am not afraid to Die, if you attack me I wont loose my life for noth- 
ing.' Wandagan answered, 'I have kill'd three Englishmen.' How- 
ever, at that time they desisted ; but I was obliged from time to time to 
give them Liquor and goods for nothing for the preservation of my life 
and to quiet them till the winter was over. That night Ninekanine came 
and demanded his Pokemagan (a war instrument). He had left it with 
me. I was afraid to give it and desired to be friends with him, gave 
him liquor, and promised the Pokemagan tomorrow. The others came 
to see the ceremony and seem'd disappointed when he had not got the 
instrument. 

"The 26th of February, in the morning, Wandagan spoke very angry; 
'this ground is the Indians',' says he, 'and I am head warrior here, and 
I will not allow any EngHsh to be here;' and immediately demanded 
a Shirt. I spoke fair and gave him a Shirt. I frequently told him the 
goods were not mine, and endeavour'd to pacify them. About 12 o'Clock 
same day, Smagan came with a Deer's head and insisted for Rtim. I 
refus'd the head and would give him no Rum, as he was already very 
deep in my debt. He went off angry. In the Evening, he and six more 
came with their knives; whenever I heard their hoop, I went into the 
woods; they found me and I follow' d them into the house; they seated 



The Perils of the Path 391 

themselves according to their rank as warriors, only Ninekanine, being 
the one fix'd upon to kill me, sat nearest me. They were Silent some 
time; Wandagan, as head warrior, got up and demanded a Keg of Rum. 
(Said I), 'you shall not only have a Keg but I '11 give you Rum to 
drink"; so order'd my Brother [George Ramsay] to give them a kettle 
of Rum and to fill a Keg. They afterwards demand'd Guns ; these I 
refus'd, as I kept them for my own defence and for hunting, but would 
give them any thing else. I had bought three pairs Snowshoes ; one pair 
of them they had borrow'd and burnt; they wanted to borrow the others, 
fearing I might escape: 

"Next day, the 27th, they kill'd two Dogs; boil'd them in a large 
Kettle. I was obliged to give them two kegs more of Rum. I went out 
soon after and stood behind a tree; heard them say among themselves, 
they would kill me and then go to River Trange and break Nigig's house. 
Men, Women, and Children eat part of the Dogs, and towards evening 
they declared war against the English, French, and Six Nations; and 
said so soon as the Snow was Six inches only, they would Scalp. For 
several days and nights they were drunk and demanded whatever they 
pleased in a war-like manner. When my Brother Slept, I wak'd, and 
so by turns, still in hopes to quiet them that I might get away, tho they 
were always threatning to kill me. I made them believe I was not afraid 
to Die, but would at the same time Sell my life as dear as I could, which 
kept them from attacking me; afraid of themselves as I thought, Nine- 
kanine and others hoop'd always when they pass'd, calling out, 'the 
goods are ours; we '11 kill you.' 

"Between the 6th and 9th of March, four of the men went, as I 
understood, to the River Trange, and two, with Some women, went along 
the Lake. They left Wandagan to guard me. He was to break my 
Boat, and they were to meet him at a fix'd place, and so return and kill 
my Brother and me. Wandagan was for killing us both, but the woman 
insisted to have my Brother to cut wood for boiling her Sugar. Wanda- 
gan answered, ' you Shall have him to cut wood, but I '11 kill him before 
I go to Detroit.' Near about the full moon in March they were drunk. 
The two children were afraid of being kill'd; beg'd I wotdd take them in; 
which I did, and assur'd them I would defend them. I told them I 
would give no more liquor and went to bed; after that, they came, de- 
manding more rum, threatening to kill me and take all I had. Not 
Satisfy'd with Several Refusals, they came with a bundle of lighted 
Straw to burn the house, as I thought, and a hatchet to break the Door 
and kill me if I refus'd the liquor. I was in bed, they in the house, 
breaking the Door of the place where I lay. I was obliged to rise up in 
my own defence; took a kind of Spear in my hand, desired my Brother 
to open the door and take care of himself. Wandagan entering with 



392 The Wilderness Trail 

his hatchet to knock me down, to prevent which I pushed him back 
with my Spear; he catch'd hold of it and I push'd it in my own defence 
till he fell, calling out, I was killing him. At that time I receiv'd a 
Stroke betwixt my Shoulders with a Billet of wood. In the dark, I 
laid about with the end of my Spear ; by some glimmering of light I saw 
a long knife Shining; I struck at that place, and found afterwards I 
had kill'd Wandagan and two Squaws. 

" For the Safety of my Brother and the two Children I built a hutt 
for them behind the top of a Hill, and stay'd at my own house about 
Eighteen days after this happened. Then I sett off with my Brother 
and the two Children, meeting with many difficultys; on the 12th of 
April we saw a Canoo, on the Fort Erie side of Long Point. I still 
thought it was war, as they had declar'd it at Choudeers, so stood in 
my defence, calling, 'is it peace or war.' They answered, 'peace.' ' Then 
come,' said I, 'Have you powder and Shott,' said they, 'I have a 
little,' I answered; gave them some Rum. 'We '11 come out and 
trade with you tomorrow' (Said they). On the Tuesday following, 
the 14th, four Indians, two Squaws, and three Children came into the 
Hutt, took the victuals from the fire, eat them up, and demanded liquor. 
It was given them. I dreaded their design was bad; tho' they also said- 
it was peace. They asked me, what Children these were. I said,, 
they were English, and could speak both English and French. Some 
little time after they ask'd the Girl, who was about twelve years old.. 
She told them she was an Indian, I immediately got up and told the- 
Story myself, then ask'd if they were angry. 'No,' (Said they) 'but 
we must have Rum to make it up.' 

"Afraid of their getting drunk and angry I prepared to get away.. 
When all was ready they came as if to say Something to me; catch'd 
hold of my gun and me; threw me on my Back; had a hatchet over my 
head to kill me. I call'd out for quarter; then one of them Stopt the- 
Blow, the other laying down the hatchet, Struck me on the face with his. 
fist. I was afterwards ty'd and plac'd by the fire, they demanding more- 
liquor. While my Brother was filling it they whoop for Joy, calling out,, 
they had bound a Trader. So soon as my Brother brought more liquor 
they bound him, and fir'd two Balls in the fire, then ty'd me tighter, 
with my two middle fingers up to my neck, my arms to my sides as 
Strait as they could; repeatedly they unloos'd my Brother to bring 
rum, telling him they would have his Scalp tomorrow. They forced me 
to drink with them or be Stabbed, putting a knife to my breast. After 
drinking a great quantity, tho' before I lost my Senses, I saw a Squaw 
give one of them a knife to kill me, calling out, I would be burnt in that 
fire there. He immediately try'd; a Struggle follow'd and he was 
wounded. Another came to his assistance. I call'd to my Brother for 



The Perils of the Path 393 

help. He Shov'd the Indian off, cutt my leather bindings, Sett me at 
liberty, and, as he told me afterwards, and I have some reason to believe 
it, there were four Indians and a Child kill'd. Next day we endeavour'd 
to make the best of our way, but it was early, the Lake full of ice. We 
were cast away more than once; many of my goods lost. When we came 
to Point Abinoe, I sett off for Fort Erie to apprize them what had hap- 
pened to me and what I had done; from that, I arriv'd here, and have 

been prisoner ever since. 

David Ramsay. 
"Niagara, May 15th, 1772." 

In Sir William Johnson's letter, already quoted from, it is further 
stated that the General has directed that Ramsay be sent to Canada to 
be tried, "but, as is usual on such occasions, the interest which his 
creditors will make with those who are his jurors, and the prejudices of 
the commonalty against the Indians, will probably prove the means of 
his being acquitted." 

Dartmouth wrote Johnson in reply to this letter: "The murders 
committed by Mr. Ramsay are of so atrocious and inhuman a nature, 
and may, in the present temper and disposition of the Indians, have 
consequences so fatal to the public peace, that nothing ought to be 
omitted that can tend to bring that person to condign punishment." 

Patrick Campbell, a Scotsman who travelled in America in 1791 and 
1792, has given us the further history of David Ramsay in the published 
account of his travels, printed at Edinburgh in 1793,' and has also pre- 
served an autobiographical sketch of Ramsay's life, given to him by the 
latter, while he travelled with Campbell as a guide from Fort Niagara to 
the Genesee in March, 1792. From this sketch, it appears that Ramsay 
was born at Leven in Fifeshire, came to America in his youth, served the 
British till the close of the French War, and after 1763 settled in the 
Mohawk Valley. In commenting on the kilHng of the Indians by Ram- 
say, Mr. Campbell writes: "My information from others was, that 
though my friend David acknowledged having killed but eight Indians, 
yet that he really killed eleven; but as I give ample faith to his own 
narrative, and as he in every other respect seemed to be a man of strict 
veracity, honesty, and integrity, I disregard what others say, and trust 
to his own account. 

"On the Indians hearing that David was at Niagara, they assembled in 
great numbers and insisted upon his being given up to them ; and on the 
Governor's refusal, threatened to set fire to the Fort. They became at 

I Travels in the Interior Inhabited Parts of North America in the years 1791 and 
1792, pp. 227-243. Campbell's sketch of Ramsay has been republished in vol. vii. of 
the Buffalo Historical Society Publications (1904); and a brief sketch in vol. ix.. pp. 
284-285. 



394 The Wilderness Trail 

last so clamorous that the Governor sent a party, unknown to the 
Indians, to Montreal with David, where he was fifteen months in prison; 
and as no proof coiild be brought against him in a regular trial, and that 
every body knew that he acted in self defence only, he was liberated. 
And what is strange, and what the like never was known before, is, that 
he now lives in intimacy and friendship with every tribe, and the sons and 
daughters of the very people he had killed. They gave him a grant, 
regtdarly extended upon stamped paper, of four miles square of as good 
lands as any in Upper Canada," 



I 



INDEX 



Much information not given in the text or notes will be found in this Index. 
The names of Indian Towns, and of Creeks, Forts, Lakes, Mountains, Rivers, etc., 
axe printed together, under their respective headings. The names of the Indian Towns 
are also printed in the Main Index. Important titles are printed in small capitals. 



Abenakis, or Abenaquis, i., 316, 358; ii., 
132, 239, 285. 

Abercrombie, James, i., 239; ii., 18. 

Abington, John, i., 64. 

Acadians, ii., 54. 

Accault, Michel, i., 132. 

Achor, Ohio, ii., 188. 

Ackehoorn, Delaware chief, i., 89. 

Acquanushioony, or Iroquois Confeder- 
acy, also written Aquanishuonigy, 
Hodenosaunee, Ongwanosionni, etc. 
(meaning "we are of the extended 
lodge," or "long house"), i., 325. 

Adair, James, i., 5, 298, 312; ii., 134, 301, 
353. 

Adams, James, i., 179; ii., 232, 326. 

Adecaghlonadoe, Mingo chief, ii., 261. 

Adiego, synonymous with Ohio, i., 109, 
162, 182, 245, 290, 293, 302, 308; ii., 
127, 129; meaning of, 293, 303. 

Adigo, Adego, Attiga, Attique, Adjiego, 
etc., i., 109, 182, 245, 308; meaning of, 
109. See Adiego. 

Adirondacks, or Adarundacks, i., 235; ii., 
282-285. See Orondacks. 

Adjiego, i., 302. See Adiego. 

Adrego, see Adiego, i., 303. 

Aganahalis, ii., loi. 

Ahookassoongh, Onondaga chief, i., 59. 

Aigremont, Frangois Clairambault d', ii., 
163. 

Ainoton, or Aniauton Town, ii., 174. 
See Anioton. 

Akansas, the, or Akanseas, ii., 99-104, 107, 
116. 

Akansea Town, ii., loi. 

Akenatzi, also written Achonechy, Occo- 
neachey, etc., i., 13, 14. 



Akins, Andrew, ii., 326. 

Alabamas, also written Alibamons, ii., 
54, 93, 136, 137. 

Albany, i., 2-5, 45, 52, 57, 67, 69, 85, 107, 
128, 133, 136, 137, 139, 142, 183, 198, 
199, 237, 238, 292, 295, 324, 326; n., 10, 
28, 87, 96, 124, 167, 186, 252-254, 303, 

304, 306, 308, 309, 376. 
Albany Traders, i., 3. 
Albemarle Sound, i., 15. 

Albert, George Dallas, i., 285, 286. 

Alderton, Isaac, i., 49. 

Alebackinne, Delaware chief, i., 89. 

Alebahma, ii., 354. 

Alemeon, Delaware chief, i., 99. 

Alemykoppy, Delaware chief, i., 300. 

Alexandria, i., 257, 258, 259, 372; ii., 15. 

Algonquians, i., 27. 

Algonquins, i., 121; ii., 239, 284, 285. 

Allegheny, i., 21,25,94,112, 115, 150, 154, 
156, 168, 175, 178, 183-185, 188-190, 
195, 204, 206, 207, 210, 217, 224, 233, 
234, 248, 249, 253, 258, 260, 267, 268, 
275, 280, 281, 289, 291, 292, 294-296, 
298-302, 305-307. 309-313. 2>^2> 346, 
347. 352-354. 356; ii., 19. 125, 130, 138- 
140, 143, 231, 260, 265, 266, 280, 289, 

305. 306, 32&-342. 352. 
Allegheny an Ottawa word, i., 11. 

I Allegheny City, i., 289, 348. 
Allegheny Country occupied, i., 22. 
Allegheny, Main Road to, i., 249. 
Allegheny on the Main Road, i., 290-314. 
Allegheny Forks, i., 222. 
Allegheny Path, i., 161, 248,251,253, 

255,263, 267, 274. 
Allegheny Road, ii., 349. 
Allegheny Traders, i., 290-314; ii., 326- 

343. See Traders. 
Allegheny Valley, i., 150. 



395 



396 



Index 



Allen, Mr., ii., 73. 

Allen, John, i., 50, 244. 

Allen, Joseph, ii., 58. 

Allen, Margaret, i., 41, 43. 

Allen, Peter, i., 163, 174, 175. 267, 299; ii., 
326, 334, 342. 

Allen, William, i., 92, 256. 

Alliquippa (or AlHguippa), Queen, i., 79- 
81, 251, 272, 273, 278-280, 297, 329, 
344, 348, 365; ii., 4. See Lequeepee. 

AUiquippa's Gap, i., 274, 277-279. 

AUiquippa's Town, i., 80, 156, 251, 272, 
273, 279, 296, 347; ii., 6. See Lequee- 
pee 's Town. 

Allison, Mr., ii., 379. 

Allison, Patrick, ii., 382. 

Allumappees, Delaware sachem, i., 104, 
no. III, 189, 193, 194, 196, 206, 246, 
295, 297, 307; ii., 306. See Sassoonan. 

Alrichs, Jacob, ii., 346. 

Alricks, Peter, i., 77; ii., 346. 

Alsop, George, i., 42. 

Altena, now Wilmington, i., 15, 46, 47, 64, 
65, 90; ii., 346- 

Altona, same as Altena, i., 64. 

Altoona, i., 260. 

Amattehooren, Delaware chief, i., 89, 108, 
109. 

American Ethnology, Bureau of, i., xxi. 

American place-names, absurdly applied, 
i., xxii. 

Amherst, Jeffrey, ii., 22, 25, 26-28, 328, 

383. 
Amooklasah Town, ii., 354. 
Amsterdam, i., 64; ii., 344. 
Anameakhickam, wife of Jean Montour, 

i., 202. 
Andasatey, meaning of, i., 35. 
Andastes, i., 9, 10, 12, 17, 19, 27, 34-37, 

42-48, 106; speak Huron tongue, 34; 

meaning of the word, 35. 
Andastoe, i., 34. 
Andastogue, i., 46. 

Andastogueronnons , i . , 45 . See Andastes . 
Andastogues, i., 35, 47, 48. See Andastes, 

Gandastogues, etc. 
Anderson, Mr., i., 214. 
Anderson, Charles, i., 156, 157. 
Anderson, Robert, i., 179; ii., 326, 
Anderson, William, ii., 368. 
Andersonburg, i., 255. 
Andros, Edmund, i., 34, 52, 53, 57, 90, 91, 

134, 139- 
Anehoopoen, Delaware chief, i., 88. 
Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, changes in the, 

ii., 91. 
Angouirot, Huron chief, ii., 164. 
Anilcos, ii., 116. 

Anioton, Huron chief, i., 321; ii., 166, 174. 
Anioton Town, or Aniauton,i., 321 ; ii., 174, 

189. 
Annapolis, i., 377. 
Annieronnons (Mohawks), i., 34. 
Anniez, ii., 175. 
Anninene, i., 34. 



Antique sculptures in the Ohio Valley, 

ii., 179, 182. 
Antouaronon, ii., 95. 
Antouronons (Onondagas), i., 8, 31. 
Antwerp, ii., 315. 
Aondironons, ii., 95. 
Apalatchites, ii., 115. 
Apollo, Pa., i., 266. 
Aquarichque, Minqua chief, i., 59. 
Aqueloma, Sewickley chief, i., 296, 312. 
Archseology, Conajohela, i., 42; Conestoga, 

42, 44; Octorara, 42; Ohio and Pennsyl- 
vania, 6, 7. 
Archer, G. W., i., 45. 
Arentz, George, ii., 326. 
Arentz, Jacob, ii., 326. 
Armenverius, i., 89, 108. 
Armenwaninges, i., 89. 
Armewamens, i., 106. 
Armstrong, Alexander, i., 207; ii., 326, 349. 
Armstrong, Francis, i., 64. 
Armstrong, George, i., 283; ii., 17. 
Armstrong, Jack, i., 257. See Armstrong, 

John, Trader. 
Armstrong, James, ii., 350. 
Armstrong, Col. John, i., 235, 237, 249, 

257, 260, 263-265, 282, 290, 340; ii., 17, 

25, 57. 159. 188, 292. 
Armstrong, John, a Trader, i., 207, 326, 

327, 340; killed, ii., 349-351- 
Armstrong, William, i., 235, 263; ii., 361. 
Arnold, Woodward, or Woodworth, i., 207 ; 

ii., 327, 349-351- 
Arowin, Luke, ii., 190. See Irwin. 
Arpent, length of an, ii., 169. 
Arroas, a Seneca, ii., 9. 
Artel, see Hertel, ii., 161. 
Ashville, i., 261. 
Askew, Jonas, i., 164; ii., 327. 
Askin, Richard, ii., 381. 
Assapausa, Piankeshaw chief, ii., 298. 
Assarigoa, i., 318, 319; meaning of, 85, 

318; ii., 73, 145. , . , ^ 

Asserughney, also written Hazirok, So- 

locka, Lechaweke, etc., i., 95, 96, 237. 
Assinissink, i., 205, 219, 222. 
Assistagueronons, i., 120. 
Assunepachla, i., 259, 296, 298. 
AsswiKALES, Aseekales, Asswekalaes, Ass- 

wikalus, etc., i., 295, 296, 298, 312, 314; 

ii., 130. See Sewickleys. 
Asswikales Town, i., 296. 
Aston, George, killed, ii., 79, 80. 
Atcheson, Vincent, i., 63. 
Athens, Pa., i., xxiii., 96, no, 187, 247. 
Atiga, i., 162, 293, 302; ii., 129. See Adiego. 
Atigue, ii., 127. See Adiego, Atiga, etc. 
Atkins, Robert, i., 286. 
Atkinson, Bernard, ii., 327. 
Atkinson, Cornelius, ii., 360. 
Atkinson, Mary, ii., 360. 
Atkinson, Robert, ii., 361. 
Atkinson, Stephen, i., 163. 
Atquanachucks, i., 61. 
Atrakwae captured, i., 34. 



Index 



397 



Atrakwaeronnons, i., 34. 

Attaock, i., 33. 

Attigouautans (Hurons), i., 28. 

Attigue, Atiga, Adigo, etc., i., 290. See 

Adiego. 
Attique, i., 293. See Adiego. 
Attiwandarons, or Attiwandaronks, i., 7, 

10, II, 32. 
Attschechokatka, Mingo chief, i., 79, 233. 
Aubry, Captain, i., 308. 
Augaluta, i., 157. 

Aughquaga, i., 209. See Oghquaga. 
Aughquageys, ii., 11. See Oghquagas. 
Aughwick, i., 87, 103, iii, 176, 205, 228, 

230-234, 249, 252-256, 264, 274, 348, 

374. 377; ii- 3-7. 9, 156, 190, 337. 34°; 

meaning of, i., 87. See Oghwick aTid 

Oughwick. 
Aughwick Valley, ii., 2. 
Augusta, i., 122. 
Augusta County Court, ii., 67. 
Auricktan, Delaware chief, i., 91. 
Aurotaurogh, Susquehannock chief, i., 43. 
Ausawitt, Delaware Indian, i., 91. 
Austin, Benjamin, i., 266. 
Ayonontout, i., 320, 321, 327; ii., 189, 190. 

See Junandot. 



B 



Babson, Mordecai, ii., 387. 
Bacon's Rebellion, cause of, i., 51. 
Bailey, Henry, i., 163, 175, 294, 309; ii., 

327- 
Bainbridge, i., 42, 151. 
Baird, John, ii., 370. See Bard. 
Baker, — , a guide, i., 265. 
Baker, Anthony, ii., 360. 
Bald Eagle Valley, i., 291. 
Baldwin, Mr., ii., 141. 
Baldwin, Thomas, i., 163. 
Ballard, Bland W., ii., 220. 
Baltimore, Md., i., 179. 
Baltimore, Lord, i., 36, 38, 39, 41, 43-45. 

54-56, 58, 63, 68, 70. 
Bancroft, George, i., xxi., xxii. 
Bancroft, Hubert H., i., xxi. 
Barbourville, ii., 244. 
Bard, or Baird, John, ii., 378, 381. - 
Bard, Margaret, ii., 388. - 
Barklit, John, ii., 360. 
Barnett, Sarah, ii., 388. 
Barnwell, John, i., 83. 
Bartram, John, i., 32, 192, 197; Journal of, 

no. 
Bartram, William, i., 159; ii., 313. 
Baskin, Peggy, ii., 387. 
Basset, Captain, ii., 27. 
Bateman, John, i., 63. 
Battles: Breastworks Hill, i., 378; 

Brushy Run, 350; Bushy Run, 288, 

342; ii., 203, 377, 382, 383; Edge Hill, 

ii". 377. 383; Fallen Timbers, 310; 

Great Island, 238; Great Meadows, 



i., 23, 115, 168, 230-232, 348, 369, 377; 
ii-. 327, 335; Lake George, i., 203; 
Loyalhanna, 378; Muncy Hill, 242; 
Niagara, 203; Octorara Fort, 40, 41; 
Onondaga Fort, 29; Point Pleasant, ii., 
76, 229; Rickohockans, i., 14, 15, 16; 
Turtle Creek, 233. 

Baugis, Chevalier de, i., 133. 

Bausman, Jacob, ii., 67. 

Bayard, ii., 144, 188. 

Bayard, Peter, i., 91. 

Baynton, John, i., 277; ii., 59. 

Baynton & Wharton, ii., 28. 

Baynton, Wharton & Co., ii., 32, 382. 

Baynton, Wharton & Morgan, ii., 36-39, 
41, 43, 49, 80, 234, 235, 319. 

Bays: Chesapeake, i., 8, 11, 15, 19, 26, 
36, 44, 61-63, 67, 77. 130, 131, 137. 160, 
170; ii., 117; Cuyahoga, ii., 94; Dela- 
ware, i., 77, 88, 89; ii., 344, 345; Georg- 
ian, i., 7; Green, ii., 364; Matchedash, 
i., 7; Maumee, 322; Mexico, 134, 
135; ii-. 97; Mobile, i., 123; Quinte, ii., 
182; Sandusky, i., 317, 320-322; ii., 21, 
22, 95, 128, 146, 160, 164, 168, 183, 184, 
189, 206, 207, 260, 268, 279, 283, 285, 
332, 334 {see Lake Sandusky); Susque- 
hanna, i., 157. 

Beale, i., 86. 

Beall, Ninian, i., 12, 37, 38, 42, 45, 49, 50, 

55- 
Bear Swamp, i., 219. 
Beard, John, ii., 379, 
Beatty, Charles C, i., 86, 87, 248, 260, 284, 

379- 
Beauban, M. de, ii., 376. 
Beauchamp, William M., i., 11, 32, 151, 

221, 293. 
Beaucours, Josue Boisberthelot de, ii., 322, 

325- 

Beauharnois, Charles de la Boische, Mar- 
quis de, i., 300, 301, 304, 307, 308, 312, 
319-321, 324, 343; ii., 132, 135, 164, 
258, 259, 322. 

Beauharnois, Chevalier de, ii., 165. 

Beaver, i., 323; ii., 144. 

Beaver, King, see King Beaver. 

Beaver, The, i., 1 10, 366. See King Beaver. 

Beaver Creek Town, i., 330. See Sauconk. 

Beaver Dams, i., 260, 264, 286; ii., 205, 
208. 

Beaver Falls, i., 343. 

Beaver Forks, i., 333. 

Beaver's Town, ii., 24, 185, 195, 208. See 
King Beaver's Town and Tuscarawas. 

Beaver's New Town, ii., 194. 

Beaver Valley, i., 342. 

Becancour, ii., 239. 

Bedford, i., 80, 81, 156, 240, 277, 279, 284, 
297; ii., 20, 24-27, 56, 76, 82, 342, 383. 

Beeckman family, ii., 308. 

Beeckman, William, i., 15, 46, 47, 64-66, 
90. 

Begon, Claude Michel, Sieur de, u., 131. 

Belle Isle, Marechal de, i., 308. 



398 



Index 



Bellestre, Marie Frangois Picote, Sieur de, 

ii., 282, 284-286. 
Bellin, Nicolas, ii., 126, 167. 
Belt of Wampum, Seneca Mingo chief, i., 

79> 233. 345, 348; ii-, 9, I3- See Kash- 

wughdaniunto. 
Benezet, James, ii., 7. 
Benjamin, Mohican Indian, i., 155. 
Benoist, Chevalier de, ii., 239. See St. 

Clair. 
Bense, Alexander, i., 163. 
Bergen, i., 140, 141. 
Beringer, i., 262. 
Bernard, Francis, ii., 317. 
Bernard, Lewis, ii., 360. 
Bernat, Isham, ii., 160. 
Bernou, Abbe, i., Ii, 131; ii., 89, 96. 
Berry, James, ii., 327, 350. 
Berthet, Chevalier de, commandant at the 

Illinois, ii., 136, 259. 
Beswick, William, i., 180; ii., 327. 
Bethlehem, i., 155, 204, 205, 220, 221; ii., 

359. 
Betty, a captive, ii., 387. 
Bezaillion, Martha, i., 167; ii., 333. 
Bezaillion, Peter, i., 135, 136, 150, 163, 

165-170, 175, 181; ii., 327, 333. 
Bezaillion, Richard, i., 135, 168, 169. 
Bezaillion's Cave, i., 166. 
Biarly, Andrew, ii., 360. See Byerly. 
Biddle, Jos., ii., 62. 
Bienville, Jean Baptiste le Moyne, Sieur 

de, i., 123, 270, 303, 357; ii., 131-133, 

183 
Bierce, Lucius V., 1., 334. 
Big Bone Lick, ii., 42, 117, 127, 157, 238, 

242, 245, 247, 249. 
Big Bottom, i., 285. 
Bigham's Gap, i., 255. 
Big Hannaona, ii., 139, 151. See Big 

Hominy. 
Bighead, David, ii., 387. 
Big Hill, ii., 219, 245. 
Big Hominy, Shawnee chief, also written 

Misemeathaquatha, Missemediqueety, 

Meshemethequater, etc., i., 306, 354; 

ii., 139, 151. 
Big Kettle, Seneca chief, i., 344, 346. See 

Broken Kettle and Canajachrera. 
Big Knife, the, ii., 145. See Long Knife 

and Assarigoa. 
Bigler, William, i., 54. 
Big Lick, i., 259, 286. 
Big Rock, ii., 198. 
Big Salt Licks Town, ii., 210. 
Big Spring, i., 253. 
Big Spring Sleeping-Place, i., 259. 
Binghamton, i., 187. 
Bingiman, Lizzie, ii., 388. 
Birchfield, Samuel, i., 163. 
Birkehead, Abraham, i., 64. 
Birkehead, Christopher, i., 64. 
Black, William, i., 179; ii., 327. 
" Black Boys " destroy Traders' goods, i., 

178,276-278; ii., 32 



Black Hoof, or Catahecassa, Shawnee 

chief, ii., 213, 241. 
Black Kettle, Onondaga chief, i., 345. 
Black Legs Town, i., 266, 268, 297. 
Black Log, i., 274, 275. See Mountains: 

Black Log. 
Black Log Gap, i., 255. 
Black Log Valley, i., 256. 
Black Mingoes, i., 69, 257. See Mingoes. 
Black Minquas, i., 76; ii., 97. See Black 

Mingoes. 
Black Mouth, Piankeshaw chief, ii., 265. 
Black Tom's Town, ii., 194. 
Black Watch Regiment, ii., 38, 377. 
Blackiston, Nehemiah, i., 74. 
Blain, i., 255 

Blaine, Ephraim, ii., 326, 360. 
Blainville, Sieur de, i., 270. 
Blair's Mills, i., 255, 256. 
Blake, Thomas, i., 75. 
Blankenstein, William, i., 73. 
Blanket Hill, i., 263, 264. 
Bleecker family, ii., 308. 
Bloemmaert, Samuel, i., 89. 
"Bloody Ground," the, ii., 119. 
Bloody Run, attack at, i., 178; ii., 32; why 

so called, i., 277. 
Blue grass region, ii., 249. 
Blue Hills, i., 85, no. 
Blue Licks, ii., 250, 252, 256. 
Blue Lick Town, ii., 252, 255, 256. 
Blue Rock, i., 35. 
Blue Shadow, a Shawnee, ii., 294, 
Blunston, Samuel, i., 186. 
Blythe, William, ii., 327. 
Bockaloons, ii., 5. See Buckaloons. 
Bogardus, Miss, ii., 85. 
Boggs, Andrew, ii., 385. 
Bohemia Manor, i., 38, 75, 127, 128, 136,. 

152, 158. 
Boiling Spring, i., 266. 
Boisherbert, Louis Henri Deschamps,. 

Sieur de, ii., 165. 
Bokias, Erasmus, ii., 360. 
Bolivar, i., 334; ii., 145, 186. 
Bombay Hook, i., 59. 
Bompies Hook, i., 91. 
Bonaparte, Jerome, i., 175. 
Bonnecamps, Joseph Pierre de, also writ- 
ten Bonnecamps, R. P., i., 272, 356,. 

359; ii., 126, 140, 168, 169, 263, 264. 
Bonnet, Henry, ii., 387. 
Bonsure, Andrew, i., 286. 
Boone, Daniel, i., 145, 147, 174, 177; ii.,. 

212-229. 
Boone, Isaiah, ii., 217, 218. 
Boone, Israel, ii., 218. 
Boone, Jesse, ii., 218. 
Boone, Moses, ii., 217. 
Boone, Nathan, ii., 217, 218, 220, 222, 223,. 

224, 228, 229. 
Boone, Ratliffe, ii., 218. 
Boone, Samuel, ii., 220. 
Boone, Squire, ii., 217, 218, 224, 228, 245.- 
Boone's Gap, ii., 245. 



Index 



399 



Boone ^s Trace, ii., 245. 

Boonesborough, ii., 213, 245. 

Boreman, William, i., 63, 64. 

Bork (Burke), Lawrence, ii., 359. 

Borke (Burke), Thomas, ii., 190. 

Bostwick, Henry, ii., 377. 

Bouquet, Henry, i., 104, iii, 217, 240, 

241, 283, 288, 306; ii., 19-25, 29, 31, 37, 

161, 204, 234, 325, 327, 331, 332, 337, 

341, 360, 368, 377, 382-384, 386-388. 
Bouquet Papers, i., 7, 383; ii., 378, 380, 

388. 
Bouquet's expedition, i., 334, 379; ii., 189, 

202, 234; march, 187. 
Bousman, Jacob, ii., 80. 
Bowman, Henry, i., 91. 
Box, Thomas, ii., 361. 
Boyd, Patrick, i., 180 ; ii., 327. 
Boyer, Alexander, ii., 345, 346. 
Boyle, Charles, ii., 360. 
Boyle, Margaret, ii., 361 
Boyle, Philip, i., 277; ii., 28, 59, 360, 379, 

382. 
Boyle, Rebecca, ii., 361. 
Boyles, Sally, ii., 388. 
Braddock, Edward, i., 232, 233; ii., 6, 9, 10, 

15. 16, 33 
Braddock's campaign, ii., 66, 231, 233; 

defeat, i., xiii., 115, 118, 179, 188, 260, 

271, 278, 323; ii., 292; expedition, i., 

256, 291; ii., 214, 234; route, i., 105. 
Braden, ii., 360. 
Bradstreet, John, i., 243, 244, 337, 338; 

ii., 65. 
Brady, Samuel, i., 343. 
Brainerd, David, i., 195. 
Brainthwait, William, i., 63. 
Brandt, Randolph, i., 58. 
Brant, Joseph, Mohawk chief, i., xiii.; ii., 

63, 65, 85; family of, 86. 
Brant, Mary, ii., 86. 
Breastwork Hill, i., 268, 285. 
Brebeuf, Jean de, i., 9. 
Breezewood, i., 277. 
Bretton, Thomas, ii., 360, 
Brighton, Thomas, ii., 361. 
Brinton, Daniel G., i., 112, 148, 303; ii., 

130. 
Bristol, ii., 303,. 3 1 5- 
Brodhead, Daniel, i., 246. 
Broken Kettle, Seneca Mingo chief, i., 224, 

325, 344-346; ii., 319. See Canajachrera. 
Brown, Captain, ii., 389. 
Brown, Mr., ii., 327, 353. 
Brown, — , a Trader, killed, i., 347. 
Brown, — , a Trader, i., 373. 
Brown, Elijah, i., 263. 
Brown, James, i., 364; ii., 327, 
Brown, Richard, i., 245. 
Brown, Samuel, ii., 385. 
Brown, William, ii., 361. 
Browne, William Hand, i., 44. 
Bruce, H. Addington, ii., 238. 
Brule, Etienne, i., 27-30; explores the 

Susquehanna, 30. 



Bruyas, Jacques, i., 35, 293; ii., 65, 96. 
Bryan, Daniel, ii., 212, 213, 217-220, 224, 

228, 229, 246. 
Bryan, William, ii., 360. 
Buchanan, Robert, i., 248, 249. 
Buchanan, William, i., 232, 277, 371. 
Buck, The (George Croghan), i., 366. 
Buckaloons, Bockaloons, or Buccaloons, 

i., 22, 140; ii., 5. ^40 

Buckongahelas, Delaware chief, i., iii. 
Buckshenoath, a chief, i., 156. 
Buckstown, i., 281. 
Budd, Thomas, i., 92. 
Budwick, Joseph, ii., 361. 
Buell, Augustus C., i., 203. 
Buffalo Road, ii., 243. 
Buffaloes in Indiana, ii., 44; in Kentucky, 

223; in Ohio, 176, 278; on the Ohio 

River, 41, 44, 117, 124. 
Bull, John Joseph Shebosh, i., 197. 
Bull Head's Town, ii., 388. 
Bullet's Town, ii., 189, 193, 194, 385. 
Bullitt, Thomas, ii., 69, 158. 
Bullitt's Licks, ii., 249. 
Bullock Pens, ii., 75. 
Burd, James, i., 217, 278; ii., 6. 
Burd's Road, i., 277. 
Burge, Samuel, ii., 28. 
Burgoin, Joseph, i., 179; ii., 327. 
Burgoon's Run Gap, i., 260. 
Burk, Mary, ii., 388. 
Burk, or Burke, Thomas, ii., 146, 189- 

191, 268, 280, 281, 327. 
Burke, Edmund, i., 116; ii., 321. 
Burke, Lawrence, ii., 327, 359, 360. 
Burlington, ii., 61. 
Burnet, William, i., 4, 18, 85, 86, 292; ii., 

303. 
Burney, Thomas, i., 368; ii., 9, 146, 277, 

289, 291, 292, 298, 327. 
Burns, Patrick, ii., 382. 
Burr, Aaron, ii., 83. 
Burrows, Charles William, ii., 168. 
Burt, Esther, ii., 348. 
Burt, John, i., 95, 163, 175, 328, 342, 348, 

349- 
Butler, James, ii., 328, 387. 
Butler, John, i., 63, 205, 238, 244; ii., 80, 

81, 86. 
Butler, Richard, ii., 72-74, 80, 118. 
Butler, Thomas, ii., 328. 
Butler, William, ii., 72. 
Butterfield, Consul W., i., xxii., 27, 321. 
Byarly, Jacob, ii., 361. 
Byarly, Phebe, ii., 360. 
Byarty, Philip, ii., 360. 
Byerly, Andrew, i., 286-289; ii., 360. 



C, G, and K are interchangeable in 

Iroquoian words. 
Cabe, Thomas, ii., 388. 
Cachekacheki, i., 340; ii., 179. 
Cachelacheki, ii., 179, 187. 



y 



400 



Index 



Cadarachqui, i., 85. 

Cadillac, Antoine de Lamothe, ii., 163. 

Cadiz, Ohio, ii., 196. 

Cahiague, i., 27, 29. 

Cahictodo, French interpreter, i., 299. 

Cahokia, ii., 47, 48. See Kyahokie. 

Cahoon (Calhoun), James, ii., 360. 

Cakundawana, Shawnee chief, i., 153. 

Caldwell, J. A., i., 262. 

Caldwell, Samuel, i., 262. 

Calhoon, John, ii., 381. 

Calhoun, Thomas, ii., 328, 361, 368-370, 
372, 379. 380. 

Calicuas, ii., 121. 

Callender, Robert, i., 271, 277, 367, 371; 
ii., 3. 9. 28, 59, 157. 272, 289, 328, 332, 
341. 379. 382. 

Caluca, ii., 12. 

Calumet, the, i., loo, 102. 

Calvert family, i., 36, 54. 

Calvert, Philip, i., 43, 65. 

Calvert, William, i., 63. 

Cambridge, ii., 195, 196. 

Carney, Thomas, ii., 361. 

Cammerhoff, Frederick, i., 32, 210, 220, 
248. 

Campanius, John, i., 27, 42, 106. 

Campanius, Thomas, i., 15, 45. 

Campbell, Mr., i., 214. 

Campbell, Capt., ii., 21. 

Campbell, Daniel, i., 244. 

Campbell, Francis, ii., 328. 

Campbell, George, i., 168, 263. 

Campbell, or Cammel, John, ii., 70, 71, 74, 
75, 80, 81, 83, 319, 361, 379, 381. 

Campbell, Joseph, i., 371; ii., 5, 328. 

Campbell, Mary, ii., 387. 

Campbell, Patrick, ii., 393. 

Campbell, Thomas, ii., 7. 

Campbell, Widow, i., 284. 

Campbell, William, i., 371; ii., 328. 

Canachquasy, Mohawk Mingo chief, i., 
329, 344. See Captain Newcastle. 

Canada, i., 2, 4, 10, 18, 20, 23, 24, 29, 36, 
63, 126, 128, 135, 145, 177, 199, 201, 
204, 225, 238, 267, 292, 295, 296, 298- 
300, 310-312, 315, 324, 329, 332, 344, 
375; li., 12, 87, 96, 127, 133, 135, 136, 
138, 151, 161, 163, 167, 190, 254, 256, 
267-269, 283, 288, 303, 304, 308, 314, 

^ 333..393. 394- 

Canadian Archives, i., 7, 20. 

Canaghquiesa, Oneida chief, i., 209, 210. 

Canahogue, i., 332, 335, 346. See Cuya- 
hoga. 

Canajachrera, Seneca Mingo chief, called 
Canante Chiarirou by the French, i., 
161, 319, 323-325, 344-346, 363, 366; 
ii., 319. See Broken Kettle. 

Canal Dover, ii., 178, 183. 

Canante Chiarirou, Seneca Mingo chief, 
i-> 319, 324, 346. See Canajachrera. 

Canaresse, i., 109. 

Canassategy, ii., 254. 

Canataqueany Manor, i., 226. 



Canatowa, Conestoga queen, i., 81. 
Canawago Town, i., 240. See Conewago. 
Canawaughas, i., 177. See Caughnawagas. / 
Canayahaga, i., 324, 325, 335, 346. See 

Cuyahoga. 
Canayiahagen (Cuyahoga), i., 287, 325. 
Candowsa, i., 96. 
Canessatawba Town, ii., 256. 
Canigaatt, the White Mingo, i., 203. See 

Conengayote. 
Canistauga (Conestoga), i., 130. 
Caniyeuke, i., 238. 
Cannassatego, Onondaga chief, i., 36, 107, 

112. 
Cannowa Rocquaes, Minqua chief, i., 59. 
Canoe Creek village, i., 259. 
Canoe Place, i., 247, 262; ii., 198, 199, 380. 
Canoe Valley, i., 259, 261. 
Canon, John, i., 310; ii., 77. 
Canoomakers, i., 33. 
Canowaroghare, i., 242. 
Canoyinhagy, i., 326. See Cuyahoga. 
Cantwell, Edmund, i., 52, 67, 68, 90, 91. 
Cape Breton, i., 324. 
Cape Cod, i., 338. 
Cape Hindlop, i., 88. 
Cape Malabar, i., 62. 
Cape May, i., 89. 
Capitannasses, i., 16, 31, 33. 
Cape St. Anthony, ii., 99. 
Cape St. Antoine, ii., 122. 
Captain Bull, Delaware chief, i.,_242, 243. 
Captain Civility, Conestoga chief, i., 81, 

82, 84, 156; ii., 316. See Civility. 
Captain Hill, Delaware chief, i., 296, 297, 

307- 
Captain Jack, a fictitious character, 11., 57. 
Captain Jacobs, Delaware chief, ii., 8. 
Captain John, Delaware Indian, i., 164. 
Captain Johnny, Delaware chief, i., iii; 

ii., 381. 
Captain John Harris, a Delaware, i., 95, 

164. 
Captain John's Town, i., 95. 
Captain Newcastle, Mohawk Mingo 

chief, i., 79, 81 , 233, 246, 344; ii., 4, 9. See 

Canachquasy, Cashunyon , Cashuwayon, 

etc. 
Captain Pipe, Minsi Delaware chief, i., 

Ill, 159- 

Captain Will, Shawnee chief, 11., 224, 227. 
Carantouan, i., 29, 30; location of, 31; 

route to, 28, 29. 
Carantouannais, the, i., 9, 16, 28-31, 33- 

35- 

Carels, Laers, i., 66. 

Carlisle, i., iii, 167, 178, 227, 228, 235, 
241, 253, 271, 274, 287, 344, 368, 371, 
375. 377; ii-, 3. 8, 9, 24. 27, 29, 57, 73, 
157, 192, 213, 289, 307, 328, 377, 383, 
386. 

Carolina, 1., 5, 10, 13, 18, 121, 124, 150, 158, 
186, 198, 212, 223, 302, 313, 374; ii., 98, 
118, 124, 130, 131, 133, 161, 164, 217, 
228, 236, 255, 257, 300, 301, 306, 313, 



Index 



401 



Carolina — Continued 

321, 353- See North and South Caro- 
lina. 

Carondelet, Francisco L. H. de, i., 131. 

Carondowanna, Mohawk chief, i., 94, 194, 
198, 200; ii., 258. 

Carpenter, Samuel, i., 41. 

Carpenter, Solomon, ii., 387, 388. 

Carpenter's Station, ii., 310. 

Carpmill, Margaret, ii., 388. 

Carr, George, ii., 360. 

Carrie, i., 146, 147. 

CarroUtown, i., 262. 

Carson, John, ii., 328. 

Carte Figurative, i., 31, See under Maps. 

Carter, John, ii., 361. 

Carter, Richard, i., 163. 

Carteret, Philip, i., 90. 

Cartlidge, Edmund, i., 163, 173, 174, 175, 
180, 183, 189, 190, 208, 280, 281, 291, 
294, 298-300, 307, 309, 312, 356; ii., 305, 
328, 347, 348, 352. 

Cartlidge, John, i., 152, 163, 173, 174, 208; 
ii., 328, 347, 348. 

Cartmill, Molly, ii., 388. 

Cartmill, Peggy, ii., 388. 

Casa, ii., 94. 

Cashunyon (Captain Newcastle), Mo- 
hawk Mingo chief, i., 79, 81. 

Cashuwayon (Captain Newcastle), Min- 
go chief, i., 233. 

Casquinampos, ii., 93, 244. 

Casquis, ii., 115. 

Cassady, William, ii., 361. 

Cassewago, i., 370; ii., 21. 

Castalia, i., 321; ii., 184, 206, 209. 

Castine, see St. Castine. 

Castor Company of Quebec, i., 339. 

Cat, Huron name for, ii., 114. 

Cat Nation, i., 8, 9, 11, 13, 14,33,336, 
351. ^ee Eries. 

Catahecassa, or Black Hoof, Shawnee 
chief, ii., 241. 

Catakoys, i., 127. 

Catawba Path, i., 195; ii., 119, 130, 134. 

Catawbas, i., 83, 123, 124, 150, 153, 186, 
187, 198, 201, 202, 223, 305-307, 312, 
320, 361; ii., 16, 36, 63, 117-119, 126, 
134, 141, 143, 243, 252, 266, 300, 351. 

Catawasse, or Catawissa, i., 95, 187. 

Catewas (Cherokees), i., 306. 

Cattogui, ii., 92. 

Catoughis, ii., 114. 

Caughnawagas, i., 151, 177, 368; ii., 163, 
230, 252, 255. See French Mohawks. 

Cavalier, M. de, i., 183, 184, 296, 299, 300, 
308. 

Cavalier, Louis, i., 296. 

Cavalier, Toussaint, i., 296. 

Cave Gap, ii., 243, 245. 

Cavet, James, ii., 76, 78. 

Cawkecawlen, Shawnee chief, i., 310. 

Cayahoga Path, ii., 205. See Cuyahoga. 

Cayahoga Town, i., 334, 342; ii., 200, 205, 
385. See Cuyahoga. 

VOL. II. — 26 



Cayenquilaquoa, Mingo chief, i., 371. 
Cayuga, i., 35; ii., 94. 
Cayugas, i., 17, 33, 45, 52, 54, 58, 68, 85, 
103, 107, 197, 244, 280, 301, 316, 331, 

349- 357; 11-., 305. 315- 
Cedar Point, ii., 207. 
Celoron, Jean Baptists, Sieur de Blainville, 

i., 270; ii., 131, 133. 
Celoron, Pierre Joseph de, i., 23, 80, 221, 

270-273, 302, 315, 317, 328, 332, 343, 

348, 355. 357. 358-360, 362, 364; ii., i, 

12, 13, 127-129, 132, 133, 139, 143, 153, 

191, 192, 238, 256, 262-264, 266, 271, 

284-286. 
Cenioteaux (Scioto), ii., 265. 
Centre, i., 254. 
Centre Church, i., 254. 
Chain, Miny, ii., 376. 
Chakohooma Old Fields, ii., 355. 
Chalaque Town, ii., 121. 
Chalkley, Thomas, i., 78, 80. 
Chalmers, James, ii., 328. 
Chambers, Benjamin i., 44, 151, 174, 

180; survey of, i., 27, 37, 41, 42, 151, 

180. 
Chambers, James, ii., 328. 
Chambers, Joseph, i., 325; ii., 349. 
Chambers, Samuel, 265, 328; killed, i., 

266. 
Chambersburg, i., 174. 
Chambers's Mill, i., 287; ii., 332. 
Champlain, Samuel de, i., xiii., 7-9, 16, 27, 

3i;ii-.97- 

Chandler, William, i., 68. 

Chapman, Abraham, ii., 372, 376. 

Chappell, Andrew, i., 63. 

Chapticoe, i., 53. 

Charleston, ii., 120. 

Charles Town, ii., 353, 354. 

Charleville, M. de, i., 131. 

Charlevoix, Pierre F. X. de, i., 121, 158, 
298; ii., 95, 125, 128, 25S. 

Chartier, Martin, i., xv., 43, 75, 126- 
137. 151. 158, 159. 163, 170-174. 218, 
353. 355; ii.,328. 

Chartier, Peter, i., xv., 17, 171, 180, 185, 
190, 280, 287, 300, 304, 305, 307, 309, 
310, 327, 352, 353, 355; ii., 134, 137- 
139. 159. 213, 240, 294, 306, 311, 329, 
331, 341 ; deserts to the French, i., 311, 
312. 

Chartier, Pierre, i., 133. 

Chartier's Band, ii., 135, 137, 138, 275; 
Landing, i., 269, 271 ; Town, i., 251, 269- 
271, 290-314, 352, 355, 356; ii., 127, 129, 
131, 134, 240. 

Chaouanons, French name for Shawnees, 
i., 18, 119, 121. ^See Shaumees. 

Chaskepe Town, ii., 93, 244, 256. 

Chaskpes, i., 125; ii., 93, 96, 116. 

Chauhannauks, see Shawnees. 

Chavin, M. de, ii., 376. 

Chawanock, i., 159, 160. 

Checochinican, or Shenkokonichan, Dela- 
ware chief, i., 105, 109; ii., 305. 



402 



Index 



Cheestagechroano (Mississagas), i., 311. 

Chehohockes, ii., 318. 

Chemung, i., 216. 

Chemung Forks, i., 96. 

Chenango, i., 7, 262; ii., 128; meaning of, 

i-. 7> 331; ii-. 128. See Shenango and 

Chiningue. 
Chenasshy (Otzenachse, Otzinachson, or 

Shamokin), i., 192, 194. 
Chenastry (Otzenachse), i., 94, 187, 193, 

194, 200; ii., 258. 
Chenunda, ii., 207, 378. See Chunondat 

and Junundat. 
Cherage, meaning of, i., 336. 
Cherage (Raccoon) River, i., 336. 
Cherokees, i., 6, 18, 19, 33, 83, 123, 124, 

127, 131, 239; ii., 16-18, 20, 23, 36, 41, 

45, 81, 92, 93, 114, 115, 117, 118, 120, 

121, 123, 125, 133-135. 137. 141. 143, 

159, 160, 164, 237, 242, 243, 247, 250- 

251, 254, 255, 285, 294, 297, 333, 355, 

362, 385; identified with Rickohockans, 

i., 15; towns of, xxi. See Cuttawas and 

Catewas. 
Cherry Tree, i., 261, 262. 
Cherry Valley, ii., 60, 61, 63, 64, 85. 
Cheseago, Mingo chief, i., 366. 
Chester, i., 56, 64. 
Chester Valley, i., 181. 
Chestnut Ridge, i., 285, 286. 
Chest Spring, i., 262. 
Chew, Colby, ii., 242, 244. 
Chew, Mr., ii., 64. 
Chicago, meaning of, ii., 258. 
Chicagou, ii., 258. 
Chickahominys, i., 15. 
Chickasaw expedition, i., 270, 303; ii., 133, 

136, 238. 
Chickasaws, i., 5, 19, 124, 131, 357, 374; 

ii., 96, 115, 129, 131, 132, 134, 153, 165, 

167, 179, 180, 183, 241, 301. 
Chicochinican, see Checochinican. 
Chillicothe, i., 145, 146, 148, 149, 157, 

191,212; ii., 118, 129, 211; New, 157; 

Old, 157, 161. 
Chillicothe clan of Shawnees, i., 148, 189. 
Chillicothe on Ohio, ii., 125-162. 
Chillicothe, Upper, ii., 161. 
Chillisquaque, i., 167, 185, 187, 1 89-191, 

196, 241, 252. See Shallyschohking. 
Chinasky (Shamokin), i., 192. 
Chingleclamouche, or Chinklaclamoose, 

i., 182, 183, 213, 214, 217, 247, 291; 

meaning of, i., 215. 
Chiningue or Chininque (Logstown), i., 

272, 356, 359. 364. 370; ii-. 126. See 

Chenango. 
Chinkanning (Tunkhannock), i., 237. 
Chinklaclamoose Path, i., 262. 
Chinnoiindoh, the Seneca word for Elk, 

ii., 118. 
Chiouanons (Shawnees), ii., 117. 
Chippewas, i., 5, 350; ii., 69, 283, 363-365. 

376, 389. 
Chisca, ii., 93. 



Chissel's Lead Mine, ii., 246. 

Choctaws, ii., 118, 259, 313, 353-355. 

Chowanocks, i., 159. 

Chowans, i., 122, 159, 160. 

Christian, Godfrey, ii., 361. 

Christina, Queen of Sweden, i., 12, 97. 

Christopher, Molly, ii., 388. 

Christopher, Nathaniel, i., 163. 

Christy, William, ii., 80. 

Chucagoa, meaning of, ii., 115. 

Chugnut, i., 237. 

Chugnuts, ii., 318. 

Chunondat, ii., 207, 378. See Junundat 

and Chenunda. 
Cicacas (Chickasaws), ii., 115. 
Cincade, Aley, ii., 388. 
Cincinnati & Muskingum Valley Railroad, 

ii., 279. 
Circleville, i., 146, 148; ii., 149, 161, 211, 

366. 
Cisca, ii., 93, 244. 
Ciscas, ii., 95, 116. 

Civility, Captain, see Captain Civility. 
Civility, Susquehannock chief , i., 47, 59. 
Claiborne, or Clayborne, William, i., 35, 

36, 63. 
Clans: of the Susquehannocks, i., 44, 47; 

of the Delawares, Hurons, Miamis, 

Shawnees, etc., see under those names. 

Clanson, , i., 63. 

Clapham, William, i., 213, 216, 217, 361, 

370, 383; killed, ii., 22, 36. 
Clark, EUena, ii., 361. 
Clark, George, i., 143; ii., 133. 
Clark, George Rogers, ii., 85. 
Clark, John S., i., 28, 31. 
Clark, Thomas, i., 163, 179; ii., 329. 
Clark, William, i., 163; ii., 329. 
Clarksburg, i., 146. 
Clarksville, i., 331. 
Claus, Daniel, i., 244. 
Clauson, Jacob, i., 46, 62, 63. 
Clay City, ii., 246, 250. 
Clayfall, i., 74. 
Clay Lick, ii., 149, 194. 
Clayton's Mill, i., 180. 
Clearfield, i., 182, 213, 216. 
Clear Fields, i., 251, 252, 261,262,265,283. 
Cleaver, Martin, ii., 329. 
Clen, a captive, ii., 387. 
Cleveland, ii., 168. 
Clinton, George, i., 5, 320, 326, 368; ii., 

189, 252, 265, 288. 
Cloud, Joseph, i., 179; ii., 329. 
Cobble, Michael, ii., 387. 
Cocheron, Dennis, ii., 379. 
Coch-now-was-roonan, ii., 120. See^Qon- 

oys. "^j 

Cochquacaukehlton, see White Eyes. 
Cock, Captain, i., 135. 
Cockarouse, meaning of, i., 51. 
Cocke, Lasse, i., 65, 72. 
Cock-Eye's Cabin, i., 288. 
Coghcowagcoo, Shawnee chief, ii., 261. 

See Kakowatcheky. 



Index 



403 



Coghran, Margaret, ii., 361. 
Cohansink, i., 91. 
Cohevwichickj see Kakowatcheky. 
Cold Foot, Miami chief, ii., 263, 286. 
Cold Spring, i., 221; ii., 184, 209. 
Colden, Cadwallader, i., 4, 5, 121, 199, 243; 

ii., 64, 302. 
Cole, Josias, i., 38. 
Coleman, John, ii., 360. 
Coleman, Philip, ii., 329. 
Coles, Edward, ii., 217. 
Colhoon, Thomas, ii., 380. See Calhoon. 
Collaccameck, Delaware chief, i., 90. 
Collet, Daniel, ii., 368. 
Collier, John, i., 53, 56, 57. 
Colonel Fairfax, Mingo chief, i., 79. See 

Captain Newcastle. 
Columbia, i., 42, 152. 
Columbus, ii., 198, 210, 213. 
Comblade, Shawnee chief, i., 306. See 

Cornstalk. 
Comegys, Cornelius, ii., 329. 
Compass, James, a Delaware, i., 282. 
Compass, Joseph, a Delaware, i., 282. 
Compass, the, i., 181. 
Compassville, i., 181. 
Conacheoweede, Susquehannock chief, i., 

52. 
Conajocula, i., 40. 

Conaroya, Iroquois chief, i., 323-325. 
Conawagos Town, ii., 253. 
CoNCHAKE, ii., 2, 9,173,176,178, 181, 187- 

189, 192, 259, 268, 287, 291, 311, 327. 
Conchake Route, the, ii., 163-21 1, 287. 
Concord, i., 253, 255, 256, 274; ii., 77. 
Conecocheague, i., 258. 
Conejaghera, i., 151. Same as Conejohela. 
Conejohela, i., 43, 151, 161. 
Conejohela Valley, i., 40, 151, 174. 
Conejohera, i., 54. Same as Conejohela. 
Conell, George, i., 179; ii., 329. 
Conemaugh, meaning of, i., 267. 
Conemaugh Town, i., 269, 296-298. 
Conengayote, Kanaghragait, or the White 

Mingo, Mingo chief, i., 203; ii., 57. 

Conestoga, meaning of, i., 35. 

Conestoga; Fort, i., 37; "Fort Demol- 
ished, " i., 27, 37, 41, 44, 151, 152,180; 
Manor, i., 162; Path, i., 179-181; queen, 
i., 78, 79, 80, 81; Traders, 161-181. 

Conestoga Town, i., 35, 40, 41, 59, 78, 84- 
86, 100, 103, 113, 135, 136, 143, 144, 
149, 152, 153, 160-162, 164-167, 169- 
173. 175. 179-181, 183, 185, 186, 188, 

190, 208, 242, 299, 307; ii., 305, 327- 
329, 332, 333. 335. 339. 342, 347, 
348. 

CoNESTOGAS, 1., 35-37, 51, 78, 8i, 100, 129, 

145, 149, 152, 153. 156, 157, 164, 167, 

170-172, 174, 180, 185, 186, 190, 224, 
280, 297, 307, 353; ii., II, 315, 316; 
massacred by Paxtang Boys, i., 25, 81, 
242; in Virginia, i., 51. 
Conewago, i., 203; ii., 254; meaning of, 
i., 151. 



Conewago Falls, i., 12, 37, 38, 45, 46, 53- 

55, 12, 77, .152. 
Conewagoes, ii., 230, 252, 255. See Caugh- 

nawagas. 
Conewango, Canawako, Canawagy, Pana- 

wakee, etc., i., 221; ii., 217. 
Conguegos, Susquehannock queen, i., 78, 

80, 167. 
Conjouerey (Canajoharie), ii., 18. 
Conn, Isaac, ii., 361. 
Connecticut, i., 159, 360; ii., 30, 63, 309, 
Connell, George, i., 179; ii., 329. 
Conner, Charles, i., 179; ii., 329. 
Connolly, John, i., 178; ii., 66, 71-75, 

77, 80, 84. 
Connolly, John, Sr., ii., 84, 85. 
Connolly, Susanna, ii., 84. 
Connoodaghtogh, Susquehannock chief, 

i., 8, 77_, 78, 81, 130. 
Cormutskirr-ough-roonaw, ii., 120. 
Conotocaurious, George Washington's 

Indian name, i., 236. 
Conoys, i., 40, 42, 95, 135, 151, 164, 238; 

ii., 24, 97, 120, 318. 
Conoy-uch-such-roona, ii., 120. See Con- 
oys. 
Conoy Town, i., 151, 161, 170, 181. 
Conshohocken Hill, i., 97, 105. 
Contrecoeur, Claude Pierre P6caudy, 

sieur de, i., 230; ii., 170. 
Contz's Harbor, i., 276, 374. 
Conyngham, Redmond, i., 37, 145, 153. 
Coode, John, i., 50, 74. 
Cook, Edward, ii., 360. 
Cook, John, a White Mingo, i., 57, 203. 

See White Mingo. 
Cookport, i., 262, 263. 
Cookson, Daniel, i., 163. 
Cookson, Thomas, i., 151, 253. 
Cool, William, ii., 218, 225, 229. 
Cooley, William, ii., 218. 
Coombe, John, i., 163. 
Coombe, Martha, i., 169. 
Coombe, Moses, i., 163, 167, 170; ii., 329. 
Coonce, Mark, i., 316, 334; ii., 145. See 

Maconce. 
Cooper, James Fenimore, i., xxi., xxii.; ii., 

62, 64, 65. 
Cooper, Robert, i., 253. 
Cooper, William, ii., 64. 
Cooperstown, ii., 62, 64. 
Coosa, ii., 241. 
Cope, Gilbert, ii., 326-343. 
Copelen, Thomas, or Coplin, ii., 379, 381. 
Copley, Lionel, i., 40, 74, 75, 126, 134. 
Coquetakeghton, Delaware chief, i., 241. 

See White Eyes. 
Corbet, Peter, ii., 329. 
Corbie, Peter, ii., 329. 
Cork, ii., 191. 
Corlaer, Iroquois name for the New York 

governor, taken from the name of Arent 

van Curler (or Corlaer), and applied to 

the governors of New York after his 

death; i., 107, 138, 139. 



404 



Index 



Corlaer's Town (Schenectady), i., 1 39. 

Cormick, Csesar, ii., 375. 

Cornbury, Lord, see Edward Hyde. 

Cornellinson, Harman, i., 64. 

Cornplanter, Seneca chief, i., 293. 

Corn-shellers, the, ii., 97. 

Cornstalk, also written Comblade, 
Keightighqua, and Tawname Buck, 
Shawnee chief, i., 306; ii., 80. Com- 
pare with Taminy Buck. 

Coroas, ii., 116. 

Corssen, Arent, i., 89, 108. 

Coshocton, i., 332; ii., 145, I77> 188, 189, 
210, 291, 311. See Conchake. 

Cosswentanica, or Coswentannea, Mingo 
chief, i., 360, 375. 

Cotter, John, ii., 388. 

Couc, Pierre, family of, i., 199. ^ee Mon- 
tour. 

Coughton, James, i., 63. 

Coulson, Daniel, ii., 368. 

Council Rock, ii., 62. 

Counties: Albany, ii., 83, 308; Albe- 
marle, ii., 242; Allegheny.i., 21, 156, 212, 
251, 270, 271, 290, 298, 313, 352, 367; 
Anne Arundel, i., 126, 127; Armagh, ii., 
213; Armstrong, i., 262, 264, 266; Ash- 
land, i., 321; ii., 185, 186, 206, 208, 209; 
Augusta, i., 360; ii., 77, 79, 157, 159, 
160, 230, 237, 239; Baltimore, i., 67; 
Bath, ii., 249; Beaver, i., 21, 207, 313, 
355; Bedford, i., 178, 276, 277, 281, 291; 
ii.,32; Bell, ii., 244; Berks, i., 24, 117,251, 
259; Blair, i., 178; Botetourt, ii., 119, 
141; Bradford, i., 31, 33, 96, no, 187, 
205, 213, 219, 247; Breathitt, ii., 251; 
Broome, i., 86, 187, 237; Brown, ii., 
262; Bucks, i., 24, 92, 97, 99, 142; Bul- 
litt, ii., 249; Butler, i., 271, 340; Cam- 
bria, i., 247, 251, 261, 262, 269, 291; 
Camden, i., 89; Carroll, ii., 144, 178, 
179, 188, 194; Cattaraugus, i., 221; 
Cecil, i., 38, 39, 57, 58, 67, 71, 72, 74, 
100, 127-129, 136, 144, 149, 152, 158, 
190, 218, 353, 355; Centre, i., 213, 
214; Champaign, ii., 280; Charles, i., 
50, 55. 58; Chester, i., 24, 78, 117, 135, 
144, 152, 161, 165-169, 173, 175, 178- 
181, 184, 192, 213, 381; ii., 231, 232, 
326-331, 334. 336-343. 348; Clarion, 
i., 213, 262; Clark, i., 147, 302; ii., 130, 
134, 215, 218, 249, 250; Clay, ii., 125; 
Clearfield, i., 182, 213-216; Clinton, i., 
96, 213; Columbia, i., no; Columbiana, 
ii., 144, 193, 203; Coshocton, i., 21, 341; 
ii., 145, 149, 177, 188, 194, 199, 310; 
Crawford, ii., 210; Cumberland, i., 24, 
167, 174, 176, 217, 224, 226, 237, 253, 
290, 307. 360; ii., 2, 3, 7, 14, 19, 30, 36, 
155. 213, 231-234, 236, 255, 299, 267, 
374. 375; Cuyahoga, i., 349, 334, 335; 
Dauphin, i., 162; ii., 231, 326; Delaware, 
i., 168, 169, 173, 181; Donegal, i., 162; 
Erie, i., 321; ii., 184, 206; Estill, ii., 220; 
245; Fairfield, i., 204; ii., 279; Fayette, 



ii., 66, 71, 249, 331, 374; Forest, i., 215, 
219, 221, 343; Franklin, i., 86, 170, 251, 
255, 267, 274; ii., 213, 231, 249; Fred- 
erick, ii., 81; Fulton, i., 86, 276; Garrard, 
ii., 219, 220; Geauga, i., 8, 335; ii., 238; 
Greene, i., 146; ii., 85; Greenup, ii., 158; 
Hamilton, ii., 249; Hampshire, ii., 81; 
Hardin, ii., 210; Harford, i., 179; Harri- 
son, ii., 178, 194, 249; Holmes, ii., 186; 
Huntingdon, i., 86, 253, 255, 256, 258, 
275, 340; Indiana, i., 168, 261, 263, 268, 
269, 291, 297, 298; Jackson, ii., 143, 245; 
Jefferson, i., 182, 213; ii., 141, 196, 310; 
Juniata, i., 86, 247, 248, 255; Knox, ii., 
237, 244; Lancaster, i., 24, 27, 35, 129, 
136, 149, 151, 152, 157, 161, 162, 168, 
171, 173, 175, 176, 178, 179, 181, 183, 
185, 208, 237, 298, 310, 367, 368; ii., 84, 
146, 231, 233, 234, 254, 266, 267, 326- 
333. 335. 338, 342, 350, 359; La Salle, i., 
125; Lawrence, i., 21,331, 341; ii., 201; 
Lee, ii., 251; Letcher, ii., 251; Licking, 
ii., 149, 194; Logan, i., 148; ii., 280; 
Luzerne, i., 96, no, 187; Lycoming, i., 
95, 200, 204, 245, 247; Madison, i., 
29; ii., 219, 220, 245, 250, 280; Magoffin, 
ii., 246; Mahoning, i., 342; Marshall, ii., 
120; Mason, ii., 142, 227, 249; Meigs, 
i., 168, 267; ii., 141, 142; Mercer, i., 
331, 346; ii., 201; Miami, i., 21, 146; 
ii., 261, 280; Middlesex, ii., 30; Mifflin, 
i., 248; Monroe, i., 91, 92, 140, 143, 185; 
Montgomery, i., loi, 163; ii., 85; Mor- 
gan, ii., 198, 220; Morrow, ii., 199; 
Muskingum, ii., 149, 381; Newcastle, i.. 
98; Nicholas, ii., 249; Northampton, i., 
24, 95, 140; Northumberland, i., 149, 
190, 191, 195, 196, 210, 252; Oldham, ii., 
249; Orange, i., 140; Oswego, i., 17; ii., 
60, 83; Otsego, i., 290; Perry, i., 86, 179, 
227, 248, 254, 255; ii., 125, 251; Phila- 
delphia, i., 24, 135; ii., 231; Pickaway, 
i., 146, 148, 341; ii., 160, 195, 279, 366; 
Pike, i., 91, 218; Portage, i., 335, 349; 
Potter, i., 219, 247; Powell, ii., 246, 250, 
251; Richland, i., 333; ii., 176, 210; 
Rockcastle, ii., 245; Ross, i., 146; ii., 
150; Sandusky, i., 321 ; Scioto, i., 21 ; ii., 
150; Scott, ii., 249; Shelby, ii., 249; 
Snyder, i., 247; ii., 56; Somerset, i., 68, 

268, 281-283; Stark, i., 315, 334; ii., 
179, 186, 205; Steuben, i., 219; Sum- 
mers, ii., 246; Summit, i., 333-335, 
349; Surry, ii., 237; Susquehanna, i., 
218; Sussex, i., 4, 92, 140; Tioga, i., 
219; Trumbull, i., 335, 342, 349, 350; 
ii., 200; Tuscarawas, i., 334; ii., 145, 
178, 186, 194; Venango, i., 262, 271; 
Warren, i., 92, 140, 142,185; Washing- 
ton, ii., 71,83, 237, 249, 338; Wayne, 
i., 218; ii., 185-187, 205, 208; West 
Augusta, ii., 77, 79; Westmoreland, i., 

269, 283, 285-288, 298, 313, 360; ii., 
71-73,76-78,82,84, 89,213; Whitley, ii., 
244; Wise, ii., 249; Woodford, ii., 249; 



Index 



405 



Counties — Continued 
Yohogania, ii., 77; York, i., 24; 40, 42, 

54. 55. 151. 174.237;"-. 232. 
Courcelles, or Courcelle, Daniel de Remy 

de, i., 27. 
Coursey, Henry, i., 45, 56, 57, 67, 69, 71, 

103. 
Cove Spring, i., 256, 274. 
Cowday, Daniel, ii., 388. 
Cowen, George, i., 254, 274. 
Cownsagret, Mingo chief, i., 366. 
Cox, Doctor, i., 166. 
Coxe, John, ii., 28. 

Coycacolenne, Shawnee counsellor, i., 305. 
Cozzens, Samuel, i., 364; ii., 329. 
Craft, David, i., 31. 
Craig, Andrew, ii., 64. 
Craig, Isaac, i., 246; ii., 83, 86. 
Crampton, James, ii., 361. 
Crantz, David, i., 197. 
Craven, John, ii., 361. 
Crawford, Eleanor, ii., 361, 373. 
Crawford, Hugh, i., 250, 253, 257, 259, 

262, 266, 269, 275; ii., 36, 155, 234, 247, 

264, 326, 329, 360, 369, 372, 374-376, 

378, 379- 
Crawford, Judah (Judith), ii., 360, 373. 
Crawford, Valentine, ii., 78, 80. 
Crawford, William, i., 381; ii., 66-68, 76, 

77, 80, 82. 
Crawford's Sleeping Place, Hugh, ii., 329, 

374- 
Crawley, James, ii., 330. 
Creamer, George, ii., 361. 
Creamer, Kate, ii., 360. 
Creamer, Windle (or Vendot), ii., 360. 
Creeks (also called Muscogees) , i., 11, 83, 

123, 150, 205, 298, 314; ii., 93, 240, 241, 

313.353.358. 
Creeks, see also under Rivers : 

Adiga or Adigo, i., 290, 293; ii., 83. 

Alliquippa's, i., 272, 278. 

Anderson's, i., 182, 215. 

Antietam, i., 170. 

Apple, ii., 205. 

Appoquinimink, i., 98. 

Appoquinimy, i., 91. 

Aughwick, i., 257. 

Aux Boeufs, i., 293, 308. 

Awandae, i., 245. See Towanda. 

Bald Eagle, i., 182; ii., 207, 213, 214, 
247, 291. 

Bear, i., 219; ii., 241. 

Beaver, i., 12, 282, 283, 321, 342, 362; 
ii., 20, 41, 182, 362, 368-370, 378, 
379. See Little Beaver. 

Beaver Dam, i., 260. 

Beaver Run, i., 286. 

Beech, i., 214. 

Big Bone, ii., 127, 215. 

Big Sandy, i., 334, 335; ii., 142, 145, 
178, 179, 183, 185, 186, 188, 198, 203. 

Big Sewickley, i., 313, 360. 

Big Stillwater, ii., 187, 188, 193, 194. 

Big Sycamore, ii., 243. 



Black Fork of Mohican, ii., 176, 184, 

186, 199, 207, 209, 210. 
Black Legs, i., 268, 297. 
Black Lick, ii., 199. 
Bloody Run, i., 277. 
Bottle, ii., 33, 161. 
Brandywine, i., 105, 109, 130, 152, 307, 

350; ii-. 333. 339- 
Brashear's, ii., 249. 
Breakneck, i., 349, 350. 
Brush, i., 288. 
Buck, ii., 280. 
Buffalo, ii., 196, 229. 
Bull, i., 269, 290, 312. 
Bullskin, ii., 249. 
Burgeon's Run, i., 260. 
Bushy Run, i., 287, 288; ii., 203, 382. 
Button Wood, ii., 196. 
Cabin, ii., 227. 
Cabin Branch, i., 54. 
Canachriage, i., 197. 
Canada, i., 244. 
Canoe, i., 259. 
Captain's, ii., 196. 

Captina, i., 260; ii., 120, 121, 196, 198. 
Carnahan's Run, i., 266-268, 297. 
Catawba, ii., 119, 141. 
Catawissa, i., 95, no. 
Catharine, ii., 102. 
Cayahage, or Cayahuga, i., 337, 338. 
Cedar, i., 91. 
Chartier's, i., 212, 272, 273, 347, 372; 

ii., 66-68, 78, 83, 196. 
Chartier's Run, i., 270, 352. 
Chest, i., 251. 
Chester, i., 97, 98, 180. 
Chillisquaque, i., 148, 162, 189-191, 

193. 195-197. 242, 252. 
Chiquesalunga, or Chickasalunga, i., 

162, 167, 170, 174, 175. 
Christina (corrupted to Christiana), 

i-. 15. 59. 90, 93. 96, 97. 100. I09. 130, 

152, 180; ii., 346. 
Clear, ii., 243. 
Clearfield, i., 215. 
Clover, ii., 243. 
Cobb's, i., 181. 
Cold Spring, i., 222. 
Conejacula, or Conejohela, i., 54. 
Conestoga, i., 35, 37, 41, 42, 45, 48, 54, 

55, 136, 151, 162, 166, 170, 171, 173, 

180, 181. 
Conewago, i., 12, 37, 42, 54, 162, 167, 

170, 176, 178, 179. 
Conewango, ii., 87, 238. 
Connoquenessing, i., 373. 
Connotton, ii., 178, 183, 188, 194. 
Conococheague, i., 170, 171; ii., 370. 
Conodoguinet, i., 176, 226, 253; ii., 232. 
Conoy, i., 151, 161, 170, 175, 181; ii., 

329- 
Corcosan (Kokosing), ii., 210. See 

Owl. 
Cowamahony, i., 275, 281, 282. 
Cowanesque, i., 219, 222, 247, 350. 



4o6 



Index 



Creeks — Continued 
Crabtree, i., 287. 
Cranberry, i., 100. 
Crooked, i., 263. 

Cross, i., 207; ii., 77, 141, 196, 198. 
Cush Cushon, i., 262. 
Cut, ii., 120. 

Deer, i., 146, 312; ii., 210, 280. 
Dewantaa, i., 32. See Towanda. 
Diadachton, i., 198. 
Dick's, i., 298. 
Doe Rtin, i., 152, 180. 
Drowning, i., 283. 
Dublin, i., 97. 
Duck, i., 91, 98, 104, 173. 
Dunlap's, ii., 331, 338. 
Dunning's, i., 280. 
Durham, i., 142. 
Eighteen Mile Run, i., 263. 
Elk, i., 336. 
Elk's Eye, i., 204; ii., 144, 145, 147. See 

River, Tuscarawas. 
Elk Horn Run, ii., 196. 
Finley, ii., 238. 
Finn's, i., 90. 
Fish, ii., 120, 

Fishing Creek, i., 162, 175; ii., 197. 
Flat, ii., 243. 
Flat Brook, i., 92, 142. 
Four Mile Run, i., 285, 289. 
Fourteen Mile Run, i., 286. 
French, i., 166, 262, 270, 293, 308, 342, 

370; ii., 42. 
Girty's Run, i., 271. 
Gist's, ii., 249. 
Grape- Vine, ii., 120. 
Grave, ii., 120, 121. 
Green, i., 321; ii., 181. 
Guesse's (Gist's), ii., 249. 
Guyandot, ii., 252. 
Hill Run, i., 260. 
Hockhocking, ii., 78, 142. 
Hughes's Fork, ii., 245. 
Hunting, ii., 245. 
Indian, ii., 244, 251. 
Inomey (Miami), ii., 260, 261. 
Jack's Run, i., 286. 
Jeremiah, i., 90. 
Jerome Fork of Mohican, ii., 185, 187, 

208-210. 
John Penn's, i., 234, 245, 282; ii., 57. 
Kawuntschhannink, i., 216. 
Keckenepaulin's, i., 269, 282, 283. 
Kenten Raiatanion, ii., 182. See Little 

Beaver. 
Kettle, ii., 389. 

Killbuck, ii., 149, 177, 208, 210. 
Kishacoquillas, i., 227, 245, 248, 298. 
Kiskiminetas, i., 266. 
Kittanning Run, i., 260. 
Kokosing, ii., 210. ^ee Owl. 
Lackawanna, i., 218. 
Lackawaxen, i., 94. 
Lacomie, ii., 197. 
Lake Fork of Mohican, ii., 187, 210. 



Larry's, i,, 214. 

Laurel, ii., 246. 

Laurel Fork, ii., 245. 

Le Tort's, i., 267; ii., 142, 143, 198. 

Lewes, ii., 344. 

Licking, i., 370; ii., 43, 149, 194, 195, 

244. 
Lifting, ii., 142. 
Likasa, i., 123. 
Limestone, ii., 204. 
Limping Messenger, i., 198. 
Little Beaver, i., 207, 372; ii., 179-183, 

186-188, 192, 193, 196, 198, 203. See 

Beaver Creek. 
Little Conestoga, i., 35, 181. 
Little Hocking, ii., 142, 197. 
Little Kanawha, i., 278; ii., 60, 140, 142, 

160, 197, 198. 
Little Muskingum, ii., 197. 
Little Salt Lick, ii., 248, 249. 
Little Stillwater, ii., 194. 
Little Toby, i., 213. 
Little Walnut, ii., 199. 
Loramie's, ii., 261. 
Loyalhanna, i., 267-269, 282, 285, 286, 

293, 297. 
Loyalsock, i., 200, 214, 223, 245, 247. 
Lulbegrud, i., 147 ;ii., 130, 134,213,215, 

220, 221, 240, 243, 246, 249, 250, 252, 
Lycoming, i., 81, 195, 198, 203, 214. 
Mad, ii., 5, 266, 278, 279, 335, 341. 
Mahanoy, i., 162, 234, 378. 
Mahantango, i., 163, 192, 247, 248. 
Mahoning, i., 182, 215, 262. 
Manalpan, i., 100. 
Maple, ii., 244. 
Margaret's, i., 204; ii., 145, 178, 205, 

208. See Sugar. 
Marsh, i., 182, 213. 
Maukosy, i., 221. 
Meadow, ii., 244. 
Middle, i., 203, 267; ii., 56. 
Middle Island, ii., 197. 
Mill, i., 40, 74, 143. 
Miller's Run, i., 285. 
Minquas, i., 59, 77, 89, 96, 97, 109. 
Mohican, ii., 207, 208. See Black Fork, 

Jerome Fork, Lake Fork, and Muddy 

Fork. 
Monocacy, i., 157, 172, 174; ii., 328, 347. 
Montour's, ii., 196. 
Montour's Run, i., 227, 254. 
Moshannon, i., 182, 213, 214. 
Muddy, ii., 187. 

Muddy Fork of Mohican, ii., 207, 208. 
Muddy Run, i., 162. 
Muncy, i., 95, 167, 187, 195, 197, 213, 

214. 
Muskingum, ii., 149. See Little Mus- 
kingum. 
Naked, ii., 245. 
Namaan's, i., 39, 60, 90. 
Negley's Run, i., 289. 
Nemenshehelas (Nimishillen), ii., 203, 

204. 



Index 



407 



Creeks — Continued 
Nescopeck, i., no. 
Neshaminey, i., 97-99. 
Neshannock, i., 341, 342, 348. 
Nine Mile Run, i., 285, 286. 
Occachappo, ii., 241. 
Octorara, i., 27, 38-41, 43, 45, 54, 130, 

152, 162. 
Oil, i., 343. 
Old Town, i., 168, 267, 303; ii., 141, 142, 

158, 197- 
Old Town Run, i., 267, 291 ; ii., 208. 
Olean, i., 221, 222. 
Olentangy, ii., 210. 
One Leg, ii., 188, 194. 
Oscohu, i., 32. 
Oswaya, i., 222, 247. 
Otter, i., 267; ii., 245.] 
Owego, i., 244. 
Owl, ii., 184, 187, 199, 210. See Ko- 

kosing. 
Paint, i., 146; ii., 118. 
Paint Lick, ii., 220. 
Patterson's, ii., 244. 
Paughchasewey's (or Sunfish), ii., 196. 
Paxtang, i., 176. 
Penn's, i., 245; ii., 57. See John Penn's 

Creek. 
Pennypack, i., 97, 98, 180. 
Pequea, i., 129, 135, 136, 149, 152, 158, 

160-162, 170, 171; ii., 347. 
Perkiomen, i., 98. 
Pickerel, ii., 172. 
Picking's Run, i., 269, 282. 
Pigeon, ii., 67. 
Pine, i., 198, 246, 250, 251, 271, 272, 367; 

ii-, 3, 9. 36, 37- 
Piney, i., 74. 
Pipe, ii., 196. 

Piscataway, i., 38, 49, 50, 55, 151. 
Plum, i., 263; ii., 59. 
Pocono, i., 219. 
Poquessing, i., 98. 
Pound Fork, ii., 251. 
Pymatuning, i., 331, 345, 346; ii., 201. 
Quatoochatoon, i., 192. 
Quemahoning, i., 268, 269, 275, 281, 282. 
Quing Quingus, i., 98. 
Raccoon, i., 360; ii., 59, 66, 67, 196. 
Ramsey's Run, i., 263. 
Rancokes, i., 91. 
Red Lick, ii., 220. 
Redstone, i., 105, 230, 376; ii., 14, 36, 

56, 332. 
Reedy, ii., 242. 
Rekempalin's misprint for Keckene- 

paulin's, which see. 
Richland, ii., 219. 
Robinson's, ii., 219. 
Robinson Run, ii., 83. 
Rocky, ii., 244. 
Ross Run, i., 262. 
Round Stone Lick, ii., 219, 245. 
Rush, ii., 280. 
Saline, ii., 44. 



Salt, ii., 205. 

Salt Lick, ii., 149. 

Sandy, i., 214; ii., 197, 201, 204. 

Second, ii., 102. 

Sequosackoo, i., 192. 

Sewickley, i., 298; ii., 59. 

Shade, i., 281. 

Shaver's, i., 258; ii., 340. 

Shawnee, i., 171, 191, 197. 

Shawnee Run, i., 92; ii., 195. 

Shearman's, i., 178, 227, 229, 254. 

Shekallamy's Run, i., 196. 

Shenango, i, 323, 331, 340-343. 345. 346, 

348, 349; ii., 201. 
Shohola, i., 218. 
Short, ii., 196, 310. 
Silver, i., 349. 
Sinking Run, i., 193, 196. 
Squaw, ii., 201. 
Standing Stone, ii., 373. 
Station Camp, ii., 220, 228, 245, 246, 

249, 252. 
Stinking, ii., 219. 
Stony, i., 281, 282, 284. 
Sugar, i., 32, 260; ii., 145, 178, 183, 205, 

208. See Margaret's. 
Sunfish, ii., 196-198. 
Swan Pond, ii., 244. 
Swatara, i., 162, 175, 179, 192. 
Three Legs, ii., 188, 194. 
Tiadachton, i., 81, 245. 
Tianaderha, i., 245. See Unadilla. 
Timmer-kill, ii., 345. 
Tinker's, i., 333, 334, 349, 350. 
Tionesta, i., 219. 
Tobeco, i., 213. 
Tobyhanna, i., 219. 
Towanda, or Awandae, or Dewantaa, 

i., 32, 245. 
Tubmill, i., 277. 
Tug Fork, ii., 246. 
Turkey, ii., 219, 243. 
Turtle, i., 179, 271, 288, 360,361, 372, 

374; ii., 59, 332. 
Tuscarora, i., 86, 235, 255, 256; u., 57. 
Twelve Mile Run, i., 285, 286. 
Two Lick, i., 263, 269, 298. 
Two Mile Run, i., 271, 289, 297, 361; 

ii., 22, 37, 59, 192. 
Unadilla, i., 245. See Tianaderha. 
Upland, i., 97, 98, 130. 
Venango, ii., 14. 
Vine, ii., 120. 
Vinord, ii., 26. 
Waketomika, ii., 194. 
Wallenpaupack, i., 218. 
Wallen's, ii., 237. 
Wanduchale's, ii., 142. 
Warren, ii., 123. 
Warriors' Run, i., 191, 195, 197. 
Water Street, i., 259. 
Wheeling, ii., 78. 196. 
White Clay, i., 97, 109, 160, 180. 
White Eyes, ii., 145, 177, 183. 
White Oak, i., 321; ii., 262. 



408 



Index 



Creeks — Continued 

White Woman's, i., 332. 

Whorekill, ii., 344. 

Wiconisco, i., 248, 249. 

Will's, i., 105, 230-232, 376; ii., 4-6, 193- 
195, 233. 

Wolf, ii., 198, 245. 

Wood, i., 245. 

Wyalusing, i., 32. 

Yellow, i., 380; ii., 73, 161, 187, 188, 
193, 194, 196, 198, 203, 243, 247. 

Yellow Breeches, i., 150, 171, 176, 307; 
ii., 232. 
Creighton, Robert, i., 286. 
Cresap, Michael, ii., 73. 
Cresap, Thomas, i., 40, 43, 55, 105, 156, 

174, 203, 224, 226, 291, 344, 347, 364; 

ii., 14, 56, 70, 230, 283, 319, 320, 330. 
Croghan (Crohon), Dennis, i., 277; ii., 

235. 382. 
Croghan, Edward, ii., 63. 
Croghan, George, i., xxiii., 5, 6, 17,18,22, 

80, 87, no. III, 113, 115, 176, 177, 

187, 212, 224, 225, 227-232, 238-242, 

244, 250-253, 256, 257, 271, 274, 275, 
289, 298, 312, 313, 319, 323, 324, 326, 
328-330, 340, 344. 346-348, 356, 357. 
359-362, 364-368, 371, 374, 376-380, 
383; ii., 1-86, 139, 145, 146, 148, 151, 
152,155-158,160-162, 166, 189, 190-192, 
207, 208, 214, 230, 231, 234,236, 250, 

252, 256, 262, 265, 267, 271, 272, 274, 
278, 279, 281, 282, 288, 291, 292, 316, 
317, 319, 325, 329, 330, 334, 341, 342, 
361, 362, 366, 367, 373, 379, 387; bio- 
graphy of, ii., 1-68. 

Croghan, George, Major, ii., 85. 

Croghan, Susanna, ii., 85. 

Croghan, William, ii., 85. 

Croghan's Gap, i., 253, 254. 

Croghan's Indian transactions. Memoir of, 

ii., II. 
Crohon, Dennis, i., 277; ii., 60, 235, 382. 

See Croghan. 
Crone, Conrad, ii., 360. 
Crone, Margaret, ii., 360. 
Crooked Legs, a captive, ii., 387. 
Cross, Samuel, i., 179; ii., 330. 
Cross, The, ii., 269, 271. 
Crowley, James, ii., 330. 
Crow's Town, ii., 195-197. 
Crozat's colony, i., 131. 
Crumrine, Boyd, ii., 77. 
Cumberland, i., 105, 106, 157, 232, 
Cumberland, Duke of, ii., 247. 
Cumberland, Ford, ii., 244. 
Cumberland Gap, i., 158; ii., 118, 119, 126, 

130, 141, 212, 216, 219, 228, 240, 243, 

245. 247- 

Cumberland Valley, i., 87, 174-176, 249, 

253, 256, 264, 291, 301, 307, 346, 353, 
355; 11-, 95- 

Cumming's Western Pilot, i., 289. 
Cunningham, James, i., 311; ii., 330. 
Cvmningham, Patrick, ii., 360. 



Cuoq, J., ii., 180. 

Curran, Barnaby, i., 347, 362, 372; ii., 144, 

147. 319, 330- 
Curry, Mark, ii., 380. 
Curvent, Arthur, ii., 361. 
Cusick, Albert, i., 151. 
Cusick, David, i., 10, 294. 
Custaloga, Delaware chief, i., in, 370. 
Custaloga's Town, ii., 21. 
Cut Finger Pete, Delaware captain, i., 238. 
Cuttawa {i.e., "black," the Shawnee name 

for th.e Cherokee) Trail, ii., 119. 
Cuttawas, ii., 117, 245, 252, 255, 275. See 

Cherokees. 
Cuyahoga Falls, i., 343. 
Cuyahoga Town, i., 226, 287, 324, 326, 

328, 350, 351; ii-. I. 369- 
Cuyahoga Trail, i., 350. 
Cuyler family, ii., 308. 
Cuzzens, Samuel, i., 364; ii., 329. 



D 



Dahadaghesa, Susquehannock chief, i., 43. 

D'Aigremont, see Aigremont. 

Daily, John, ii., 360. 

Daily, Sarah, ii., 360. 

Daily, Susan, ii., 361. 

Daly, Major, i., 243. 

Daniel, a Delaware, ii., 368, 369, 371, 372. 

Darby Valley, ii., 280. 

"Dark and Bloody Ground," ii., 119,216. 

Darlington, William M., i., 7, 13, 15, 33, 

199, 207, 285, 288, 321, 331, 345, 346; 

ii., 31, 36, 87, 126, 128, 144, 181, 187, 

192, 238, 249, 272. 
Dartmouth, Lord, ii., 393. 
Davenport, Jonah, or Jonas, i., 194, 206, 

207, 267, 269, 289, 294, 296, 309, 310, 

352; ii., 330, 349. 
Davenport, William, ii., 38, 235. 
Davidson, Robert, ii., 158. 
Davies, John, ii., 63. 
Davion, Antoine, ii., 107, 109. 
Davis, James, i., 163. 
Davis, Richard, i., 163. 
Davis, Solomon, ii., 330. 
Davison, John, i., 372; ii., 292, 330. 
Davison, Molly, ii., 387. 
Davison, Nancy, ii., 387. 
Day, Sherman, i., 269. 
Days, William, ii., 388. 
Debatable Land, i., 1-25. 
Deer, Iroquois words for, ii., 118. 
Deerfield, ii., 149. 
Deer-skins, how packed, ii., 222. 
Degarihogon, a Caughnawaga, ii. , 254. See 

Tekarihoken. 
Dehaes, John, i., 90. 
Dekanoagah, i., 42, 151, 152, 161; ii., 

328. See Conejohera. 
De Lancey, James, i., 373. 
Delavall, Captain, i., 57. 
Delaware clans, i., 88, in, 297. 
Delaware Falls, i., 12, 89, 92, 137. 



Index 



409 



Delaware Forks, i., 93, 107, no, 112, 135, 

144, 145, 147, 149, 155, 202, 354. 
Delaware George, a chief, i., in, 375; 

ii., 4, 381. 
Delaware Jack, ii., 380. 
Delaware, Ohio, ii., 210. 
Delaware Water Gap, i., 91, 92, 93, 143, 

145, 154, 218, 355; ii., 124. 
Delawares, i., 8, 10, 12, 13, 17, 22, 27, 32, 

39. 52, 71, 72, 77, 80, 82, 86, 88-118, 
130. 135- 152, 155. 160, 163, 167, 168, 
170, 171, 182-184, 188-190, 192, 193, 
195-197, 204, 206-209, 213, 216, 220, 
223, 227, 234, 235, 237-244, 246, 251, 
257, 259, 268, 272, 278, 281, 282, 289, 
290, 294-299, 307, 308, 313, 325, 326, 
331. 334. 335. 340-343. 346-348, 350. 
351, 354. 356, 357. 360, 362, 363, 365, 
366, 368-370, 372, 377-381; li., 3, 4, 9, 
II, 15-22, 24, 25, 27, 31, 33, 35, 36, 

40, 50, 56-59. 75. 76. 119, 130. 138, 140. 
141, 143, 149, 151, 159, 162, 182, 183, 
185, 186, 189, 193, 202-204, 210, 216, 
231, 234, 240, 251, 274, 276, 279, 287, 
288, 295-298, 305-307. 311. 315. 317, 
318, 351. 352, 360, 362, 368, 370, 377, 
380, 383, 384, 386, 388; Turkey tribe, 
i., 88, 90, 96, no; Turtle tribe, i., 88, 
96, 99, 104; Wolf tribe, i., 88, 91-96; 
Ohio, i., II, no; Shamokin, i., no; 
subdued by the Susquehannocks, i., 106, 
107; subdued by the Iroquois, i., 12; 
submit to Iroquois, i., 56, 57, 108; made 
tributaries of Iroquois, i., lOi; pay 
tribute, i., 100; send belts to Five 

- Nations, i., 102; receive war-belt from 
Iroquois, i., 103; made women by Iro- 
quois, i., 189, 190; cast off petticoats, 
i., 118; threaten Iroquois, i., 114; 
remove to Ohio country, i., no. 

De Lery, Sr., Chaussegros, ii., 126, 167, 
238. 

De Lery, Frangois Joseph, ii., 168. 

De Lery, Joseph Gaspard Chaussegros, 
ii., 167-183, 186, 187, 189, 206, 239. 

De Lery Journals, ii., 168. 

De Lery, Madame, ii., 175. 

De ITsle, Guilliame, i., 158; ii., 123. 

Demondidier, Anthony, i., 68. 

Demon's Den, the, i., 195. 

De Morville, Cadet, ii., 139. 

De Muy, Jacques Pierre Daneaux, ii., 170, 

175- 

Denny, Ebenezer, 11., 98. 

Denny, William, i., 114, 216, 257; ii., 
16-20, 159, 317, 359. 

Denonville, Jacques Rene de Brisay, Mar- 
quis de, i., 20, 32; ii., 121. 

De Noyan, Pierre Jacques Payan de, sieur 
de Chavois (Chanois), i., 304, 316; 
ii., 164. 

De Noyelles, Nicolas Joseph, sieur de 
Fleurimont, ii., 164, 258, 259. 

Densey, Hannah, ii., 388. 

Dentlinger's Mill, i., 181. 



Deoghsaghronty (Detroit), i., 326. 

Deonagano Town, i., 221. 

Deonandady, i., 233. 

De Peyster family, ii., 308. 

De Pui, Nicholas, i., 92. 

Desap (Dunlap), Robert, ii., 330. 

De Schweinitz, Edmund, i., 341. 

Desligneris, see Lignery. 

DeSoto, Fernando, ii., 92, 93, 115, 131. 

Detour d' Anglois, ii., 55. 

Detroit, i., 6, 23, 24, 177, 198, 240, 241, 
243. 301. 304. 315. 316-318, 320-322, 
324, 326-328, 331, 332, 334, 336, 337, 
343. 346. 350; ii.. 21, 22, 35, 56, 123, 
135-137. 163-166, 168-170, 173, 176, 
181, 183, 185, 188-190, 202, 207, 257, 
259, 260, 267, 270, 271, 284-288, 290, 
323, 362, 363, 368, 373-376. 390, 391. 

Devoy, James, h., 299, 330, 337. 

De Vries, David Pieterszen, i., 89, 106; 
ii., 344, 345. ^ ^ , _ 

Dewantaa, i., 32. See Creek, Towanda. 

Diahogo, i., xxiii., 237; ii., n. 5ee Tioga. 

Diamondville, i., 263. 

Dickson, Ben, a Delaware, ii., 371. 

Dictionary, Brinton's Lenape, i., 297; 
Cuoq's Iroquois, ii., 180; French 
Onondaga, i., 8, 336; Zeisberger's 
Lenape and Onondaga, i., 8, 336. 

Diermod, Jno., ii., 381. 

Diffenderfer, Frank R., i., 42. 

Dinnondadoes, i., 198. 5ee Tionnontates. 

Dinwiddie, Robert, i., 5, 79, 226-228, 
231, 236, 272, 339, 345, 364, 368, 372, 
373. 376; ii-, 4. 15- 16, 66, 159, 230, 
283, 298. 

Dixon, William, ii., 331. 

Dobbs, Arthur, i., 5. 

Dobcrick, Matthias, ii., 360. 

Dobson, Joseph, ii., 234, 235, 331. 

Dobson, Pieter, ii., 55. 

Doegs, i., 49. 

Doe Run post-office, i., 152. 

Dollier, ii., 90. 

Domini Buck, see Taminy Buck. 

Donaldson, Thomas, i., 13. 

Donegal Church, i., 181. 

Donegal Tr.a.ders, i., 161-181. 

Donehoe, John, ii., 387. 

Dongan, Thomas, i., 4, 54, 109. 

Douay, Anastasius, ii., 99, lOl. 

Dougell, John, ii., 331. 

Douglas, Andrew, i., 265. 

Doughty, Arthur T., i., xi. 

Douthett, Mr., ii., 141. 

Douville, Sieur, ii., 259. 

Downey, William, ii., 360. 

Downingtown, i., 181. 

Dragging Canoe, Cherokee chief, ii., 119. 

Drake, Samuel G., ii., 85. 

Draper, Lyman C, i., 146, 381; ii., 134, 
212, 213, 230, 231, 233, 240, 246. 

Draper Manuscripts, ii., 122. 

Draper's Account of John Finley, ii., 213- 
229. 



410 



Index 



Draper's Meadow Massacre, ii., 157. 

Dresden, ii., 149,, 194. 

Drogharty, Dennis, ii., 361. 

Dromgold, i., 254. 

Drunkenness among the Indians, ii., 307- 

314- 

Drury, Robert, 1., 128, 129. 

Dry Gap Road, i., 261. 

Dublin, ii., i, 330. 

Dublin Mills, i., 276. 

Dubrois, Captain, i., 135, 169. 

Dubuisson, Joseph Guyon, ii., 259, 260. 

Duchesneau, Jacques, i., 132. 

Duffel, origin of the term, ii., 315. 

Duffield, George, i , 86, 284, 379. 

Duguid, John, ii., 331. 

Dulany, Daniel, i., 116. 

Dum (Dunn?), Pat'k, ii., 381. 

Dumas, Captain, i., 346, 348. 

Dumuy, see De Muy. 

Duncan & Wilson, Traders, i., 349. 

Duncan's Falls, ii., 195, 198, 381. 

Duncastle, John, ii., 360. 

Dundas, Thomas, i., 277; ii., 60. 

Dunlap, Arthur, ii., 331. 

Dunlap, Matthew, i., 179; ii., 331. 

Dunlap, Robert, ii., 331. 

Dunlap, William, i., 179, 180, 309; ii., 331. 

Dunmore, Lord, ii., 66, 71, 73, 74, 77-80. 

Dunmore's War, i., 246, 381; ii., 76, 237. 

Dunn, Jacob P., Jr., ii., 262. 

Dimning, James, also written Denning, 
Dennin, Denny, etc., i., 232, 280, 281, 
287, 288, 309, 325, 331; robbed, 311. _ 

Dunning, Robert, i., 251, 253, 310; ii., 

331, 337- 
Dunning's Sleeping Place, James, 1., 280, 

287,288. 
Du Poisson, Paul, ii., 103. 
Duquesne, Ange, sieur de Menneville, i., 

20, 23, 339, 369; ii., 285, 290. 
Durant, P. A. and S. W., i., 340, 341. 
Durham, i., 143, 186, 188. 
Durham Furnace, i., 92. 
Durham Iron Works, i., 142, 145, 185, 

186. 
Dutch assist Mohawks, i., 28. 
Dutch Traders of New York, i., 2-5. 
Dutch captives ransomed, i., 27, 28, 31. 
Dutch colonies, Indian trade in, i., 76. 
Dutch embassy to Maryland, i., 77. 
Dutch Girl, a captive, ii., 388. 
Dutch John, a captive, ii., 388. 
Dutch Sarah, a captive, ii., 388. 
Dutch West India Company, i., 76, 108. 
DuVivier, Lieut., ii., 239. 
Dyioquario, Iroquois chief, i., 79, 233. 

E 

Eagle, The, an Indian, i., 333. 
Ealochelan, Delaware chief, i., loi. 
East Prospect, i., 54. 

Easton, i., 206, 216, 218, 219 239, 350, 
378; ii., 17-20, 23, 24, 317. 



Ebenezer, a captive, ii., 387. 

Economy, i., 289, 355, 383. 

Ecuyer, Simon, i., 288, 313; ii., 26, 27, 
234. 368. 

Edenburg, i., 340; ii., 201. 

Edenton,i., 15. 

Edgar, William, ii., 382. 

Edge Hill, i., 97. 

Edgell, Simon, i., 192. 

Edinburgh, ii., 393. 

Edisto, i., 123. 

Edmondson, John, i., 64. 

Edmund's Swamp, i., 174, 275, 284, 291. 

Edny, John, ii., 380. 

Edward I., ii., 91. 

Eghisara, Eghnisara, Enguisara, etc., An- 
drew Montour's Iroquois name, i., 366. 

Egle, William H., i., 164, 176, 192, 208, 
246; ii., 85. 

Egohohowen, Minsi chief, i., 96, no, 
205. 

Eighso (Ichsua), i., 222. 

Elalapis, Delaware chief, i., 105. 

Elder, John, ii., 232. 

Elder, Joshua, i., 258. 

El Dorado, i., 260. 

Elk, Seneca word for, ii., 118. 

Elliott, Matthew, ii., 82. 

Ellis, Franklin, i., 86, 254. 

Ellis, John, ii., 134. 

Englehart, Andrew, ii., 331. 

English alliance with western Indians, i., 
22, 383. 

English captives, ii., 311. 

English claims to Ohio country, i., 21. 

English limits in 1755, i., 2i_. 

Ensanques, Delaware chief, i., 88. 

Entatsogo, Sault chief, ii., 164. 

Entouhonorons, i., 29; meaning of, 28. 

Erie, meaning of the word, i., 8. 

Eriechronons, i., 11, 35. See Eries. 

Eries, i., 10, 12, 16, 17, 19, 33, 35, 60, 63, 
120, 158, 336, 351; ii., 93-95. 97. 116, 
121-123, 168, 182; broken, i., 9; seat 
of, i., 12, 13; Morgan's name for, i., 10; 
language same as Huron, i., 9, 13; 
identified with the Rickohockans,_i., 14; 
an off-shoot of the Senecas, i., 10; 
identified with the Shawnees, i., 13; 
also called Tongorias, ii., 122. 

Erigas (Eries), i., 12, 336. 

Erighaks (Eries), ii., 123. 

Errett, Russell, i., 13. 

Erskine, Jonas, i., 41. 

Erwehongh, Delaware chief, i., 90. 

Erwin, Luke, ii., 146, 189, 190. See Ir- 
win. 

Esaws (Catawbas), i., 10; ii., 118, 119. 

Eschen Town, i., 216. 

EsKiPPAKiTHiKi, or Blue Lick Town, i., 
147; ii., 92, 130, 213, 215, 216, 220, 
230, 240, 246, 249, 250, 252, 255, 256; 
meaning of, 256. See Blue Lick Town 
and Little Pict Town. 

Esopus, i., 128, 136, 137, 141; ii., 124. 



Index 



411 



Essepenaike, Delaware chief, i., 97, 98, 

105. 
Etna, i., 271. 

Ettwein, John, i., 182, 213, 214, 217, 262. 
Evans, Evan, i., 163. 
Evans, Jabez, ii., 155, 216, 253-256, 331. 
Evans, Jacob, ii., 155, 216, 253-256, 331. 
Evans, John, i., 37, 102, 135, 144, 150, 

161, 167, 170, 172; ii., 299, 330, 332, 

337. 
Evans, Lewis, i., 12, 37, 38, 54, 55, 197, 

314. 333. 334. 340; ii., 98, 117. 142, 

179, 182, 187, 245, 255, 256. 
Evans, Samuel, i., 178, 277; ii., 267, 335. 
Everett, i., 178, 277. 
Everlow, John, ii., 360. < 
Ewing, Alexander, ii., 360. 
Ewing, Jasper, ii., 82. 
Ewing, John, i., 277. 
Ewing, Thomas, i., 178; ii., 284. 
Exeter, i., 206. 



y 



Fairfax, Colonel, Mohawk Mingo chief, 
i., 79. 

Fairfax, William, i., 227, 271; ii., 3, 14, 
230. 

Fairfield, ii., 149. 

Falkner, Thomas, i., 163. 

Falls, see also under the name of the 
river: Amos's, i., 27, 45; Conewago, 
12, 37, 45, 46, 53-55; Delaware, 12, 
89, 92; James, 13, 14; Potomac, 49, 62, 
134; Smith's, 27; Susquehanna, 12, 37, 
38, 72, 77; Trenton, 91; Wyalusing, 32. 

Famine Bay, i., 158. 

Far Nations, i., 136, 137, 142, 198. 

Farmar, Edward, i., loi, 167, 172, 173. 

Farmar, Jasper, i., 163; ii., 304. 

Farmer, Robert, ii., 38. 

Farrer, John, i., 163. 

Faulkner, Joseph, ii., 146, 189-191, 268, 
280, 281, 332. See Fortiner. 

Fauquier, Francis, ii., 382. 

Feagan, Patrick, ii., 361. 

Feather Dance, the, ii., 277. 

Feetee, Minisink chief, i., 94, 144. 

Feomus, Delaware chief, i., 98. 

Ferguson, Dougal, ii., 352. 

Femow, Berthold, i., 332. 

Ferris, Benjamin, i., 164. 

Ficklin, Joseph, ii., 242. 

Field, John, ii., 361. 

Fields, John, i., 286. 

Filson, John, i., 6; ii., 212,216, 218, 228, 
236, 250. 

Findley, James, ii., 213. 

Findley, William, ii., 213. 

Finlas, , a Trader, ii., 240. 

Finley, Alice, ii., 232. 

Finley, Ann, ii., 387. 

Finley, Elizabeth, ii., 233. 

Finley, Esther, ii., 233. 

Finley, George, ii., 237. 



Finley, James, i., 226, 364; ii., 229. 

Finley, James B., ii., 213, 229. 

Finley, John, i., 174, 177, 217, 226, 364; 

ii-, 2, 38, 57, 134, 155, 230, 330, 333, 

352, 360, 373; account of 212-240; 

leads Boone to the Blue Lick or Little 

Pict Town, i., 147. 
Finley, Margaret, ii., 233. 
Finley, Samuel, ii., 213, 231. 
Finley, Thomas, ii., 213. 
Finley, William Atchison, ii., 240. 
Fire Hunt, the, ii., 352. 
Fire Nation (Mascoutins), i., 11, 120; 

ii., 135. 
Fire strikers, the, ii., 96. 
Fishback, Margaret, ii., 388. 
Fishback, Susannah, ii., 388. 
Fisher, John, i., 207, 295; ii., 305, 306, 

332, 352. 
Fitch, Mr., ii., 64. 
Fithian, Philip Vickers, i., 257. 
Fitzherbert, Edward, i., 64. 
Fitzpatrick, Timothy, i., 309; ii., 332. 
Five Nations, see Iroquois. 
Flanagan, William, ii., 215, 242. 
Flat Heads, i., 18, 19, 150, 186; ii., 118, 

123, 161, 164, 170, 254, 265. 
Flat Heads of the West, ii., 165. 
Flat Lick, ii., 219, 247. 
Fleet, Edward, i., 62, 63. 
Fleet, Henry, i., 35, 62, 63. 
Fleming, Samson, ii., 375. 
Fletcher, Benjamin, i., 134, 139-141, 143. 
Flickinger, J. R., i., 254. 
Florida, i., 30, 123, 154; ii., 93, 100, 115, 

313; Spaniards of, 244; West, 54. 
Flowing Spring, i., 259. 
Floydsburgh, ii., 249. 
Folkison, Ann, ii., 388. 
Forbes, John, i., 217, 239, 240, 268, 342, 

350; ii., 19, 20, 160, 325, 331, 370. 
Forbes's expedition, i., 282, 283, 285, 

286; ii., 373. 
Forbes's Road, i., 249, 277; ii., 327. 
Force, Manning F., i., 131; ii., 93. 
Forks, see under the name of the river. 
Forks of the Path, ii., 187. 
Forks of the Road, i., 251, 286. 
Fortiner, Joseph, ii., 190. 191. See Faulk- 
ner. 
Forts: 

Alabama, ii., 134, 241, 358. 

Amsterdam, 59, 90. 

Augusta, i., 212, 213, 217, 241, 242, 244; 
ii., 16, 24, 240. 

Aux Boeufs, i., 339; ii., 27, 156. 

Bedford, i., 27. 

Beversrede, i., 89. 

Bute, ii., 53. 

Cadaracqui, ii., 269. 

Chartres, i., 244; ii., 25, 33. 38-40, 45, 
46, 48-51, 55. 137, 142. 153- 154, 156, 
234-236, 252, 265, 286. 

Choueguen, ii., 133. See Oswego. 

Christina, i., 64, 77. 



412 



Index 



Forts — Continued 

Cohunche, i., 83. 

Conestoga, i., 16, 37, 81. 

Cotechney, i., 83. 

Cresap's, i., 43, 55. 

Crevecoeur, i., 131-133; ii-- 95. 121. 

Croghan's, ii., q. 

Cumberland,!., 233, 236 278, 377; 
ii., 6, 15, 16, 159. 

Demolished, i., 27, 37, 41, 44, 151. 152. 
180. 

Detroit, i., 203, 226, 249; ii., 22, 24, 27, 
163, 164, 206, 209, 256, 266, 269, 283, 
291, 368, 369, 378, 379- 

Dunmore, ii., 77. 

DuQUESNE, i., 5, 23, 105, 155, 177,230, 
239, 282, 283, 285, 286, 288, 289, 
308, 335, 337. 339. 342, 346. 348, 350, 
377, 378; ii., 4, 5. 9. 13. 14. 19. 20, 
71, 159, 160, 168-170, 178, 180, 183, 
203, 206, 209, 325, 327, 360, 370. 

Edward, i., 238, 239; ii., 11, 18. 

English, on lower Ohio, i., 18. 

Erie, i., 337; ii., 392, 393. 

Fincastle, ii., 78. 

French, i., 361, 370; ii., 4, 5. 

French, on Lake Erie, i., 226. 

French, on Ohio in 1732, i., 299, 339. 

Frontenac, i., 131-133; ii., 90, 96. 

Granville, i., 249, 289. 

Herkimer, i., 239; ii., 18. 

Indian, ii., 242. 

James, i., 4; ii., 346. 

Johnson, i., 238, 239; ii., 11, 18, 31. 

King George, i., 123. 

Kyhogo, ii., 283. 

La Baye, ii., 23, 48, 49, 379. 

La Demoiselle, ii., 264, 284, 285, 290. 

La Motte, i., 198. 

Le Boevif, ii., 27. See Aux Boeufs. 

Ligonier, i., 241, 268, 284-287, 289, 
378. 

Littleton, i., 378; ii., 24, 27. 

Loudoun, ii., 17, 27, 31, 32. 

Loyalhanna, i., 308. 

Mcintosh, i., 382, 383; ii., 203. 

McKee's, i., 209, 212. 

Machault, i., 271, 316, 334. 

Massiac, ii., 44, 48, 49, 137. 

Mattawoma, i., 58. 

Miamis, i., 322; ii., 23, 27, 189, 255, 
259-261, 263-268, 270, 281, 282, 286, 
287, 322-324, 332, 338, 365, 374, 
376, 378, 379- 

Michillimackinac, ii., 23, 27, 133, 163, 

363-365. 377- 
Minquas', i., 46, 47. 
Mobile, i., 123. 
Nassau, i., 59, 89; ii., 345. 
Natchez, ii., 52. 
Natchitoche, ii., 53. 
Necessity, i., 230, 278, 376; ii., 4. 
Niagara, i., 292; ii., 22, 27, 81, 85, 87, 

132, 164, 238, 256, 267, 269, 270, 282, 

360, 389, 390, 393. 



Nicolas's, ii., 181. 

Nohoroco, i., 83. 

Octorara, i., 39, 41, 43. 

Ohio, i., 22; ii., 13, 14, 268. 

Ohio Company's, i., 227, 229, 230. 

Ohio Forks, i., 25, 366, 376. 

Ohio River, i., 18, 299, 339, 361. 

Onondaga, i., 29. 

Oplandt, ii., 344. 

Oswego, i., 368; ii., 133, 267, 282, 288, 

308. 
Ottawa, ii., 181, 206, 209. 
Ouiatanon, ii., 27, 374, 376. 
Pianguichia, ii., 153. 

PiCKAWILLANY, i., 21; ii., 264, 274, 282, 

284, 285, 290, 292-294, 298, 299. 

Piscataway, i., 49, 55, 74. 

Pitt, i., 104, iii, 155, 178, 203, 208, 
212, 240, 241, 244-246, 284, 286- 
288, 313, 321, 337, 338, 379.380,383; 
ii., 2, 3, 20-22, 24-29, 32, 33, 35- 
44. 50. 55. 56, 58, 60, 64, 66-69, 71, 
77, 78-82, 84, 85, 142, 161, 186, 192, 
196, 198, 202, 204, 205, 207, 210, 211, 
234, 235, 252, 319, 325, 329, 336, 341, 
360-362, 367, 368, 370, 373, 374, 377- 
380, 383, 384- 386-388. 

Potomac, Susquehannock, i., 42, 51, 
54. See Susquehannock and Pis- 
cataway. 

Presq' Isle, i., 339^ ii., 14, 21, 27, 168, 
206, 209. 

Robinson's, i., 254, 343. 

Sables, des, ii., 123. 

St. Joseph, ii., 23, 27, 48, 379. 

St. Louis, i., 125-127, 131-134, 137, 158, 
353; ii., 91, 93-96, 115, 121. 

Sandusky, i., 241, 321 ; ii., 27, 146, 168, 
169, 181, 189, 206, 209, 268, 270; ii., 
189, 327, 368, 369, 378. 

Schlosser, ii., 27. 

Schuylkill, i., 77. 

Seneca, i., 16, 74. 

Shirley, i., 256, 257, 259, 264; ii., 10. 

Stanwix, i., 244, 245, 278, 359; ii., 36, 
58-60. 

Susquehannock, i., 18, 27, 42, 44, 47, 
48, 50, 51, 71; ii., 97. 

Ticonderoga, i., 239. 

Twightwee, ii., 264. See Pickawillany. 

Vance's, ii., 157. 

Vaux's, ii., 157. 

Venango, i., 213, 214, 217, 339, 346, 
348; ii., 21, 27. 

Vincennes, ii., 287! 

Virginia, ii., 3, 84, 156, 342. 

Wayne, i., 147, 203, 322; ii., 35, 259, 
263, 270, 322. 

William Henry, i., 137. 

Zachaiah, i., 58, 68, 69. 
Forty Mile Lick, i., 263. 
Fowke, Gerard, i., 6. 
Fowler, William, ii., 360, 
Fox, George, i., 38. 
Fox, Mr., ii., 24. 



Index 



413 



Foxes (also called Outagamis), i., 13, 121, 

122; ii., 117, 364. 
Frank, Stephen, a fictitious person, i., 

259, 260. See Stevens, Frank. 
Frank Stephens's Town, i., 259. See 

Frankstown. 
Frank Stevens's Town, i., 298. See 

Frankstown. 
Frankfort, i., 146; ii., 249. 
Franklin, Benjamin, i., xvi., xxiv., 12, 81, 

116, 227, 371; ii., 60, 64, 216, 240, 307. 
Franklin, William, ii., 64. 
Franks, David, i., 259, 277; ii., 7, 28, 59, 

382. 
Franks, Jacob, i., 259. 
Franks, Moses, i., 259; ii., 28. 
Frankstown, i., 156, 215, 251, 252, 256, 

259, 261, 262, 264, 275, 279, 280, 291, 

298; ii., 326, 341. 
Frankstown Path, i., 183, 215, 217, 247- 

275. 291, 344- 
Franquelin, Jean Baptiste Louis, ii., 88, 

91-95-97- 

Franse, Eliz., ii., 387. 

Fraser, Alexander, ii., 33, 35. 

Fraser, or Frazier, John, i., 179, 227, 271, 

367. 370, 372, 374; ii-. 3. 159. 266, 332, 

335. 341- 
Freelands, John, ii., 388. 
Freeling, Peggy, ii., 388. 
Freeport, i., 297. 
Fregstaff, Henry, ii., 361. 
Fremont, i., 321. 
French claims to Ohio country, i., 18-21; 

ii., 258; allies to the Hurons, i., 23; 

limits in North America, ii., 121; posts, 

misfortunes at, i., 23; in the West, 79; 

weakness in the West in 1752, i., 23, 24. 
French Andrew, i., 227. 
French, Benjamin F., ii., 122. 
French, Hugh, i., 50. 
French, John, i., 35, 84, 136, 152, 208; 

ii-. 347- 
French, Nathaniel, ii., 84. 
French Catharine's Town, i., 206. 
French Company, the, ii., 304. 
French Fort, i., 371. 
French House on Cuyahoga, i., 333, 334. 

See Saguin. 
French Lick, ii., 241. 
French Margaret Montour, i., 202-206, 

245; ii-. 57- 
French Margaret's Town, i., 203-205; 

ii., 279. 
French Mohawks, i., 177, 331. See 

Caughnawagas. 
French Town, i., 200, 377. 
French war, i., 383; ii., 322. 
Friedenshutten, i., 219, 222, 244. 
Friedenstadt, i., 331, 346. 
Frisbie, Levi, i., 284. 
Froehlich, Christian, i., 355. 
Frontenac, Louis de Buade, Comte de, 

i., xiv., 47,48,201; ii., 88, 98, loi. 
Froom, Corse, i., 186; ii., 332. 



Froson, Mingo chief, i., 79, 233. 

Fry, Joshua, i., 80, iii, 227, 272, 348, 

365- 
Fugitives' Camp, ii., 176, 181, 206. 
Fuller, William, i., 38. 
FuUerton, Nelly, ii., 388. 
Fulneck, Matthew, ii., 361. 
Furloy, Benjohan, i., 166. 
Fur Trade, Colden's Memoir on the, ii., 

302. 
Futhey, J. Smith, ii., 326-343. 



G, C, and K are interchangeable in Iro- 
quoian words. 

Gabriel, George, i., 234, 282; ii., 57. 

Gachgawatschiqua, see Kakowatcheky. 

Gachoos, i., 16, 31, 33. 

Gachtochwawunk, i., 219. 

Gachunannagon, ii., 127. 

Gage, Thomas, ii., 28, 32, 36, 38-40, 55, 
56, 58, 68, 70, 84, 383, 384. 

Gaguagaono, Morgan's name for the 
Eries, i., 10. 

Gabon toto, i., 32. 

Galasko, Delaware warrior, i., 216. 

Galbraith, James, i., 175, 251; ii., 332. 

Galbraith, James, Jr., ii., 332. 

Galbraith, John, i., 163, 175; ii., 332. 

Galbraith's Mills, i., 178. 

Gale, Thomas, i., 163. 

Galinee, Rene de Brehant de, i., 63, 121; 
ii., 87, 90, 116. 

Gallatin, Albert, i., xxi., 159; ii., 256. 

Ganagarahhare, i., 270. 

Ganawaca, i., 221. 

Ganawese, i., 8, 43, 59, 100, 135; ii., 97, 
120, 305, 316, 347; tributaries to Iro- 
quois, i., 135. 5ee Conoys a?z^ Piscata- 
ways. 

Ganawese Town, i., 161. 

Gandastogegas, ii., 97. 

Ganeiensgaas, ii., 96. 

Gannaouens, ii., 97. 

Gannes, Cadet de, ii., 239. 

Gansevoort family, ii., 308. 

Gantastogeronnons, i., 11. 

Gantastogues, i., 35. 

Gap, the, i., 152, 180, 181. 

Gap and Newport turnpike, i., 180. 

Garland, John, i., 77; ii., 332. 

Garland, Susanna, i., 77. 

Garland, Sylvester, i., 42, 152, 171, 180; 

ii-, 332- 
Gamier, Julien, i., 120. 
Gaspe, Aubert de, ii., 239. 
Gateau, Nicolas, ii., 332. 
Gates, Horatio, i., 240; ii., 20. 
Gatschet, Albert S., i., xxi., 11, 35, 63, 

123, 159, 298, 314, 336; ii., 93. 
Geinahaga, ii., 381. ^ee Cuyahoga. 
Gekelmukpechunk, ii., 189. See New 

Comer's Town. 
Gemmill, John, i., 258. 



414 



Index 



Geneva, ii., 85. 

Gentaienton, ii., 94. 

George II., ii., 8. 

George, Joseph, ii., 360. 

George, Robert, ii., 74. 

Georgetown, i., 207, 210, 212, 248. 

Georgia, i., 122, 154, 158, 298, 312; ii., 
133. 240. 

Gerge (Jersey), ii., 190. 

Germans aid Quakers in Assembly, i., 25. 

German Flats, ii., 11, 18; destroyed, i., 239. 

Gest, Samuel, ii., 380. 

Gibson, George, i., 254. 

Gibson, John, i., xiii., 277, 380-382; ii., 
60, 71, 77, 81, 370, 378, 379, 382. 

Gibson's squaw killed, John, i., 380, 381. 

Gibson's Narrative, Hugh, i., no, 343. 

Gichauge (Cuyahoga), ii., 369, 379. 

Gilbey, James, ii., 361. 

Gilmore, Eliz., ii., 387. 

Gilmore, Eliz., Jr., ii., 387. 

Gilmore, John, ii., 387. 

Girty, James, ii., 82. ^ 

Girty, Simon, i., 178, 203, 287, 382; ii., 81, 
82, 210. 

Girty, Sr., Simon, ii., 332. 
1/ Girty, Simon, an Indian, ii., 380. 

Girty, Thomas, ii., 82. 

Gist, Christopher, i., 105, 148, 177, 204, 
227, 231, 269, 279, 281-284, 286, 288, 
289, 291, 334, 340, 348, 361, 365, 367, 
371-373; ii-. 4. 13. 14. 16, 139, 141, 143, 
152, 155. 158, 183, 187, 189, 242, 244, 
247, 249-251, 271, 272, 279, 282, 330, 
334. 336. 373; Journals oi, 13, 143-152, 
247-249, 272-279. 

Gist, Thomas, ii., 80. 

Givens, James, ii., 381. 

Gladwin, Henry, ii., 374. 

Gloucester, i., 89. 

Gloucester Point, ii., 345. 

Gloucestershire, ii., 315. 

Gnadenhutten, ii., 210. 

Gnaw, B. C, i., 55. 

Godin, Nicole, i., 167, 170, 172, 173; ii., 
305. 352. 

Godfroy, Jacques, ii., 376. 

Godyn, Samuel, i., 88, 89; ii., 344. 

Goe, William, ii., 77. 

Gooch, William, i., 325. 

Good, Jacob, ii., 388. 

Goodman, Alfred T., i., 321-323. 

Gookin, Charles, i., 80, 84, 165. 

Gordon, Catharine, duchess of, ii., 62. 

Gordon, Harry, i., 291; ii., 6, 39, 40, 51, 
55, 61 ; journal of, 40-55. 

Gordon, Patrick, i., 103, 109, 142, 145, 
149, 156, 184, 185, 187, 189, 193, 196, 
203, 267, 289, 292, 295, 297, 299, 300, 
307. 309. 312, 347 ; ii-. 125. 258, 305, 352. 

Goschgoschunk, i., 215, 219, 221, 341, 
343; ii., 189, 291. 

Gouin, Sieur, ii., 172, 173, 175. 

Gould, Molly, ii., 388. 

Graham, Edward, ii., 360. 



Graham, George, ii., 333. 

Graham, John, ii., 360. 

Grant, Charles, ii., 32. 

Grant, James, i., 286. 

Grant post-office, i., 247, 261, 262. 

Gratz, Bernard, ii., 67, 82, 83. 

Gratz, Michael, ii., 83. 

Graven, Mary, ii., 387. 

Graver, John, ii., 380. 

Gravier, Jacques, ii., 103, 109, 122; ii., 

102, 103, 109, 122. 
Gray, John, ii., 333. 
Grayson, Mr., ii., 80. 
Great Bend, ii., 141, 197. 
Great Buffalo Lick, ii., 255. 
Great Cove, ii., 32. 
Great Crossing, ii., 6. 
Great Flats, i., 187. 
Great Gap, ii., 214. 
Great Hill, Delaware chief, i., 295, 300; 

ii., 306. See Mechouquatchugh. 
Greathouse, Daniel, i., 380; ii., 73. 
Great Island, i., 187. 
Great Meadows, i., 79, 80; ii., 4, 6, 15, 

187, 281. 
Great Mortar, Creek chief, ii., 358. 
Great River, Iroquois name for the Ohio, 

i., 290, 294. 
Great River Town, i. , 1 82 . See Kittanning. 
Great Swamp, i., 219. 
Great Warriors' Path, ii._, 245, 255. 
Great Warriors' Road, ii., 240, 249, 252. 
Great Warriors' Trail, ii., 92, 119, 125, 130. 
Green, Tom, ii., 370, 371, 381. 
Greenbery, Nicholas, i., 126. 
Greenfield, John, ii., 360. 
Greenland Company, the, i., 62. 
Greensburg, i., 286. 
Greenville, i., 263. 
Greenwood, Mary, ii., 387. 
Grenadier's Squaw, the (Cornstalk's 

sister), ii., 388. 
Grenadier Squaw's Town, ii., 388. 
Grew, Theophilus, i., 275. 
Grey, John, ii., 155. 
Grice, Richard, i., 163. 
Grist, John, i., 163. 
Groenendyck, Peter, i., 64. 
Grube, Bernard Adam, i., 204. 
• Guss, A. L., i., 33, 86, 98, 99. 
Gustavus Adolphus, i., 97. 
Guthrey, John, ii., 388. 
Guttery, William, ii., 361. 
Guyashuta, Seneca Mingo chief, i., 287, 

288, 373, 381, 382; ii., 80, 235. Also 

written Kayashuta, Kiasuta, etc. 
Gwahago, i., 333. See Cuyahoga. 

H 

Hackensack, i., 140. 
Hadley, John, ii., 36X. 
Haga, Mohawk and Susquehannock-Iro- 
quois word for people, or nation, ii,, 123^ 
Hagerstown, ii., 79, 



Index 



415 



Hague, John, ii., 362. 

Haines, John, i., 42, 55. 

Haldeman, Dr. i., 42. 

Haldimand Papers, i., 7. 

Hale, Horatio, i., xxi., 10, 294; ii., 119. 

Hale, John P., ii., 157, 237. 

Half King, or Tanacharisson, Seneca 
Mingo chief, i., 79, 228, 230, 231, 254, 
271, 278,345, 365, 366,368, 370-375. 
See Tanacharisson. 

Halifax, Earl, ii., 28. 

Hall, Dennis, ii., 361. 

Hall, Isaac, ii., 360. 

Hall, Richard, i., 179. 

Halsey, Francis W., ii., 60, 64. 

Hambough, Frederick, ii., 379. 

Hambright, John, i., 217. 

Hamilton, Andrew, i., 166; ii., 12. 

Hamilton, Hance, ii., 373. 

Hamilton, James, i., 22, 87, iii, 175, 176, 
179. 183, 224, 226, 228, 230, 231, 241, 
245, 271, 350, 359, 361, 364, 368, 369, 
371, 372, 374; li-. 3-5. 7. 12-14, 24, 
66, 155, 156, 158, 190, 230, 253, 264, 
265, 281, 288, 289, 317, 320, 333, 337, 

377- 
Hancock's Town,vi., 83. 
Hanna, Robert, i., 287; ii., 73, 76. J 
Hannastown, i., 286, 287; ii., 71-73, 76, 

78- 

Hanover, ii., 144, 188. 

Hansen, Lourens, ii., 346. 

Hanson, Randolph, or Randall, i., 45, 49, 
50. 

Hardwick's Patent, ii., 63. 

Hardy, Charles, ii., 9, 10, 159. 

Hare, William, i., 242, 243. 

Harignera, Susquehannock chief, i., 47-50. 

Harlin, Ezekiel, ii., 333. 

Harman, Charles, i., 63. 

Harmer, Godtfried, i., 77. 

Harnider, France Ferdinanders, ii., 360. 

Harnse, Commissary, i., 65. 

Harper, Eve, ii., 387. 

Harper, John, ii., 65. 

Harrickintom's Town, ii., 149. 

Harris, James, i., 179; ii., 326, 360. 

Harris, Elizabeth, i., 177, ii., 232, 233, 
236. 

Harris, Esther, i., 176, 310. 

Harris, John, i., 163, 164, 176, 177, 180, 
202, 209, 232, 234, 235, 237, 241, 250, 
252, 253, 258-260, 262, 263, 266, 268, 
269, 271, 274, 275, 279, 285, 288, 289, 
367, 368 ; ii., 232, 233, 236, 333. 

Harris, John, Jr., ii., 333. See also Harris, 
John. 

Harris, Captain John, Delaware chief, i., 

95. 154- , .. 

Harris, Mary, captured, n., 149. 
Harris, Thomas, i., 179; ii., 333. 
Harris, William, i., 232; ii., 233. 
Harrisburg, i., 145, 150, 151. 161, 164. 

172, 176, 192, 250, 252, 292, 353; ii., 232, 

236, 333.' 



Harrison, Benjamin, ii., 76. 

Harrison, William, ii., 80. 

Harrison, William H., i., 315. 

Harris's Ferry, i., 176, 205, 231-233, 249, 

254, 256, 274, 291, 307, 329, 353, 367; 

ii., II, 16, 58, 232, 333, 338. 
Harrison City, i., 288. 
Hart, Edward, ii., 333. 
Hart, John, i., 170, 207, 258, 262; ii., 333, 

352, 361, 380, 385; killed, i., 294. 
Hartley, Thomas, i., 206. 
Hart's Log, i., 258, 262, 280. 
Hart's Log Valley, i., 261. 
Hart's Rock, i., 207, 258; ii., 333. 
Hart's Sleeping-Place, John, i., 261, 262, 

280. 
Harvey, John, i., 333. 
Harvey, Oscar J., i., 96. 
Hassler, Edgar, W., ii., 83. 
Haupt, Nicholas, ii., 333. 
Havana, i., 206; ii., 55. 
Havre de Grace, i., 47. 
Hawley, Gideon, i., 209, 237, 238; ii., 65. 
Hayden, Samuel, ii., 360. 
Hays, Charles, ii., 360. 
Hays, John, i., 205, 218, 220, 239, 346, 

350. 
Hays, Mary, ii., 360. 
Hays, Mr., ii., 379. 
Hayton, John, ii., 361. 
Hazel Patch, ii., 245. 
Hazirok, i., 218, 237. See Asserughney. 
Heath, William, ii., 360. 
Heckewelder, John, i., 82, 83, 88, 151, 194, 

267, 334, 340, 343, 356; ii., 92, 120, 376; 

his account of the Shawnees, i., 154. 
Hedge, Silas, ii., 77. 
Heise, Charles, i., 42. 
Helm, Israel, i., 56. 
Henderson, Richard, ii., 81, 120. 
Hendricks, Abram, ii., 381. 
Hendricks, David, ii., 155, 216, 253-256, 

333- 
Hendricks, James, i., 40, 41, 163, 310; n., 

333. 334- 

Hendricks, John, i., 163. 

Hendricksen, Cornelius, i., 27, 31, 119. 

Hendriessen, Andreas, i., 66. 

Hennepin, Louis, i., 132; ii., lOl. 

Henry, Alexander, i., 5, 6; ii., 377. 

Henry, George, ii., 299, 330, 334, 337. 

Henry, Hugh, ii., 361. 

Herecheenes, i., 62. See Eries and Iro- 
quois. 

Hermaphrodite, the, ii., 348. 

Hermaphrodites, i., 112. 

Herman, Casparus, i., 58, 75, 127-129, 
165, 169 

Herrman, Augustine, i., 38, 67, 77. 

Hertel, M. de. ii., 161 

Herton, Zebulon, i., 381, 382. 

Hess, Henry, captured, i., 220. 

Hetaquantagechty, Seneca chief, i., 299, 
302, 313; ii., 130. 

Hetcoquehan, Delaware chief, i., 93. 



4i6 



Index 



Hetherington, Henry, i., 179; ii., 334- 

Hewitt, J. N. B., i., 13, 267, 294; ii., 128. 

Hickman, Joseph, i., 163. 

Hickman, Mr., ii., 229. 

Hickman, Thomas, a Delaware, i., 282. 

Hicks, Gershom, ii., 29. 

Hicks, John, ii., 62. 

Higgins, Mr., ii., 82. 

Higgins, Robert, ii., 310. 

Higgins, Timothy, i., 189, 194, 196, 206; 

ii-, 334- 

Hill, Edward, i., 14, I5- 

Hill, Thomas, i., 309; ii., 334. 

Hill, Uriah, ii., 360. 

Hillaret, Moyse, i., 133; declaration of, 
132. 

Hillman, James, 1., 349, 350, 361. 

Hillsborough, Lord, ii., 28, 60, 61, 69, 131. 

Hinojossa, Alexander d', i., 64. 

Hinton, ii., 246. 

Hirechenes, i., 35. SeeEvies and Iroquois. 

Hiricois, Champlain's name for the Mo- 
hawks, i., 8. 

Hite, Abraham, ii., 81. 

Hithqouquean, see Idquoquequon. 

Hoare Kills, i., 77. 

Hockhockin, i., 204, 252; ii., 149, 182, 
265, 277-279, 291. 

Hochhocking Falls, ii., 380. 

Hockley, Richard, ii., 5, 8. 

Hocpeckquomeck, Delaware chief, i., 90. 

Hocquart, Gilles, ii., 132, 322. 

Hoffman, Hans, i., 91. 

Hog, Peter, i., 168; ii., 335. 

Hogan, John, i., 289. 

Hogg, James, i., 264. 

Holden, Joseph, ii., 218, 225,_229. 

Hollender, Peter, i., 89. 

Hollidaysburg, i., 260, 261. 

HoUingsworth, William, i., 63. 

Holmes, John, ii., 280. 

Holston Valley, ii., 219, 229, 236, 246. 

Holt, Thomas, i., 249. 

Honniasontkeronons (Oniasontkeronons) , 
i., 122, 158; ii., 117, 119. 

Hook, Robert, ii., 360. 

Hooper, Robert Lettes, i., 245. 

Hoopes, Adam, ii., 7, 334. 

Hopetown, i., 146. 

Hopkins, Captain, ii., 372. 

Hoppemink, Delaware chief, i., 90. 

Horse Valley, i., 255. 

Horsefield, Timothy, ii., 359. 

Horseshoe Bend, ii., 196. 

Horseshoe Curve, i., 260, 261. 

Hot Springs, ii., 246. 

House, Christiana, ii., 387. 

House, Conrad, ii., 361. » 

Howard, Francis, i., 54, 86, 318. 

Howard, Gordon, i., 163, 178; ii., 84, 334. 

Howard, John, ii., 239, 240. 

Howard, Josiah, ii., 239. 

Howard, Susanna, i., 173; ii., 84. 

Howe, Henry, i., 349. 

Hudde, Andries, i., 46, 76, 89. 



Hudson, Thomas, Seneca chief, i., 206. 

Huff, Samuel, ii., 388. 

Hughen, Hendrick, i., 76. 

Hughes, Mr., ii., 24. 

Hughes, Barnabas, i., 209; ii., 334. 

Hughes, John, ii., 242. 

Hughes, William, i., 163. 

Hulbert, Archer Butler, i., xi.; ii., 143. 

Hunter, James, i., 179; ii., 334. 

Hunter, Robert, i., 198, 199. 

Hunter, Robert, Mohawk chief, i., 194, 
198. See Carondowanna. 

Hunter's Mills, i., 212. 

Hunters' Trail, the, ii., 219, 228. 

Huntingdon, i., 257, 258; ii., 82, 329, 373. 

Huntsburg, ii., 238. 

Huntsman, Barbara, ii., 387. 

Huntsman, John, ii., 387. 

HuRONS, also called Attigouautans, Ochate- 
guins, Quatoghies, Wendats, Wyandots, 
etc., i., xiv., 7, 9-13, 16, 17, 19, 27-29, 
34, 61, 120, 198, 201, 301, 304, 308, 317, 
318, 320-322, 326-328, 332; ii., 36, 50, 
69, 93. 95, 97, 100, 118, 122, 123, 128, 
136, 163-167, 173-178, 181, 182, 259, 
372, 375; clans, i., 7. 

HuTCHiNS, Thomas, i., 331,337,340,342, 
351 ; ii., 21-23, 25, 29, 39, 40, 46, 47, 51, 
55, 176, 187-189, 196, 206-208, 245, 
361, 367- 

HuTCHiNs's Journal, 1762, ii., 362-367; 
Manuscripts, ii., 192-208. 

Hutchinson, Florence, ii., 387. 

Hyde, Edward, Lord Cornbury, i., 198. 

Hyde, Thomas, ii., 155, 216. 

Hyden, Samuel, ii., 360. 



Iberville, Louisiana, ii., 53. 

Iberville, Pierre le Moyne d', ii., no, 124, 

132. 
Idquahon, Delaware chief, i., 97. 
Idquoquequon, Icquoquequon, or Hith- 

quoquean, Delaware chief, i., 97-99, 103. 
leanottowe, Delaware chief, i., 97. 
Ikoueras, ii., 116. 
Illinois, i., 131, 133, 158, 322; ii., 25, 32, 

33, 35, 36, 38, 44, 46, 52, 55, 56, 90, 

135, 153, 162. 
Illinois portage, ii., 90. 
Illinois tribes, i., 18, 19, 120, 121, 124, 125, 

158, 159, 326; ii., 54, 94-96,102, 103, 116, 

122, 131, 136, 137, 153, 258, 287. 
Indian Affairs in Pennsylvania in 1754, 

Detail of, i., 22; ii., 5. 
Indian boundary line of 1768, i., 244, 245. 
Indian CAPTIVES, i.,4, 6, 16, 177,211, 216, 

220, 267, 312, 333, 350, 370, 377, 378, 

380; ii., 25, 29, 33, 145, 147-149. 157, 

159, 160, 216, 224, 231,252-256,265- 

271, 280, 281, 289, 387, 388. 
Indian Fields, ii., 215, 249. 
Indian forts, how built, i., 39-41. 
Indian government, i., xx. 



Index 



417 



Indian Grave Hill, i., 182. 
Indian graves, ii., 201. 
Indian Harry, a Conestoga, i., lOO; ii., 315. 
Indian killings, i., 14, 24, 49, 68, 83, 177, 
206, 207, 234, 320-327, 347; ii., 58, 153, 
154. 287, 289, 344-353, 363, 368-381. 
Indian names spelled without uniformity, 

i., xxiii. 
Indian Old Corn Fields, ii., 215. 
Indian Old Fields, ii., 246, 250. 
Indian Point, i., 152. 
Indian Territory, i., 131. 
Indian Town Road, i., 181. 
Indian towns, how built, i., 39. 
Indian Towns: 

Adigo, Atiga, Atigue, Attique, etc. 
(Kittanning). See also Attigue, i., 
109, 185, 245, 308. 
Ainoton, or Aniauton, ii., 174. 
Akansas, ii., 116. 
Akansea Town, ii., loi, 
Akenatzi, i., 13, 14. 
Alebahma, ii., 354. 

Allegheny, i., 21. See under that name. 
Alliquippa's Town, i., 80, 156, 251, 272, 
273, 278, 279, 296, 297, 347 ; ii., 6. See 
Lequeepee's Town. 
Amooklasah Town, ii., 354. 
Andastogue, i., 46. 
Aniauton, or Anioton, i., 321; ii., 174, 

189. 
Antouaronon, ii., 95. 
Asserughney, i., 95, 96, 237. 
Assinissink, i., 205, 219, 222. 
Assunepachla, i., 259; ii., 98. 
Asswikales (Sewickley), i., 296. 
Atrakwae, i., 34. 
Attaock, i., 33. 
Attigue, Atiga, Adigo, etc., i., 290; ii., 

127, 129. See Adigo. 
Augaluta, i., 157. 

Aughquaga, i., 209. See Oghquaga. 

Aughwick, i., 87, 103, iii, 176, 205, 

228, 230, 231-233, 249, 252-257, 

264, 274, 348, 374, 377; ii., 3-7, 9, 

156, 190, 233, 234, 337, 340. 

Ayonontout, i., 320, 321, 327; ii., 189, 

190. See Junundat. 
Black Legs Town, i., 266, 268, 297. 
Black Tom's Town, ii., 194. 
Beaver Creek Town, i., 330. 
Beaver's New. Town, ii., 194. 
Beaver's Town, ii., 24, 185, 195, 208. 

See King Beaver's Town. 
Blue Lick Town, ii., 255. See Eskippa- 

kithiki. 
Buckaloons, i., 22, 240; ii., 5. 
Bullet's Town, ii., 189, 193, 194, 385. 
Bull Head's Town, ii., 388. 
Cackekacheki, i., 340; ii., 179. See 

Kuskuskies. 
Cachelacheki, ii., 179, 187. See Kus- 
kuskies. 
Cahokia, ii., 47. 
Canassategy, ii., 254. 



Candowsa, i., 96. 

Canessatawba, ii., 256. 

Caniyeuke, i., 238. 

Canowaroghare, i., 242. 

Captain John's Town, i., 95. 

Carantouan, i., 29, 30, 31. 

Casa, ii., 94. 

Cassewago, i., 370; ii., 15. 

Catawissa, i., 95, 187. 

Cattogui, ii., 92. 

Cayahagh, ii., 385. See Cuyahoga. 

Cayuga, see under that name. 

Cenioteaux (Scioto), ii., 265. 

Chapticoe, i., 53. 

Chartier's Town, i., 251, 269-271, 290- 

314- 352, 356; ii., 127, 129, 131, 134, 

240. 
Chaskepe, ii., 93, 244, 256. 
Chemung, i., 216. 
Chenango, i., 262. 
Chenastry, i., 94, 200; ii., 258. See 

Otzinachson. 
Chenunda, ii., 207. See Junundat. 
Chicagou, ii., 258. 
Chillicothe, i., 145, 146, 148, 191, 212; 

ii., 118, 129. 
Chillicothe, New, ii., 157. 
ChilUcothe, Old, ii., 157, 161. 
Chillicothe on Ohio, ii., 125-162. See 

Lower Shawnee Town. 
Chillisquaque, i., 167, 186, 187, 189, 

191, 196, 241, 252. 
Chiningue, or Chininque (Logstown), i., 

272, 356, 359. 364, 370; ii., 126. 
Chinkanning, i., 237. 
Chinklaclamoose, Chinklaclamouche, 

Chingleclamouche, etc., i., 182, 213- 

217, 291. 
Chisca, ii., 93. 

Chowanock, or Chawanock, i., 159, 160. 
Chugnut, i., 237. 

Cliunondat, ii., 378. See Junundat. 
Cisca, ii., 93, 244. 
Cohansink, i., 91. 
Conchake, ii., 2, 176-181, 187-189, 192, 

259, 268, 287, 291, 311, 327. 
Conejaghera, or Conejohela, i., 151. 
Conemaugh Town, i., 269, 296-298. 
Conestoga, i., 35, 40, 41, 59, 78, 80, 

81, 84, 85, 100, 103, 113, 130, 135. 

136, 143, 144, 149, 152, 153, 160- 

190, 207, 208, 242, 298; ii., 305, 327- 

329, 332, 333- 335- 339- 342, 347- 348- 
Conewago, i., 151, 203, 240; ii., 253, 

254. 

Conewango, i., 221.; u., 127. 

Conjouerey (Canajoharie), ii., 18. 

Conoy Town, i^ 151, 161, 170, 181. 

Coosa, ii., 241. 

Coshocton, ii., 189, 210, 291. .See Con- 
chake. 

Crow's Town, ii., 195-197. 

Custaloga's Town, ii., 21. 

Cuyahoga, Cahiague, Canayiahagen, 
Cayahoga, Cayahawge, Gwahago, 



VOL. II. — 27 



4i8 



Index 



Indian Towns — Continued 

Kyhogo, etc., i., 27, 29, 334. 342, 350, 
351; ii., 200, 205, 265, 369. 
Dekanoagah, i., 42, 151, 152, 161. 
Deonagano, i., 221. 
Diahoga, ii., 11. 
Eighso Town, i., 222. 
Eschen Town, i., 216. 
Eskippakithiki (i.e., Blue Lick Town), 
i., 147; ii., 92, 130, 213, 215,216, 220, 
230, 240, 241, 246, 249, 250, 252, 255, 
256. See Little Pict Town. 
Frank Stevens's, or Stephens's, Town, 

i., 298. See Frankstown. 
Frankstown, i., 156, 215, 247-275, 

279, 280, 291, 298; ii., 326, 341. 
French Catharine's Town, i., 206. 
French Margaret's Town, i., 203-205, 

245; ii., 279. 
French Town, 1., 200, 397. 
Friedenstadt, i., 331. 
Gachtochwawunk, i., 219. 
Gachunannagon, ii., 127. 
Gahontoto, i., 32. 
Ganagarahhare, i., 270. 
Geinahaga, ii., 381. See Cuyahoga and 

Salt Licks. 
Gekelemukepechunk, or New Comer's 

Town, ii., 189. 
Gentaienton, ii., 94. 
Gichauge (Cuyahoga), ii., 369, 379. 
Goschachgunk, ii., 189, 291. See Co- 
shocton. 
Goschgoschunk, i., 215, 219, 221, 343. 
Grenadier Squaw's Town, ii., 388. 
Gwahago, i., 333. See Cuyahoga. 
Hackensack, i., 140. 
Harrickintom's Town, ii., 149. 
Hazirok, i., 218. See Asserughney. 
Hockhocking, i., 204, 252; ii., 149, 182, 

265, 277-279, 291. 
Ischua, Ichsua, Eighso, etc., i., 221, 

222. 
Ispokogi, ii., 93. See Kispoko. 
James Le Tort's Town, i., 168, 263, 298; 

ii., 140. 
Jennuchsadaga, i., 293. 
Juniata, i., 113. 

Junqueindundeh, i., 321; ii., 206, 209. 
Junundat, or Junandot, i., i, 184, 320, 
321, 327; ii., 183, 189, 206, 207, 209, 
327, 378. See Ayonontout. 
Kaknouangon, ii., 126. 
Kanaouagon, ii., 127. 
Kanavangon, ii., 127. 
Kanawha Shawnee Town, ii., 142, 143. 
Kanestio, i., 242, 243. 
Kaskaskia, i., 373; ii., 46, 48, 50, 131, 

135, 136, 154. 241, 259. 
Kaskaskunk, i.,i6. See Kuskuskies. 
Kaun au Wau Roharie (Canowarog- 

hare), i., 242. 
Keckenepaulin's Town, i., 267-269, 297. 
Kekalemahpehoong, or New Comer's 
Town, ii., 311. 



Kekelemukpechunk, or New Comer's 
Town, i., 379. 

Kekionga, ii., 259. See Kiskakon. 

Kentaienton-ga, ii., 94, 182. 

Kighalampegha, or New Comer 's Town, 
i., 380. 

Killbuck's Town, ii., 210. 

King Beaver's Town, i., 335; ii., 21, 22, 
183, 186. See Beaver's Town and 
Tuscarawas. 

Kingsessing, i., 77. 

Kishacoquillas's Town, i., 248, 298. 

Kiskakon, ii., 259, 263, 265. 

Kiskapoke, or Kiskapocoke, i., 145, 148. 

Kiskiminetas, i., 168, 263, 266-269, 285, 
297; ii., 198. 

Kiskiminetas, second, ii., 142, 143. 

Kispoko, i., 146, 147; ii., 93. 

Kittanning, i., 109, 155, 156, 182, 183, 
207, 213, 215-217, 234, 245, 249, 257, 
260, 262-265, 270, 282, 283, 290-314, 
369. 377> 378; ii., 8, 59, 77, 127, 129, 
134. 305- 327, 352. 

Koshkoshkung, i., 341. See Goschgos- 
chunk. 

Koshocktin, ii., 210. See Coshocton. 

Kseekheoong, i., 342, 350; ii., 370. See 
Salt Licks. 

Kuskuskies, i., 21, 79, 224, 239, 252, 
268, 282, 283, 330, 331, 335, 340-351. 
356, 357- 359. 363, 373. 378; ii., 20, 81, 
139, 160, 161, 179, 187, 201, 260-262, 

319. 327. 330, 338. 353. 384- 

Lawpawpitton's Town, i., no, 237. 

Le Baril, i., 332; ii., 126, 262. 

Lechaweke, i., 95, 237. 

Lechay, i., 93, 100, 104, 136, 164, 202. 

Lequeepee's, i., 80, 296, 297, 347. See 
AUiquippa's Town. 

Le Tort's Town, i., 168,263,298111., 140. 

Little Pick Town, i., 213, 216. See 
Little Pict Town. 

Little Pict Town, i., 130, 147; ii., 230, 
252, 332- 

Little Shingle Town, i., 220. See Pasi- 
gachkunk. 

Logan's Town, i., 380. 

Logstown, i., 21, 22, 80, 105, no, in, 
154. 155. 178, 187, 202, 204, 224, 225- 
229, 239, 249-252, 266, 268, 271-274, 
289, 330, 331, 342, 344, 347, 352- 
383; u., 1-3, 9, 12-14, 20, 36, 123, 
125, 131, 137-139. 143-145. 150. 155. 
156, 159, 160, 165, 167, 180-182, 
202, 211, 230, 258, 260, 261, 263, 265, 
267-269, 277, 279, 283, 291, 295, 298, 
307, 327-330, 332, 333, 335, 337-339. 
341,342. ^ee Chiningue and Maugh- 
wawame. 

Lower Mohawk Town, i., 238. 

Lower Shawnee Town, i., 21, 146, 225, 
252, 303-305. 312, 347, 363, 373. 375. 
377; ii., 2-4, 9, 117, 125-162, 183, 
194, 195, 198, 199,230, 241, 242, 245, 
247-250, 252, 255, 259-262, 271, 272, 



Index 



4T9 



Indian Towns — Continued 

278, 279, 288, 291, 293, 294, 298, 329, 
331-333. 339. 362, 366, 373, 378-380, 
384, 385, 388. See Chillicothe on 
Ohio, Scioto, Sonnioto, etc. 

Loyalhanna, i., 269, 275, 282-286, 288. 

Lulbegrud, i., 302; ii., 130, 220. 

Macharienkonck, i., 92. 

Maguck, i., 145, 148; ii., 29, 149, 279, 
280, 291. 

Mahoning Town, i., 342, 343, 350, 351 ; 
, ii., 200, 370, 385. 
/ Malson, i., 189, 194, 196; ii., 334. 

Mamalty, i., 378. 

Maqueechaick, i., 145. See Maguck. 

Mattapanie, i., 49. 

Mattawoman, i., 53. 

Maughwawame, i., 356. See Logstown 
and Wyoming. 

Meanock, i., 40. 

Meggeckesjouw, Magockqueshou, or 
Meggeckosiouw, i., 64, 90. 

Meguatchaiki, ii., 93, 244, 256. 

Meoechkonck, i., 92. 

Miami Town, ii., 35, 270. 

Michillimackinac, ii., 286. 

Mikquar Town, i., 192. 

Mingo Cabins, ii., 185, 187. 

Mingo Town, i., 333-335. 349, 382; ii., 
41, 66, 141, 195, 385. 

Minguannan, i., 130, 152. 

Minisink, i., 93, 140, 141, 218; ii., 
124,330, 335. 

Mohican Town, i., 96, 187. 

Mohickon John's Town, i., 321; ii., 
21, 185, 187, 206-210, 362, 385. 

Monoupera, ii., 98. 

Monsey Town, i. 242. 

Monsoupelea, ii., 98, 100. 

Monsouperia, ii., 98, 100, loi. 

Mosopelea, ii., 95, loi. 

Mosticum, i., 62. 

Mowheysinck, ii., 193, 194. 

Murdering Town, i., 373. 

Muskingum, i., 21, 252, 272, 283, 284, 
368, 378; ii., 9, 144, 145, 148, 149, 
159, 181, 182, 187, 189, 192, 234, 291, 
370. 

Nangeny, i., 53. 

Natchez, ii., 108. 

Nescopeck, i., no, 237. 

Nettawatwees' Town, ii., 186. See New 
Comer's Town. 

Neucheconneh's Town, i., 352. 

New Comer's Town, i., 104, 186, 379- 
381; ii., 75, 186, 189, 210, 211, 310, 
311, 379, 388. See Gekelemukepech- 
unk, Kekalemapehoong, etc. 

New Town, ii., 388. 

Niskebeckon, i., no. See Nescopeck. 

Nutimus's Town, i., no. 

Octorara, i., 166. 

Oghquaga, or Aughquaga, i., 209, 237, 
238, 242, 243; ii., II, 62, 63, 65. 

Ohesson, i., 248, 249, 296, 298; ii., 326. 



Old Hunting Town, ii., 385. 

Old Town, i., 153, 156, 157,228; ii.,388. 

Oneida, see under that name. 

Oniassontke, ii., 94. 

Onondaga, see under that name. 

Oocasa, ii., 241. 

Opasiskunk, i., 77, 97. 

Opessa's Town, i., 152, 153, 157, 171, 

280, 291, 353. 
Oppertus, i., 153. 
Oskohary, i., 95, no. 
Ostandousket, or Sandusky, i., 321, 328; 

ii., 167. 
Otsandosket, or Sandusky, ii., 192. 
Otseningo, i., 113, 114, 155, 187, 237. 
Otstonwakin, i., 198, 200, 223. 
Otstuagy, ii., 200, 377. 
Ottawa Town, i., 183, 204, 334, 349; ii., 

385- 

Otzenachse, i., 185, 187. See Otzinach- 
son. 

Otzenaxa, i., 307. See Otzinachson. 

Otzinachson, i., 94, 185, 187, 200, 209, 
307; ii., 258. 

Ouiatanon, ii., 34, 35. 

Owegy, i., 237, 244, 245. 

Owendat Town, ii., 160. See Wyandot 
Town. 

Owl Town, or Kokosing, ii., 187, 199, 
210. 

Pamunkie, i., 53. 

Panawakee, i., 221. 

Pasigachkunk, i., 218, 220-222, 350. 

Paughchasewey's, ii., 196. 

Paxtang, i., 95, 104, 109, no, 143, 145,. 
150, 151, 153, 161, 167, 170-172, 
176, 181, 185-187, 192, 232, 241, 
248, 249, 252, 267, 287, 292, 299, 306, 
352, 367; ii., 305, 329, 332-335, 339. 

Pechoquealin, i., 92, 142-145, 152, 154, 
164, 185, 186-190, 218, 219, 340; 
ii., 124. 

Pechquahock, i., 93. 

Peckwes, i., 140. 

Pequea, i., 129, 145, 152, 157, 161, 164, 
171, 185, 298; ii., 304. 

Pequehan, i., 37, 160, 172. 

Petun Town, i., 346. 

Pickawillany, or Pkiwileni, i., xxiii., 21, 
24, 146, 147, 225, 226, 252, 367; ii., 
2, 5. 9. 13. 153. 158, 182, 183, 241, 
247, 250, 257-299, 322, 327, 329, 335, 
.336, 338, 341. 373- See Pick Town. 

Pick Town, ii., 148, 291, 293. 

Picque Town, ii., 279. 

Picts' Town, i., 161, 252. 

Piqua, i., 143, 145. 

Piscataway, i., 53. 

Plugg5''s Town, ii., 210. 

Puckshenoses Town, i., 155. 

Punxsatawney, i., 182, 215, 216, 247, 
291, 346. 

Pymatuning Town, i., 201, 331, 346; 
ii., 385- 

Quadroque, i., 33. 



420 



Index 



Indian Towns — Continued 
Quenischaschacki, i., 214. 
Raccoon Town, i., 314. 
Raystown, i., 256, 274, 297, 378; ii., 

342. 
Ricahokene, i., 15. 
Rique, ii., 94. 
Rouinsac, ii., 123, 265. 
Saginau, ii., 166. 
St. Joseph's, ii., 365. 
Salt Lick Town, i., 342, 350, 351; ii., 

195. 199-201, 210, 369-371, 381, 385, 

388. 
Salt Licks Delaware Town, u., 379. 
Salt Licks on Scioto, ii., 381. 
Salt Spring Town, i., 335, 342; ii., 370. 
Sandusky, Sandoske, Sandosket, or 

Otsandosket,i.,3i8, 320-322, 326-328, 

331; ii., 21, 23, 117, 136, 164-167, 

175, 176, 199, 200, 202, 205-209, 245, 

259. 353. 362. 
Sasquesahanough, i., 33, 38. 
Sauconk, i., 91, 239, 282, 330, 346, 357, 

378; ii., 372. 
Sawanogi, i., 123, 298. 
Sawokli, i., 11, 298, 314. 
Scahandowana, i., 209. See Wyoming. 
Schepinaikonck, i., 92, 93. 
Schichtewacki, i., 92, 93. 
Schomingo, i., 378. 
Scioto, i., 327; ii., 135, 259, 265. See 

Cenioteaux, Sonnioto, Lower Shawnee 

Town, etc. 
Se-key-unck (Will' s Town) , ii. , 1 95 . See 

Salt Licks. 
Senangel's Town, i., 289, 296, 297. 
Seneca Town, i., 80, 251, 272, 300, 333; 

ii., 210. 
Sewickley Town, i., 296, 298, 312, 313, 

360; ii., 36, 59. 129. 
Shackachtan, ii., 306. 
Shackamaxon, i., 67, 71, 108, 193. 
Shallyschohking, i., 189, 190, 196. See 

ChiUisquaque. 
Shamokin, i., 86, 94, 95, 104, 105, 108- 

iio, 112, 139, 167, 182, 183, 188, 189, 

191-198, 204, 207-210, 212, 216, 217, 

223, 233-235, 237, 241, 244, 247-249, 

262, 291, 295, 297, 307, 310, 352, 354, 

355. 377. 378; ii., 306, 334. 335. 339. 

340, 349, 360. 
Shaningo, i., 331; ii., 200, 201, 385. 
Shanoppin's Town, i., 228, 229, 251, 

270-272, 274-276, 285, 288, 289, 

297. 348. 361, 365, 369. 371. 373. 374; 

11., 3. 230, 330. 
Shaunetowa, i., 62, 63. 
Shawanese Salt Lick Town, ii., 379, 385. 
Shawanos, i., 123. 
Shawnee Town, i., 21, 136, 151, 168, 

198, 211, 280, 291, 302; ii., 143, 204, 

330, 368, 378. 
Shekallamy's Town, i., 193, 195, 196, 

197. 
Shelocta, i., 168. 



Shenango, i., 342, 350, 356, 378; ii., 

160, 260, 222, 370. 
Sheshequin, i., 205, 206, 222. 
Shingas's Town, i., 378; ii., 20. 
Snake Town, i., 95, 175; ii., 342. 
Sonnioto (Scioto), Sonhioto, Sonontio, 

Sonyote, Sonyoto, etc., i., 327; ii., 

126, 135-137. 153. 161, 259, 265. 
Sonnontouan, i., 63. 
Soupnapka, i., 91. 
Sunyendeand, i., 321. 
Susquehannocks' New Town, i., 45. 
Susquehannocks' Town, see under Forts. 
Taensa Town, ii., 102, 104, 105, 108. 
Taligui, i., 92. 
Tamaroa, ii., 90. 
Taogoria, or Tongoria, ii., 122. 
Tawixtwi Town, i., 147; ii., 261. See 

Twightwee Town. 
Tchalaka, ii., 92. 
Techirogen, i., 48. 
Tehotitachse, i., 32. 
Tepicourt, ii., 259. 
Tesinigh, i., 33. 
Teyoneandakt, i., 238. 
Teyonnoderre, i., 238. 
Three Legs Town, ii., 187, 188. 
Tioga, i., xxiii., no, 112-114, 155, 187, 

195, 205, 220, 227, 238, 243, 247. 
Tiohuwaquaronta, i., 221. 
Tiozinossongachta, Inshaunshagota, 

etc., i., 221, 222. 
Tohoguses Town, i., 263. 
Tourieuse, ii., 177. 
Tsnasogh, i., 209. See Otzinachson. 
Tukabatchi, ii., 93. 
TuUihas, ii., 187. 
Tuscarawas, i., 252, 321, 334; ii., 24, 

183, 185, 187, 193, 200, 204, 205, 208, 

328, 368-371, 379, 385. See King 

Beaver's Town. 
Tushanushagota Town, i., 221, 222. 
Twightwees' Town, i., 147; ii., 9, 152, 

261, 266, 269, 271, 272, 278-280, 289, 

291, 298. 
Upper Sandusky, ii., 210. 
Upper Shawnee Town, ii., 142. 
Utchowig, i., 33. 
Venango, i., 201, 202, 229, 240, 262, 

270, 271, 367, 370, 373, 378; ii., 3, 81, 

183, 201, 332, 336, 339, 341. 
Vendack, ii., 191. 
Vermillion Town, ii., 154. 
Veskak, ii., 190. 

Wanduchale's Town, ii., 140-143, 150. 
Wapatomica, ii., 210. 
Wauketaumeka, or Waketomica, ii., 

194, 195, 199, 381, 384, 385. 
Welagamika, i., 95. 
Weyaugh, ii., 23, 379. 
White Eyes' Town, ii., 210, 211. 
White Woman's Town, ii., 148. 
Wickawee, ii., 347. 
Willewane, i., 222. 
Will's Town, ii., 19s, 198, 381, 384. 385- 



Index 



421 



Indian Towns — Continued 

Windaughalah's Town, ii., 150. 

Woapassisqu, i., 219. 

Wockachaalli, i., 212. 

Wyalusing, i., 213, 214, 219, 244. 

Wyandachale's Town, ii., 140. 

Wyandot Town, i., 320, 331, 346; ii., 
160, 210, 279. 

Wyoming, i., 32, 33, 95, 98, 108-110, 
113, 154, 155, 187, 188, 190, 195, 197, 
205, 209, 210, 213, 218-221, 237, 
238, 306, 327, 350, 354-360; ii., 30,31, 
139- 

Yowanne, n., 355-357- 
Indian Towns shown on map following 
page 383, vol., i., with location of their 
sites, and approximate dates of erec- 
tion, or first recorded mention. 
Photographs of the sites of those 
marked with a star are reproduced in 
these volumes. 

AUiquippa's Town, Allegheny Co., Pa., 
1731 and 1753. 

AUiquippa's Town, Bedford Co., Pa., 
before 1754. 

*Anioton, Sandusky Co., Ohio, 1747. 

Asserughney, Lackawanna Co., Pa., 
before 1753. 

Assinissink, Steuben Co., N. Y., be- 
fore 1760. 
*Aughwick, Huntingdon Co., Pa., before 

1753- 

Buffalo Town, Allegheny Co., Pa., be- 
fore 1753. 

Buckaloons, Warren Co., Pa., before 

1749- 

Canenakay, Forest Co., Pa., before 

1749. 
Captain John's Town, Northampton 

Co., Pa., before 1740. 
*Carantouan, Bradford Co., Pa., before 

1615. 
Cassewago, Crawford Co., Pa., before 

1753- 

Chartier's Town, Allegheny Co., Pa., 

before 1745. 
*Chillicothe, Scioto Co., Ohio, before 

1739- 
*Chillisquaque, Northumberland Co., 

Pa., before, 1728. 
Chinkanning, Wyoming Co., Pa., before 

1756. 
Chinklaclamouche, Clearfield Co., Pa., 

before 1755. 
Chugnut, Broome Co., N. Y., before 

1755- 
*Conchake, Coshocton Co., Ohio, 1747. 
Conemaugh Town, Cambria Co., Pa., 

1731- 

*Conestoga, Lancaster Co., Pa., about 

1690. 

Conestoga Fort, Lycoming Co., Pa., 

before 1743. 
Conoy Town, Lancaster Co., Pa., before 

1719. 



Crow's Town, Jefferson Co., Ohio before 

1763. 
Dekanoagah, Lancaster Co., Pa., 1701. 
Delaware Town, Luzerne Co., 1742. 
*Eskippakithiki, Clark Co., Kentucky, 

1745- 
Frankstown, Blair Co., Pa., before 1731. 
French Margaret's Town, Lancaster 

Co., Ohio, before 1750. 
Gachtochwawunk, Steuben Co., N. Y., . 

before 1760. 
Goschgosching, Forest Co., Pa., before 

1765- 
Ischua Town, Cattaraugus Co., N. Y., 

before 1767. 
James Le Tort's Town, Indiana Co., 

Pa., about 1731. 
Junandot, Erie Co., Ohio, before 1759. 
Junqueindundeh, Sandusky Co., Oluo, 

before 1755. 
Kanawangon, Warren Co., Pa., before 

1749- ^ ^ 

Kaskaskunk, Lawrence Co., Pa., 1757. 
Keckenepaulin's Town, Westmoreland 

Co., Pa., before 1758. 
Kiskakon, Allen Co., Ind., before 1719. 
*Kiskiminetas, Westmoreland Co., Pa., 

before 1755. 
Kiskiminetas, Gallia Co., Ohio, before 

^755- ^ ^ , . 

Kittanmng, Armstrong Co., Pa., before 

1724. 
*Kuskuskies, Lawrence Co., Pa., before 

1742. 
Lawpawpitton's Town, Columbia Co., ^ 

Pa., 1754. 
Le Baril, Hamilton Co., Ohio, before 

1749- ^ ^ 

*Logstown, Beaver Co., Pa., 1743. 
*Lower Shawnee Town, Scioto Co., Ohio, 

before 1739- 
Madame Montour's Town, Lycoming i^ 

Co., Pa., 1728-1737. 
Magockqueshou, Mercer Co., N. J., 

before, 1656. 
*Maguck, Pickaway Co., Ohio, before 

1750- 
Mahoning Town, Trumbull Co., Ohio, 

before 1763. 
Matchasaung, Luzerne Co., Pa., before 

1743- 
*Meanock, Cecil Co., Md., about 1690. 
Mingo Town, Summit Co., Ohio, before 

1755- 
*Minisink, Sussex Co., N. J., before 1692. 
Mohican John's Town, Ashland Co., 

Ohio, before 1756. 
Murdering Towti, Butler Co., Pa., 

before 1753. 
Nanticoke Town, Luzerne Co., Pa., 

1748. 
New Comer's Town, Tuscarawas Co., 

Ohio, before 1762. 
Nutimus's Town, Luzerne Co., Pa., V 

1743- 



422 



Index 



Indian^Towns — Continued 

Oghquaga, Broome Co., N. Y., before 

1700. 
^ Ohesson, Mifflin Co., Pa., before 1731. 
Opessa's Town, Allegany Co., Md., 

1722. 
Oscohu, Bradford Co., Pa., before 1650. 
/\ Otseningo, Broome Co., N. Y., before 

1726. 
Ottawa Town, Cuyahoga Co., Ohio, 

1742. 
Owego, Tioga Co., N. Y., before 1737. 
Pasigachkunk, Tioga Co., Pa., 1756. 
Paxtang, Dauphin Co., Pa., before 1707. 
*Pechoquealin, Monroe Co., Pa., 1694. 
Pechoquealin, Warren Co., N. J., 1694. 
*Pequea, Lancaster Co., Pa., about 1697. 
*Pickawillany, Miami Co., Ohio, 1747. 
Playwickey, Bucks Co., Pa., before 

1682. 
Punxsutawney, Jefferson Co., Pa., be- 
fore 1755. 
Pymatuning Town, Mercer Co., Pa., 

before 1756. 
Raystown, Bedford Co., Pa., before 

173 1 (see Alliquippa's Town). 
*Saguin's Post, Cuyahoga Co., Ohio, 

1742. 
Salt Lick Town, Trumbull Co., Ohio, 

before 1755. 
Sauconk, Beaver Co., Pa., before 1748. 
Sewickley, Westmoreland Co., Pa., 

1731. 
Shackamaxon, Philadelphia Co., Pa., 

before 1677. 
*Shamokin, Northumberland Co., Pa., 

before 1728. 
Shaningo, Mercer Co., Pa., before 1756. 
Shanoppin's Town, Allegheny Co., Pa., 

1731- 
Shawnee Town, Allegany Co., Md., 

before 1737. 
Shawnee Town, Cecil Co., Md., 1692. 
Shawnee Town, Cumberland Co., Pa., 

before 1730. 
Shawnee Town, Lancaster Co., Pa., 

before 1700. 
Shawnee Town, Mason Co., W. Va., 

before 1755. 
Shawnee Town, Perry Co., Pa., before 

1739- 
Shekallamy's Town, Northumberland 

Co., Pa., before 1737. 
Sheshequin, Bradford Co., Pa., before 
o, ?763- 

Shmango, Franklin Co., Pa., before 
o.^753- 
Sittawingo, Armstrong Co., Pa., before 

1755- 
Standmg Stone Town, Huntingdon Co., 

Pa., before 1730. 
*Susquehannock Fort, Lancaster Co., 

Pa., before 1660. 
Susquehannock Fort, Prince George's 

Co., Md., 1675. 



*Susquehannock Fort, York Co., Pa., 

before 1670. 
Tehotitachse, Bradford Co., Pa., before 

1650. 
Three Legs' Town, Tuscarawas Co., 

Ohio, before 1756. 
TuUihas, Coshocton Co., Ohio, before 

1756. 
Tuscarawas Town, Tuscarawas Co., 

Ohio, before 1756. 
Tushanushangachta, Cattaraugus Co., 

N. Y., before 1767. 
Upper Chillicothe, Pickaway Co., Ohio, 

1758. 
Venango, Franklin Co., Pa., before 174.9. 
Wanduchale's Town, Scioto Co., Ohio, 

before 1750. 
Wanduchale's Town Washington Co., 

Ohio, before 1740. 
Wapwallopen, Luzerne Co., Pa., 1743. 
Wauketaumeka, Muskingum Co., Ohio, 

before 1763. 
White Eyes' Town, Coshocton Co., Ohio, 

before 1774. 
White Woman's Town, Coshocton Co., 

Ohio, before 1750. 
Will's Town, Muskingum Co., Ohio, 

before 1763. 
Woapassisqu, Steuben Co., N. Y., 

before 1760. 
Wyalusing, Bradford Co., Pa., before 

1760. 
*Wyoming, Luzerne Co., Pa., 1728. 
Indian Trade, i., 3, 4, 5; ii., 300-326; 
memorials on, i., 4, 294,295; ii., 303, 
304, 308, 326. 
Indian Traders' losses, ii., 381. 
Indian villages in Pennsylvania in 1612, 

i-. 33- 

Indian Wars, losses by, i., i. 

Indiana borough, i., 263. 

Indiana grant, i., 278. 

Indiana Land Company, i., 278. 

Indiana state, i., 322; ii., 128, 218. 

Indians, see also under names of tribes: 
Allegheny, i., 292; Canada, 6, 62, 128, 
165; ii., 216; Canayiahaga, i., 329; Caro- 
lina, 172; ii., 301; Cuyahoga, i., 328, 
329; Delaware Bay, 57; Delaware 
River, ii., 346; Esopus, i., 85, 90; 
Far Nations of, 4, 136, 138, 139, 141, 
142, 172, 173, 198; foreign, 134; Four 
Nations, 324; French, xxiii., 201, 236, 
361; ii., 6, 146, 149, 231, 247, 253, 255, 
268, 275, 278, 280, 281, 289, 297, 331- 
337, 339> 341; Praying French, 252, 
255, see French Indians; Hudson 
River, i., 114, 139; Illinois, ii., 37; In- 
diana, i., 383; Maryland, i., 69, 72, 136; 
Mobile, ii., 116; Naked, i., 127, 128, 
134, 136; ii., 257, 258; Natchez, 52; 
New Jersey, i., 106; New York, 16, 127, 
136; Northern, 16, 69, 72, 162; ii., 34, 50, 
141, 217, 240, 245; Oghquaga, 65; Ohio, 
i., 10, 12, 182, 183, 204, 208, 224, 



Index 



423 



I ndians — Continued 

225, 228, 248, 268, 272, 284, 323, 348, 
361, 362, 367, 377, 379, 381, 383; ii., 
3, 4, II, 13, 28, 96, 139, 143, 267, 291, 
318, 319, 384; Pennsylvania, 35, 192; 
Potomac, 173, 174; Praying, ii., 163, 
see Praying French Indians; River, 
i., 56, 60, 109; Saut, 326; Schuylkill, 
100, 105; Shamokin, 235; Southern, 
69. 75. 100, 123, 128, 129, 156, 211, 
292, 298, 305, 312, 377; ii., 33, 159, 217, 
252; Strange, i., 128, 129, 135, 136, 139, 
157, 168, 234; Susquehanna, i., 18; ii., 
7; Tobacco, i., 345; Upper Country, 18, 
244. 337; Wabash, ii., 42, 45, 49; West- 
ern, i., 244, 382, 383; ii., 17, 18, 24, 30, 
32, 37. 367; White River, i., 323, 324, 
333, 343. 346; ii., 353; Wolf, i., 127. 

Indians incited by English, i., 24. 

Indians killed, i., i, 14, 25, 49, 50, 51, 81, 
174, 208, 380; ii., 9, 36-58, 347, 348, 
352, 389-394- 

Indians, number (of Iroquois) in 1681, i., 
68; number in Southern Pennsylvania 
in 1697, i., 130; number on Ohio in 
1748, 331, 358. 

Indians, vices of, i., 112; ii., 307-314. 

Ingles, Mary Draper, ii., 157, 158. 

Ingoldsby, Major, i., 137. 

Innes, James, i., 230; ii., 16, 83. 

Inniskillen, i., 162. 

Inomeys, ii., 260. See Miamis. 

Inshaunshagota Town, i., 221. 

lonontadyhagas , or lonontatachroanu 
(Wyandots), i., 311, 330; ii., 123. See 
Tionnontates. 

loteccas, i., 33, 66. See Joteccas. 

Ipankicken, Delaware chief, i., 91. 

Irish settlers in Pennsylvania, i., 162. 

Ironcutter, John, ii., 56. 

Iroquois, i., xiii., xxiii., 2-4, 7-14, 16, 17, 
19, 21-23, 27-29, 32, 34, 35-37, 45, 47, 
52-54, 56, 58-61, 67, 69, 79-82, 84, 85, 91, 
95, 96, 100-115, 120, 122, 124, 131, 133, 

135-137. 139. 141. 149. 153. 155. 158, 
167, 172, 174, 178, 183-186, 188, 189, 
192-195, 197, 199, 200, 201, 203, 205, 
209, 211, 223-225, 227, 228, 231, 233- 
241, 243, 244, 257, 272, 278-280, 292- 
294, 299-302, 304, 305, 311, 312, 315, 
320, 321, 323-330. 333. 334. 336, 340. 
343-346, 348, 349, 352, 355, 358-361, 
363. 364. 366, 368-370, 372-374. 377. 
378; ii., I, 4, 9, 13, 16-21, 23, 24, 29, 31, 
35. 36. 39. 40. 50, 56-60, 68, 76, 81, 89, 
90,91,94, 97, 99, 104, 119, 120, 123-125, 
128, 130, 131, 136, 138, 140, 141, 145, 
151. 153. 158. 165, 166, 170-172, 178, 
185, 216, 230, 239, 240, 251-253, 258- 
262, 281, 282, 287, 288, 293, 295-298, 
305. 307-309. 315. 316, 319, 320, 348. 
352, 362, 390, 391 ; chiefs with Braddock, 
i., 79; conquests, 19; give the Dela- 
wares a king, 366; domain, 17; 
original home of , 121; Lexicon, Cnoq's, 



ii., 180; number of, in 1659, i., 11; 

number of, in 1681, 68; number of, in 

1882, 10; claims to the Ohio, 20; 

route of the, 19; called Senecas by 

early Dutch, 33; sources, 10, II ; 

defeated by Susquehannocks, 46, 47; 

overthrow the Susquehannocks, i., 48; 

Wyandots oldest tribe of, i., 7; ii., 21. 
Irvine, ii., 220, 245. 
Irvine, William, i., 340, 342. 
Irwin, Luke, ii., 268, 280, 281, 334. See 

Erwin. 
Ischua, Ichsua, or Eighso Town, i., 221, 

222. 
Iskousogos, i., 122; ii., 117. 
Islands: 

Alliquippa's, i., 272, 278, 348. 

Big, i., 235, 236, 266; ii., 207. 

Big, or Halderman, i., 161, 176, 196, 
210, 211, 213, 214, 248; ii., 336, 349. 
See Great Island. 

Bois Blanc, ii., 166, 175. 

Brunot's, i., 272, 278, 348, 379; ii., 196. 

Chartier's, i., 379. 

Cherry, ii., 181. 

Fish Creek, ii., 120. 

French Margaret's, i., 266; ii., 328. 

Garret, i., 36. 

Great, i., 33, 167, 182, 237, 242, 306, 
354. See Big and Halderman. 

Halderman, i., 161, 210, 248. See Big 
Island. 

Herr's, i., 289. 

Kent, i., 36, 63. 

La Tour, ii., 46. 

Le Tort's, i., 168, 267; ii., 142. 

Long, i., 64, 88, 155, 214, 245, 382; ii., 
235. 242. 

Manhattan, i., 88. 

Matiniconck, ii., 346. 

Maw Wallamick, i.,'92. 

Mingo, ii., 198. 

Minisink, i., 92, 93, 218. 

Montour's, i., 245, 246, 382. 

Montreal, i., 17. 

Muskingum, ii., 380. 

Navy, i., 243. 

Neville's, i., 382; ii., 202, 235. 

Occoneachy, i., 13, 51. 

Old Town, i., 267. 

Orechton, i., 91. 

Palmer's, i., 36, 40, 53, 63, 66, 67. 

Presqu' Isle, i., 337. 

Roanoke, i., 15, 159. 349- 

Shamokin, i., 204. 

Shapnack, i., 93. 

Shawnee, i., 92, 93, 142, 145. 

Spesutia, i., 47, 72. 

Staten i., 88. 

Texel, ii., 344. 

Tinicum, i., 90. 

Tinnekunk, i., 15. 
Ispokogi To -mi, ii., 93. 
Issas (Catawbas), i., 10; ii., 118. 
Ives, William, ii., 291, 334, 381. 



424 



Index 



Iwaagenst, Tuscarora chief, i., 84. 



/ 



Jackanapes, Matta woman Indian, i., 58. 
Jack's, or Jack Armstrong's, Narrows, i., 

207, 249, 257, 349; ii., 326, 327,340. 
Jacob, Chris., ii., 334. 
Jacobs, Elizabeth, ii., 360. 
Jacobs, Margaret, ii., 361. 
Jacobs, William, ii., 360. 
Jagrea, a Mohawk, ii., 9. 
Jamaica ii., 86 
James, a captive, ii., 387. 
James, Charles, i., 127. 
Jamestown, i., 26. 
Jamieson, William, i., 299. 
Jamison, Betsey, ii., 388. 
Jamison, William, ii., 334. 
Jan Awieham, Delaware Indian, i., 91. 
Janqueno, Delaware chief, i., 88. 
Jaret, Miami chief, ii., 259. 
Jee (Jice), Frederick, ii., 362. 
Jefferson, Thomas, i., 51. 
Jegosasa, or Cat Nation, i., 10. 
Jenkiklamuhs, see Chinklaclamoose. 
Jenkins, Edward, ii., 374. 
Jenkins, William, i., 372. 
Jenner, Thomas, i., 168. 
Jenner Cross Roads, i., 282, 
Jennerstown, i., 283. 
Jennings, John, ii., 38, 43, 49, 142, 234, 

235, 252, 262. 
Jennuchsadaga, i., 293. 
Jenoniawana, a Shawnee, i., 196. 
Jeromeville, ii., 185, 208. 
fA Jersey, ii., 190, 191. 
Jersey Shore, i., 214. 
Jeskakake, a Mingo, i., 373. 
Jessop, Joseph, i., 172; ii., 334. 
Jesuits, the, i., xiv. 
Jewish tribal customs, ii., 301. 
Jice, Frederick, ii., 362. 
Jogues, Isaac, i., 293. 
John Cook, a Mingo, ii., 57, 203. See 

White Mingo. 
Johns, Joseph, i., 269. 
Johnson, Captain, i., 72. 
Johnson, Sir William, i., 2, 3, 4, 5, 17, 
112-114,203,209,238-245, 278, 321, 368, 
377. 378, 381; ii., 9-11, 17-19, 22-32, 
35-38, 49, 51, 55, 56, 58, 60-62, 64, 68, 
76, 85, 86, 131, 162, 231, 281, 282, 
288, 308, 309, 318, 325, 361, 363- 
367, 373, 381, 382, 384, 386, 389, 
393; Indian name of, i., 113; manu- 
scripts, of, 383; ii., 374, 381. 
Johnson, William, of Pennsylvania, i., 

377- 
Johnson, Sir William, Delaware chief, ii., 

370. See White Eyes. 
Johnston, John, i., 148, 242, 243, 259; 

ii., 98, 118, 128, 249, 250. 
Johnston, J. Stoddard, ii., 243, 249, 250. 
Johnstown, i., 269, 296. 



Johonerissa, Mingo chief, i., 360. See 

Tanacharisson. 
Joliet, Louis, ii., 88, 90, 98, 99, loi, 103, 

121. 
Jolly, James, i., 64. 
Jonathan the Deer, Mohawk Mingo 

chief, i., 228. 
Joncaire, the Story of, ii., 87. 
Joncaire de Closonne, ii., 239. 
Joncaire, Le Gai de, cadet, ii., 239. 
Joncaire, Louis Thomas de, Sieur de 

Chabert, i., 199, 200, 295,300, 301, 308, 

361, 363; ii., 131. (The father.) 
Joncaire, Philippe Thomas de, i., 24, 225, 

272, 322, 358, 359, 362, 364, 370, 373; ii., 

2, 140, 267, 287. (The son.) 
Joncaires, the, i., xv., 270. 
Jones, David, i., 146, 148, 212, 260; ii., 98, 

99- 

Jones, Morgan, i., 163. 

Jones, Thomas, i., 64. 

Jones, U. J., i., 258-261. 

Jongh, Jacob, see Young. 

Jonnay, Minqua chief, i., 59. 

Jonontadys (Wyandots), i., 326. See 

Tionnontates. 
Jonontatichroanu (Wyandots), i., 325; ii., 

319- 

Jordan, John W., ii., 192. 

Joseph, an Indian, ii., 68. 

Joteccas (or loteccas), i., 31. 

Joutel, Henri, i., 125, 134. 

Jouy, Antoine Louis Rouille, Comte de, 

ii-, 135- 
Judy, Elizabeth, ii., 361. 
Judy, John, ii., 360. 
Judy, Mary, ii., 360, 361. 
Juniata, i., 113, 249; ii., 97, 233; meaning 

of the word, i., 257. 
Juniata River: Crossing of, i., 252; First 

Crossing of, 274; Last Crossing of, 257^ 

259; First Crossing of Raystown Branch 

of, 277. 
Juniata Path, i., 182, 247-249, 257. 
Juniata Valley, i., 260, 261 ; ii., 2. 
Junqueindundeh Town, i., 321; ii., 206, 

209. 
Junundat or Junandot Town i., 320, 321, 

327; ii., 184, 189, 206, 207, 209, 327. 
Junundats (Wyandots), i., 12. See 

Tionnontates. 



K 



K, C, and G are interchangeable in 
Iroquoian words. 

Kagoragaho, Susquehannock chief, i., 44. 

Kahkwas, i., 9, 10. 

Kahuktodon, Mingo chief, i., 79, 233. 

Kakarriel, a Mohawk, i., 4. 

Kaknouangon, ii., 126. 

Kakowatcheky, Shawnee chief, i., 93, 
144, 149, 152, 154, 155, 185-187, 189, 
306, 354, 355, 363, 366; ii., 138, 261. 

Kalasquay, a Delaware, i., 282. 



Index 



425 



Kalehickop, Delaware chief, i., 97. 
Kanaghragait, Mingo chief, i., 203. See 

Conengayote and White Mingo. 
Kanajeagah, Onondaga chief, i., 345. 
Kanajowaneh, Iroquois chief, i., 345. 
Kanaouagon, ii., 127. 
Kanavangon, ii., 127. 
Kanawha, ii., 140. 
Kanawha Route, the, ii., 119. 
Kanawha Shawnee Town, ii., 142, 143. 
Kanawha Valley, ii., 120. 
Kanawahas, i., 97. 
Kanestio, i., 242; destroyed, i., 243. 
Kanostoge, i., 34. 

Karaghtadie, Mohawk chief, ii., 85. 
Karsholm, i., 76. 
Kashwughdaniunto (Belt of Wampum), 

Seneca Mingo chief, i., 79, 233, 345, 348. 
Kaskaskia, i., 373; ii., 39, 131, 135, 136, 

154,241,257,259. 
Kaskaskias, ii., 46, 48-50, 241. 
Kaskaskunk, i. , 2 1 6. See Kuskuskies. 
Kaskaskunk, Old, i., 348. 
Kaskias, ii., 115. 
Katarakoui, i., 47. 
Katarionecha, or Kataryonacha, Mohawk 

chief, i., 198, 203, 205. 
Katoochquay, a Delaware, i., 282. 
Kaufman, Michael, i., 286. 
Kaun au Wau Roharie (Canowaroghare) , 

i., 242. 
Kayashuta, ii., 80. See Guyashuta. 
Keakeenhoman, Delaware chief, i., 294; 

ii., 352. 
Keckenepaulin, Delaware captain, i., 234, 

268, 282, 297. 
Keckenepaulin's Cabin, i., 267, 268, 275; 

276, 282-284. 
Keckenepaulin's Town, i., 267-269. 
Keightighqua, or Cornstalk, Shawnee - 

chief, i., 306; ii., 80. See also Comblade 

and Tawnamebuck. 
Keith, William, i., 19, 37, 81, 82, 100, 153; 

ii-, 347- . ^ . 

Kekelappan, Susquehannock chief, 1., 77, 

97, 98. 
Kekalemahpehoong, li., 311. See New 

Comer's Town. 
Kekionga, ii., 259. See Kiskakon. 
Kelappama, Delaware chief, i., 104. 
Kellogg, Martin, ii., 288. 
Kelly, James K., i., 178. 
Kelly, John, of Donegal, i., 178, 309; ii., 

334. 
Kelly, John, of Paxtang, i., 299, 309; 

ii-- 334- 
Kennedy, John, 1., 177, 179; u., 334. 
Kenny, Edward, i., 309; ii., 334. 
Kensington, ii., 8. 
Kent, i., 349; ii., 200. 
Kentaientonga, ii_._, 94. 
Kentaientongas, ii., 96. 
Kentenraiatanion, meaning of, ii., 179. 
Kentienton, ii., 182. 
Kenton, Thomas, i, 328, 335; ii., 364- 



Kentucky, i., 13, 19, 123, 147, 174, I77» 
303, 361; ii., 2, 81, 94, 119, 122, 1231 
127, 130, 139, 155, 157, 159, 217-221, 
223, 224, 229, 230, 232, 236, 238-241, 
246-248, 250, 252, 331, 333-33(^. 339. 
373; exploration of, 212-256; mean- 
ing of the word, 182, 216. 

Keown, i., 272. 

Kerpenneming, Delaware Indian, i., 90. 

Kerr, Robert, ii., 86. 

Kerr, William Johnson, ii., 86. 

Kerwain, Philip, i., 188. 

Ketmarius, Delaware chief, i., 91. 

Kettoohhalend, a Delaware, ii., 371. 

Kiasuta, Seneca Mingo chief, ii., 235. See 
Guyashuta. 

Kichaga (Cuyahoga), i., 326. 

Kickapoos, ii., 24, 33, 35, 135, 3.65. .366. 

Kickenepaulin, Delaware captain, i., 234. 
" See Keckenepaulin. 

Kies, Humphrey, ii., 361. , 

Kighalampegha, i., 380. See New Comer's 
Town. 

Kilaticas, i., 125. 

Kilgore, Ralph, ii., 151, 265, 278, 335. 

Killbuck, John, or Gelelemend, Delaware 
captain and chief, i., iii; ii., 312. 

Killbuck, Young, ii., 313. 

Killbuck's Town, ii., 210. 

Kindassowa, Minsi chief, i., 94, 96, 1 10. 

Kinderunta, Iroquois chief, ii., 23. 

King Beaver, Delaware chief, i., 103, 105, 
no, III, 241, 366, 377; ii., 368. 

King Beaver's Town, ii., 335; ii., 21, 22, 
183, 186. See Tuscarawas. 

King, John, i., 166. 

King Philip's War, i., xiii. 

King, Thomas, Oneida chief, ii., 131. 

Kingsessing, i., 77. 

Kingston, i., 47, 113. 

Kinipissas, ii., 116. 

Kinousaki, Ottawa chief, i., 327; ii., 136, 
166, 167, 181, 288. 

Kinton, or Kenton, Thomas, i., 364; ii., 
328, 335- . 

Kip, Isaac, i., 295. 

Kirkbride, Joseph, i., 92. 

Kirkpatrick, Mr., i., 236. 

Kishacoquillas, Shawnee chief, i., 248, 296, 
306. 

Kishacoquillas's Town, i., 248, 298. 

Kishkushes, ii., 201. 5ee Kuskuskies. 

Kiskakon, ii., 259, 263, 265. 

Kiskapocoke, i., 148. 

Kiskapoke, i., 145. 

Kiskiminetas, meaning of, i., 267. 

Kiskiminetas Path, i., 262-264. 

Kiskiminetas Town, i., 168, 263, 266- 
269, 285, 297; ii., 142, 198. 

Kiskiminetas Town, second, ii., 143. 

Kiskuskus, ii., 384. See Kuskuskies. 

Kispoko, i., 146, 147. 

Kispokotha clan of Shawnees, also written 
Kispicotha, Kespicotha, Kiscapocoke, 
Kiscopokes, Kiskapocoke, Kispogogi, 



426 



Index 



Kispokotha clan — Continued 

Kispoko, Kiskapookes, etc., i., 125, 148; 
ii., 92, 93. 

KiTTANNING, i., IO9, 155, I56, l82, I83, 
207, 213, 215-217, 234, 249, 257, 260, 
262-265, 270, 282, 283, 290-314, 340, 

369, 378, 379; ii-. 8, 59. 75. 77, 127, 
129, 134, 305, 327, 328, 352; meaning 
of, i., 290; Armstrong's attack on, 264, 
265; destroyed, 290. 

Kittanning Gap, i., 260, 261. 

Kittanning Manor, ii., 75. 

Kittanning Path, i., 261-263. 

Kittanning Point i., 260, 261. 

Kleynties, i., 31, 33. 

Klingle, Frederick, ii., 361. 

Klondike, i., 5. 

Knapp, H. S., i., 321. 

Kocher, Samuel R., i., 42, 55. 

Koqueeash, Susquehannock chief, i., 77. 

Koquethagaeehlon, see White Eyes. 

Koshkoshkung, i., 341. See Goschgoschunk. 

Koshocton, ii., 210. 5ee Coshocton. 

Kseekheoong, i., 342, 350; ii., 370. See 
Salt Licks. 

Kuskuskas (Kaskaskia), i., 373. 

Kushkushking, i., 341. See Kuskuskies. 

KusKusKiES, also written Kaskaskunk, 
Coscoskey, Kishkuske, Cascaski, Cache- 
kacheki, Cushsushking, etc., i., 21, 79, 
224, 239, 252, 268, 282, 283, 330, 331, 
335. 340-351. 356, 357. 359. 363. 373. 
378; ii., 20, 81, 139, 140, 160, 161, 
179, 187, 201, 260, 261, 262, 265, 319, 
327. 330, 338, 353. 384; meaning of, 

^^1-. 343- 

Kuykendal, Jacob, ii., 335. 

Kyahokie, ii., 47, 48. See Cahokia. 

Kyanharre, or Kyanharro, Susquehan- 
nock chief, i., 78, 99. 

Kyckesycken, Delaware chief, i., 90. 

Kyhogo (Cuyahoga), i., 226. 

Kykenhammo, Delaware chief, i., 296. 



L takes the place of R in Lenape words; 

and R takes the place of L, in most 

cases, in Iroquois words. 
La Barre, Le Febre de, i., 124, 125, 133, 

,158; ii., 93, 96. 
L'Abbady, Commissioner, ii., 290. 
La Bretonnier, Father, ii., 239. 
La Chauvigniere, Captain de, i., 346, 348; 

ii.. 131- 
La Chine, i., 158; ii., 90. 
LaPemoiselle, Piankeshaw chief , i., 332; 

ii-. 136, 154, 259-265, 270, 283, 285, 

286, 288, 290, 292, 294, 296, 298, 322. 

See Old Britain. 
La Force, Sieur de, ii., 180. 
La Gallisoniere, Michel Rolland Barin, 

Comte de i., 328; ii., 134-136, 259, 260. 
La Gauterais, M. de, ii., 33, 39. 
La Glaise, ii,, 257. 



La Grande Terre, ii., 165. 

La Harpe, Benard de, ii., 122. 

La Hontan, Armand Louis de Delondarce 

de, i., 124; ii., 182. 
La Jonquiere, Pierre Jacques de Taffanel, 

Marquis de, i., 21, 24, 320; ii., 135, 153, 

189-191, 272, 284, 285-287. 
La Mouche Noire, Piaiikeshaw chief, ii., 

154. 265. 
La Peau Blanche, Ouiatanon chief, ii., 154. 
La Pointe, i., 120. 
La Pointe, M. de, ii., 374. 
La Potherie, De Bacqueville de, i., 121. 
La Richardie, Armand de, ii., 163, 164, 

192. 
La Rochefoucauld, Francois, Due de, i., 31. 
La Salle, Nicolas de, ii., 91, 102, 106. 
La Salle, Rene Robert Cavelier, Sieur de, 

i., xiv., 11,20,21,48, 63, 121, 122, 124- 

126, 131-133, 158, 170, 296; ii., 87-90, 

92-99, 101-104, 106, 107, 114-117, 119, 

121, 135, 182, 256. 
La Salle's Illinois settlements, i., 131. 
La Salle's niece, ii., 89. 
La Salle and the Ohio River, i., 20, 143. 
La Salle's description of the Ohio Valley, 

ii., 114, 116. 
La Source, Thaumur de, ii., 103, 108. 
La Tore, Francis de, i., 153, 164, 165; 

ii-. 347- 
La Verendrye, Pierre Gautier de Varennes, 

Sieur de, i., xiv. 
Labadee, M. de, ii., 376. 
Lacey, John, i., 381. 
Lachine, i., 21. 
Laclede, Pierre, ii., 48. 
Laers, Dominie, i., 64-66. 
Laet, Jan de, ii., 344. 
Laet, Joannes de i., 119. 
Lafayette, ii., 34, 365. 
Laferty, Daniel, i., 230. 
Lakes: 

Cayuga, i., 206. 

Champlain, i., 139, 198. 

Chatauqua, i., 270, 328; ii., 87, 126, 

132, 262. 
Caniadcuagy, ii., 60. 
Conti, or Conty (Erie), i., 9; ii., 182. 
Dosandoske (Sandusky), ii., 179. 
Erie, i., 7-11, 13, 14, 17-19, 20, 22, 
35, 121, 143, 158, 206, 224, 226, 233, 
240, 241, 243, 287, 307, 308, 323, 325, 
326, 328, 333, 336-338, 342. 343. 350; 
ii., I, 3, 5, 12, 14, 87, 88, 91, 92, 94- 
96, 114, 117, 126-128, 131, 132, 146, 
151, 159, 160, 165-167, 176, 182, 183, 
189, 205, 206, 209, 256-258, 261, 268- 
270, 283, 319, 378, 379, 384, 385. 
Frontenac (Ontario), i., 11 ; ii., 267, 
George, i., 239; ii., 18, 309, 313. 
Great, i., 293. 
Huron, i., 7, 13, 17, 119, 120, 240; ii., 

123, 164, 270. 
Junundat, ii., 209. 
Little, ii., 164, 169, 207. 



Index 



427 



Lakes — Continued 

Long, i., 333, ii., 200. 

Maurepas, ii., 53, 54. 

Michigan, i., 13, 17, 19, 119, 124, 168; 
ii., 48, 258. 

Niatackonn (Chautauqua), ii., 126. 

Nippissing, i., 7. 

Oneida, i., 48. 

Oniasont, ii., 117. 

Onondaga, i., 238; ii., 9. 

Ontario (also called Frontenac, St. 
Louis, etc.), i., 3, 4, 7, 10, n, 19, 27, 
29. 45> 133. 220, 293, 316; ii., 123, 133, 
182, 256, 267, 282. 

Otsandesket (Sandusky), or Otsandeske, 
i., 320; ii., 168, 169, 190. 

Otsego, ii., 59, 60, 61, 64, 65. 

Ouiasont, ii., 117. 

Pontchartrain, ii., 53, 55. 

Ste. Clere, ii., 170. 

Ste. Croix, ii., 132. 

St. Joseph, ii., 104. 

St. Louis (Ontario), i., 7. 

St. Peter, i., 200. 

St. Pierre, i., 34. 

Sandusky, i., 243, 320; ii., 168, 172, 
174. 179. 183, 185, 205, 207, 209. 
See Sandusky Bay. 

Sandy, ii., 201. 

Seneca, i., 206. 

Simcoe, i., 7, 27. 

Summit, ii., 205. 

Superior, i., 120. 

Teiocharontiong (Erie), ii., 114. 

Two Mountains, i., 358; ii., 132, 140, 
172, 239. 
Lalemant, Jerome de, i., 7, 45, 120. 
Lamb, Caleb, i., 364; ii., 335. 
Lamberville, Jean de, i., 10 ; ii., 97. 
Lamirande, M. de, ii., 153. 
Lamoohan, Delaware chief, i., 294. 
Lancaster, i., 5, 25, 113, 178, 185, 200, 

202, 204, 224, 226, 235, 241, 256, 259, 

352, 356, 357. 366, 382"; ii., 6, 7, 16, 17, 

24, 28, 67, 82-84, 98, 120, 138, 139, 

190-192, 261, 262, 265, 267, 279, 317, 

318, 340, 386. 
Lancaster Council of 1744, i., 36; ii., 320; 

of 1748, 138; of 1762, 24. 
Lancaster Treaty, ii., 316, 320. 
Landis, David, H., i., 42, 43, 55, 152, 160. 
Landisburg, i., 227, 254. 
Lane, Ralph, i., 159. 
Lanesboro, i., 218. 
Langdale, John, ii., 360. 
Langlade, Charles, i., xv. ; ii., 290. 
Lansing family, ii., 308. 
Lansisco, Mary, ii., 388. 
Lappawinzoe, Delaware chief, i., 94. 
Lare, Delaware chief, i., 98. 
Latrobe, i., 285, 286. 
Laughlin, Robert, i., 286. 
Laughlinstown, i., 283. 
Laurel Hill, i., 284. 
Laval University, ii., 168. 



Lawackamicky, also written Loawagh- 
comico, Lawachcanricky, etc., ii., 138, 

139. 153. 155- . 

Lawless, Henry, ii., 242. 

Lawpawpitton, or Laughpaughpitton, 
Delaware chief, i., 95, 104, no. 

Lawpawpitton 's Town, i., no, 237. 

Lawrence, John, i., 180; ii., 135. 

Lawrence, Thomas, i., 5, 328; ii., 67. 

Lawson, John, i., 13, 130; ii., 118. 

Le Baril, Miami chief, i., 332; ii., 262, 264. 

Le Baril's Town, i., 332; ii., 126, 262. 

Le Comte, Ouiatanon chief, ii., 282. 

L'Etablisment, ii., 46. 

Le Gris, Tepicon chief, ii., 286. 

Le Hunte, Major, i., 243. 

Le Maringouin, Piankcshaw chief, ii., 154. 

Le Moyne, Charles, Family of, ii., 132. 
See Longueuil. 

Le Moyne, Jean Baptiste, Sieur de Bien- 
ville, i., 270. 

Le Pean, Miami chief, ii., 282. 

Le Petit, Mathurin, ii., in. 

Le Pied Froid, Miami chief, ii., 263, 282. 

Le Roy, Marie, i., 216, 272, 278, 282, 378. 

Le Sac a Petun, Miami chief, ii., 282. 

Le Tort, Anne, i., 135, 165-169. 

Le Tort, Jacques, i., 135, 165, 166; ii., 335. 

Le Tort, James, i., 94, 154, 163, 166-170, 
172, 175, 179, 187, 188, 190, 192-194, 
200, 202, 206, 207, 264, 267, 269, 289, 
292, 294-296, 300, 302, 309, 310, 312, 
314, 347, 352; ii., 130, 142, 143, 239, 258, 
305, 335, 352. 

Le Tort's Creek, James, i., 168; Falls, ii., 
141, 142; Rapids i., 168,267, 303; ii., 
143; Spring, i., 167, 253; Town, 168, 
263, 298; ii., 140. 

Leach, John, ii., 361. 

Lead Mine, Chissel's, ii., 246. 

League, length of French, ii., 171. 

Leather Stocking, ii., 65. 

Leather Stocking Tales, ii., 64. 

Lechaweke, i., 95, 237. 

Lechay, i., 93, 100, 104, 136, 144, 164, 
202. 

Lechay Hills, i., 105. 

Lederer, John, i., 15, 33, 159; ii., 118, 119, 
300; explorations of, i., 13, 14. 

Lee, Arthur, i., 382. 

Lee, George, ii., 387. 

Lee, John, ii., 335. 

Lee, Mary, ii., 387. 

Lee, Michael, ii., 387. 

Lee, Thomas, i., 5; ii., 320. 

Leeth, John, i., 6. 

Legionville. i., 383. 

Lehigh Forks, i., 94, 356; Hills, i., 96. 

Leininger, Barbara, i., 216, 272, 278, 282, 
378. 

Lengenfield, Mary Cath., u., 387. 

Lenni Lenape, of Pennsylvania, i., 27, 
88-1x8; of New Jersey, 106. 

Lennoswewigh, Delaware chief, i., 90. 

Leonard, John, ii., 159; killed, i., 100. 



428 



Index 



Lequeepee's (AUiquippa's) Town, i., 80, 

296, 297, 347. 
Lery, see De Lery. 
Les Gros, an Indian tribe, ii., 257. 
Letart, see Le Tort, i., 168. 
Leven, ii., 393. 
Levy, Levy Andrew, i., 277; ii., 59, 337, 

378, 380. 
Levy & Co., ii., 7. 
Lewestown, ii., 344. 
Lewis, Andrew, ii., 327, 383. 
Lewis, Charles, ii., 387. 
Lewis's map of Indian towns and trails in 

southwestern Ohio, i., 147. 
Lewistown, i., 248, 298. 
Lewistown Narrows, i., 249. 
Lexington, ii., 77. 
Liberty Valley, i., 255. 
Licking Reservoir, ii., 149. 
Lignery, Fraiigois Marchand de, ii., 239, 

287. 
Ligonier, i., 269, 284-286, 288, 308, 378; 

ii., 71, 78. 
Ligonier Path, i., 215. 
Limes, Chris., ii., 361. 
Limestone Road, i., 180. 
Lincoln, Abraham, i., xvi. 
Linden, i., 213, 214. 
Lindsay, Crawford, ii., 168. 
Lindsay, John, ii., 360. 
Lindstrom, Peter, i., 45, 90. 
Lingahonoa, Delaware chief, i., 105. 
Lingenfilder, Abraham, ii., 360. 
Linguester (Lancaster), ii., 190. 
Linn, John Blair, i., 193. 
Linville, John, i., 163. 
Little Abram, Mohawk chief, i., 114. 
Little Blue Licks, ii., 250. 
Little Meadows, i., 233, 369; ii., 6. 
Little Pick, or Picx, Town, i., 147; ii., 

130, 213, 230, 252, 332. 
Little Shingle, i., 220. See Pasigachkunk. 
Lloyd, Philemon, i., 69. 
Lloyd, Thomas, i., 137. 
Loapeckaway, Shawnee chief, ii., 155. 

See Loyparcowah. 
Loawaghcomico, Shawnee chief, ii., 155. 

See Lawackamicky. 
Lockhaven, i., 96, 182, 213, 214, 291; ii., 

328. 
Locust Grove, i., 42, 151. 
Lodge, Benjamin, i., 218. 
Lodick, a captive, ii. 388. 
Logan, James, i., 18, 19, 37, 40, 82, 136, 
143, 150, 153, 162, 164, 167, 185, 186, 
192, 197, 202, 208, 292, 304-306, 310, 
353. 380, 381; ii., 98, 141. 292, 321, 347. 
352. 
Logan, Cayuga Mingo chief, i., xiii., 193, 
380-382; ii., 73, 80; relatives of, mur- 
dered, i., 380, 381 ; sister-in-law of, 380; 
speech of, xiii., 381. 

LOGSTOWN, i., 21, 22,80, 105, no. III, I54, 
155. 178, 187, 202, 204, 224, 225-229, 
239, 249-252, 266, 268, 271-274, 289, 



330> 331. 342, 344. 347. 352-383; "•, i- 
3, 9, 12-14, 20, 36, 123, 125, 131, 137- 
139, 143-145, 150, 155. 156, 159. 160, 

165, 167, 180-182, 202, 211, 230, 258, 
260, 261, 263, 265, 267-269, 277, 279, 
283, 291, 295, 298, 307, 327-330, 332, 
333. 335. 337-339, 341- 342; burned by 
Scarrooyady, i., 376, 379. 

Logstown Bar, i., 313. 

Lomax, Lunsford, i., 80, in, 227, 272, 348, 

365- 
London, ii., 28, 30, 31. 
Londonderry, i., 162. 
Long, Edward, ii., 362. 
Long, John, i., 6, 286. 
Long, Paul, ii., 81. 
Long, William, ii., 38, 235. 
Long House, the, ii., 291. 
Long Knife, Iroquois name for Vir- 
ginians, i., 85, 318, 319; ii., 73, 145; 

meaning of, i., 85, 318. .See Assarigoa 

and Big Elnife. 
Long Lane, i., 181. 
Long Point, i., 308; ii., 392. 
Long Prairie, ii., 185. 
Long Reach, ii., 198. 
Longsold, Michael, ii., 361. 
Long Spoon, an Indian, ii., 381. 
Longueuil, Charles le Moyne, first baron 

de, i., 18; ii., 131. See Le Moyne. 
Longueuil, Charles le Moyne, 3d, second 

baron de, i., 23, 303; ii., 129, 132, 133, 

167, 179, 182, 238, 285, 290. 
Longueuil, Lieutenant Charles Jacques 

le Moyne, third baron de, ii., 282, 286. 

See Le Moyne. 
Longueuil, Chevalier Paul Joseph le 

Moyne, fourth baron de, i., 313, 318- 

322, 324, 326-328, 332, 346; ii., 136, 165, 

166, 259, 260. 

Longueuil, family of, ii. 132. ^ee Le 

Moyne. 
Looney's Gap, ii., 242. 
Lorette, ii., 163. 
Loskiel, G. H., ii., 375. 
Loudon, Archibald, i., 242; ii., 386. 
Louisiana, i., 18, 20, 122, 123, 270, 293, 

303, 308, "357; ii., 52, 91, 102, 108, 122, 

124, 126, 131, 136, 269. 
Louisville, ii., 156, 230, 247, 319. 
Louisville Rapids, ii., 88, 89, 127. 
Loups, i., 137, 272, 316, 326, 358; ii., 122, 

140. 
Louisville & Nashville Railroad, ii., 244. 
Lovelace, Francis, i., 77, 90; ii., 332, 346. 
Lowe, Joshua, i., 157. 
Lower Blue Licks, ii., 249, 250, 255. 
Lower Path to Allegheny, i., 291. 
Lower Salt Lick, ii., 249. 
Lower Shawnee Town, i., 21, 146,225, 

252, 303-305, 312, 347, 363, 373, 375. 
377; u., 2-4, 9, 117, 125-162, 183, 194, 
195, 198, 199, 230, 241, 242, 245, 247- 
250, 252, 255, 259-262, 271, 272, 278, 
279, 288, 291, 293, 294, 298, 329.331-333- 



Index 



429 



Lower Shawnee Town — Continued 

339. 362, 366, 373, 378-380, 384, 385, 

388. See Chillicothe on Ohio. 
Lowrey, Alexander, i., 177, 178, 259, 277; 

ii., 21, 255, 267, 319, 335, 379, 385. 
Lowrey, Daniel, i., 177; ii., 335. 
Lowrey, James, i., 174, 177, 178, 344; ii., 

155, 216, 252, 255, 267, 335; captured, 

i., 177. 
Lowrey, John, i., 177, 178; ii., 267, 335; 

killed, i., 177; ii., 267. 
Lowrey, Lazarus, i., 177, 180, 309, 310; 

ii., 141, 234, 267, 355, 360, 379, 380. 
Lowrey's Traders, i., 177, 179; ii., 2. 
Lowry, Jane, ii., 387. 
Lowry, Mary, ii., 387. 
Lowry, Susan, ii., 387. 
Loyalhanna, i., 269, 275, 282-286, 288; 

meaning of, 267. 
Loyal Land Company, ii., 242. 
Loyparcowah (Opessa's son), Shawnee 

chief, i., 190, 305, 353; ii., 139, 155. 
Loysville, i., 254. 
Ludford, William, i., 163. 
Lukens, John, i., 245. 
Luke's Chute, ii., 198. 
Lulbegrud, i., 302; ii., 130, 220. 
Lumbrozo, John, i., 64. 
Luykasse, Garret, i., 141, 143. 



M 



McAfee Company, ii., 158. 
McAllister, James, ii., 336. 
McAllister, William, ii., 360. 
McAllister's Gap, i., 253, 254. 
McBride, James, ii., 23'6. 
McBryar, Andrew, i., 177; ii., 9, 291, 292, 

356. 
McCall, James, u., 242 
McCantash (Mcintosh), John, ii., 361. 
McCarty, Lydia, ii., 360. 
MacCarty, MacTeague, ii., 137. 
McCarty, Patrick, ii., 360. 
McClean, Capt., ii., 386. 
McClee's tavern, i., 284. 
McClung, Charles, ii., 234. 
McClure, David, i., 253, 284, 380; diary 

of, i., 9. 
McClure, John, i., 179; ii., 360. 
McCluse, Alexander, ii., 381. 
McCoUen, Neal, a Delaware, ii., 198. 
McCollum, Chris'm, i., 360. 
McCollum, Neil, ii., 360. 
McCollum, Thomas, ii., 361. 
McConnell, Andrew, i., 245. 
McCook, Henry C, ii., 179. 
McCord, Mary, ii., 387. 
McCormack, Lieut., ii., 286. 
McCormick, Hugh, ii., 233. 
McCotter, John, ii., 380. 
McCrea, Matthew, ii., 379, 381. 
McCreary, John, ii., 160. 
McCreary, William, ii., 160. 
McCuUough, James, i., 370. 



McCuUough, John, i., 267, 350; ii., 77, 

370; captured, i., 342. 
McDaniel, John, i., 163. 
McDonald, John, ii., 580. 
McDougall, Lieut., ii., 372. 
McFarland, Robert, i., 163. 
McFarland, R. W., i., 146. 
McFarlane, Andrew, ii., 73. 
McFarolon, Mr., ii., 381. 
McGee, Archibald, i., 179; ii., 336. 
McGiNTY, Alexander, ii., 155, 212, 216, 

253-256, 336; deposition of, 255. 
McGlaulin (McLaughlin), Dennis, ii., 361. 
McGregory, Patrick, i., 4. 
McGuire, John, i., 372; ii., 336. 
McGuire, Wm.,, ii., 381. 
Mcllroy, Mary, ii., 387. 
Mcllvaine, David, ii., 7. 
Mcllvaine, William, ii., 7. 
Mcllviane, John, ii., 336. 
Mcintosh, see McCantash. 
McKaig's Mill, ii., 188. 
McKee, Alexander, i., 208, 212, 380, 381; 

ii., 24-26, 28, 31, 32, 64, 68, 69/76, 80- 

82, 336, 349, 369, 378. 
McKee, James, i., 212; ii., 80. 
McKee, John, ii., 360. 
McKee, Patrick, i., 208. ^, 

McKee, Thomas, i., 113, 207-212, 234, 

237, 241, 244, 248, 249; ii., 20, 21, 24, 

28, 336, 342, 349. 
McKee Run Valley, i., 341. 
McKee's Half Falls, i., 212; Path, 248; 

Rock, 80, 207, 209, 212, 272, 278, 347, 

348, 372; ii., 180. _ 
McKnight, James, ii., 336. 
McLanahan, James, i., 269. 
McLane's Line, i., 342. 
McLaughlin, James, ii., 336; captured, i., 

370. 
McLaughlin, Neal, i., 179; n., 336. 
McManhan, Richard, ii., 361. 
McMichael, Charles, i., 179; ii., 36. 
McMordie, James, i., 179; ii., 336. 
McMuUen's tavern, i., 284. 
McMurray, Joseph, ii., 361. 
McMurray, Michael, ii., 361. 
McNeal post-office, i., 256. 
McQuaid, Patrick, ii., 361. 
McQuair, CoUum, i., 163. 
McSwine, George, ii., 361. 
McSwine, Hugh, ii., 360. 
McSwine, Mary, ii., 361. 
McSwine, Susannah, ii., 360. 
Maarte Hoock, Delaware chief, i.. 89. 
Machaloha, Susquehannock chief, i., 77, 

97, 98, 103. 
Macharienkonck, i., 92. 
MachA-nego, a Delaware, i., 282. 
Mack^ Horace, ii., 188. 
Mack, John Martin, i., 1S7, 203, 204. 355. 
Mackay, .i^neas, ii., 73, 74, 76. 
Maconce, i., 300, 316, 334. See Mark 

Coonce. 
Mackinac, ii., 90. 



430 



Index 



Macklewean, Alex'r, ii., 381. 

Macrakin, Jean, and sister, ii., 388. 

Maddox, John, i., 293; ii., 305. 306, 336. 

Madison, ii., 212. 

Magdalen, or Pagothou, a captive, ii., 387. 

Magockqueshou, i., 64, 90. 

Maguck, also written Meguck, Muguck, 
Macqueechaick, Mequachake, Macha- 
chac, etc., i., 145, 148; ii-. 5- 29. I49. 279. 
280, 291. 

Maguck, great plain of, i., 148, 160, 341, 

378. 
Mahanatawny, i., 185, 186. See Mana- 

tawny. 
Mahelhoualaimas, ii., 116. 
Mahicans, i., 31, 88. See Mohicans. 
Mahikanders, i., 137, 141, 142. See Mohi- 

kanders. 
Mahoning Path, i., 343. 
Mahoning Town, i., 342, 343, 350, 351. 370. 

385; ii., 200. 
Mahoning Valley, i., 182. 
Mahwtatatt, Minsi chief, i., 93, 144. 
Main Path, i., 247, 248, 262, 264, 290. 
Main Road, the, i., 206 290-314, 352. 
Maine, i., 128. 

Maisonville, M. de, ii., 33, 235. 
Malebore, or Malebone, Delaware chief, 

i-, 97, 105. 180. 
Malson, i., 189, 194, 196; ii., 334. 
Mamalty, i., 378. 

Mamarikickan, Minsi chief, i., 90, 91. 
Mameckos, Delaware chief, i., 91. 
Manatawny, i., 173, 185, 186. 
Manawkyhickon, Minsi chief, i., 94, 95, 

100, no, 167, 188, 194; ii., 159. 
Mangoac, meaning of, i., 27, 348, 349. 

See Mengwe. 
Manhattan, ii., 345. 
Manhattans, i., 88, 108. 
Manickty, Delaware chief, i., 91. 
Mansopelas, ii., 99. See Mosopeleas. 
Mantas Indians, i., 89. 
Maps: Those marked with a star are re- 
produced in these volumes. 

Adair's, 1774, ii., 127. 

Adlum-Wallis, 1792, i., 218, 221. 

Anonymous French, 1683-90, ii., 88. 

Baltimore's, 1635, i., 44. 

Basin of the Great Lakes, 1683-90, i., 
II; ii., 88, 114, 117. 

Benin's, *I744, i., 293; ii., 99, 126-128, 
139,258; 1755. i-. 332. 

Blaeuw's, 1642, ii., 121. 

Block's, 1614, 1616, i., 8, 16, 31, 32, 119. 
See Carte Figurative and Hendrick- 
sen's. 
*Bonnecamps's, 1749, i., 293, 332; ii., 
128, 262. 

Carte Figurative of 1614, i., 8, 16, 31, 32, 
119. ^ee Block's awd Hendricksen's. 

Chambers's, 1688, i., 27, 37,41, 42, 151, 
180. 

Champlain's, 1632, i., 7, 31, 120. 

Coronelli's, 1688, i., 11 ; ii., 114. 



*Crevecoeur's, 1787, i., 146, 148, 155; ii., 

118, 211. 
Crexius's, 1660, i., 9. 
Cuyahoga Portage, i., 333. 
D'Anville's, 1746, i., 293, 332; ii., 127; 

1755. i-. 332. 

De Laet's, 1630, i., 8. 

De risle's, 1700, i., 18, 122; 1703, i., 18, 
I23;ii., 121; *i7i8,i., 18, 122; ii., 117, 
121, 122, 123. 

De Witt's, 1790, i., 290; ii., 60. 

Evans's, 1749, i., 32, 81, 197, 253, 298; 
*I755, 8, 12, 27, 37, 81, 147, 148, 
204, 207, 248, 267, 270, 285, 298, 312, 
320, 327, 331, 333-336, 349, 351; ii., 
92, 98, 117, 123, 130, 140, 143, 165, 
179, 187, 188, 215, 248, 251, 255, 260, 
261, 269, 279, 280, 330, 331, 335, 336. 
*Filson's, 1784, ii., 245. 
*Five Nations Country, 1681, i., 58. 

Franquelin's, i68i,i., 119; 1682, ii., 182; 
'^1684, i., 125, 126, 322; ii., 91, 93- 
95, 99, 115, 116, 182, 244, 256; 1688, 
i., 125; ii., 114; 1708, 114. 

French anonymous, 1683-90, i., 11. 

Fry and Jefferson's, 1751, i., 13, 157; 
ii., 92, 99. 

Heckewelder's, 1796, i., 342, 351. 

Hendricksen's, 1614, 1616, i., 8, 16, 31, 
32, 119. See Block's and Carte 
Figurative. 

Hennepin's, 1697, i., 9, 135. 
*Herrman's, 1670, i., 16, 38, 44, 53-55; 
ii., 97. 

Holme's Pennsylvania, i., 166. 

Homann's, i., 123; New England, i., 93; 

1730, ii., 117. 
♦Howell's, 1792, i., 218, 221, 262, 267, 

279, 280, 285, 286, 346. 
*Hutchins's, 1764, i., 146, 285, 334, 342, 
351; ii., 178, 181, 185, 187-189, 210, 
366, 387; 1778, i., 278, 285, 312, 334- 
336, 343, 351; ii-. 161, 181, 185, 187, 
199, 207. 

Indian Towns and Trails in Southwest- 
em Ohio, Lewis's, i., 147; ii., 280. 

Johnson's, 1771, i., 221. 

Joliet's, 1673, i., II, 119; 1674, ii., 98; 
1674-80, ii., 88. 

Kitchin's 1747, ii., 127; 1756, i., 96. 

Laet's, 1630, i., 8. 

La Hontan's, 1703, i., 9, 325. 

Lederer's, 1670, i., 14, 122. 

Lewis's, 1902, i., 147; ii., 280. 

Lodge's, 1779, i., 218. 

Lopez y Cruz, 1755. 

Marquette's, 1673-74, ii-. 9^, lOO- 
■^Mayo's, 1737, i., 157. 

Merian's, 1650, ii., 121. 

Mitchell's, 1755, i., 21, 204, 309, 331, 
332, 343, 345. 346; ii-, 98, 188. 

Moll's, 1720, i., 123; ii., 117. 

Morden's, 1687, i., 122. 

Morgan's, Iroquois country in 1720, i., 
221. 



Index 



431 



Maps — Continued 

Ogilby's, 1670, i., 14, 122. 
*Ohio Company's, 1750-52, i., 273. 

Ortelius', 1570, ii., 121. 

Patten's, 1754, i., 274, 275. 

Penn's, 1740, i., 44. 

Pennsylvania-New York boundary, 

1787, i., 222. 
*Pownairs, 1776, ii., 117, 245, 251. 

Putnam's, 1804, i., 335-337- 

Raffeix's, 1688, i., 9. 

Roggeveen's, 1676, i., 119. 

Sanson's, 1656, i., 9. 

Sauthier's, 1777, i., 93; ii., 59. 

Scull's, 1759, i., 95, no, 210, 277, 279; 
1770, i., 213, 262, 263, 268, 269, 285, 
297, 298, 312. 

Senex's, 1710, i., 122; 1721, i., 123. 

Smith's, 1612, i., 15, 27, 33, 38, 45, 96; 
ii., 119. 

Smith's, 1720, ii., 117, 122. 

South Carolina, 1711-15, i., 123. 

Taylor's, 1717-18, i., 43, 180. 
*Taylor's, 1725-30, i., 192-193, 195. 
*Thevenot's, 1681, ii., 98, 100. 
*Traders', 1753, i., 273; ii., 123. 

Vanderdonck's, 1656, i., 92, 119. 

Van Keulen's, 1719-20, i., 123; ii., 104, 
122. 

Vaugondy's, 1755, i., 332, 333; ii., 98. 

Vincent Township, 1773, i., 166. 

Visscher, 1655, i., 257. 

White's, 1586, i., 15, 160. 
Maquas, or Maques (Mohawks), i., 31, 

33. 348; ii-, 347- See Mohawks. 
Maqueechaick, i., 145. See Maguck. 
Margry, Pierre, i., 11, 121, 123; ii., 87-90, 

114, 115. 
Marietta, i., 174, 177, 178. 
Marin, Pierre Paul, ii., 156. 
Maritties Hook, i,, 91. 
Mark Coonce (Maconce?), i., 300, 316, 334. 
Markham, William, i., 97, 99, 103, 149. 
Marquette, Jacques, i., 120, 121; ii., 100, 

loi, 103, 121. 
Marshall, Orasmus H., i., 345, 356. 
Marshe, Witham, ii., 24; Journal of, i., 200. 
Martin, James, i., 277. 
Martin, John, ii., 191, 327, 336, 388. 
Martin, Joseph, ii., 219. 
Martin's Ferry, i., 277. 
Maryland, i., 16,36, 38,39,42, 44,48, 49, 

51, 52, 54, 56,67,70,71, 77, 87, 100, 103, 

116, 126, 131, 135, 144, 150, 158, 200, 

211, 218, 232, 282; ii., 5, 97, 247, 280, 

316, 320, 321, 330, 373; assists Minquas, 

i., 47; Associators' Assembly, 74; boun- 
dary, 55, 275; defeats Susquehannocks, 

55; dismemberment of, 45; Indian 

trade in, 41; militia, 76; Pennsylvania 
boundary troubles, 174; Shawnees 

come to, 129; Strange Indians come to, 

126; treats with Susquehannocks, 36; 

wars against Susquehannocks, 37; sub- 
dues Susquehannocks, i., 87. 



Maryland Gazette, ii., 212, 217. 
Maryland Traders before 1700, i., 63, 64. 
Mascoutins, i., 120, 124, 159, 312; ii., 33, 

35. 133. 135. 258, 365, 367- 
Mason, Andrew, i., 163. 
Mason, George, i., 5, 50, 179; ii., 336. 
Mason and Dixon's Line, i., 33, 39, 45; 

ii-, 329. 373, 374- 
Mason's Journal, Charles, ii., 373. 
Massachusetts, i., 338. 
Massawomckes, i., 26, 35, 60-63, 336. 

See Massomacks. 
Massomacks, i., 35, 62, 63. 
Massourites, ii., 99, 
Matapis, Delaware Indian, i., 91. 
Matasit, Minsi chief, i., 93, 137-139, 144. 
Match-coat, meaning of, ii., 300. 
Mathemen, Delaware chief, i., 88. 
Mathews, Edward Bennett, i., 45. 
Mathews, Thomas, i., 51. 
Mattapanie, i., 49. 
Mattawoman, i., 53, 58. 
Mattawomans, i., 53, 68. 
Matthews, Edmond, ii., 381. 
Mattienmeke, Delaware Indian, i., 90. 
Maugher, Patrick, i., 55. 
Maughoughsin, Delaware chief , i., 97. 
Maughwawame (Logstown), i., 356. See 

Wyoming. 
Maumee-Wabash Portage, ii., 88. See 

Portages. 
Maurepas, Jean Frederic Phelypeaux, 

Comte de, i., 308, 312. 
Mauvilas, ii., 116. 
May, Cornelius Jacobson, ii., 345. 
Mayeenrol, Delaware chief, i., 105. 
Mayer, Brantz, i., 381. 
Mayer, or Meyer, Lieut. Elias, i., 241. 
Mayhkeerickkishsho, Delaware chief,-!., 

94. 
May's Lick, ii., 227. 
Maysville, ii., 227. 
Ma^^town, i., 179. 
Mazilieres, Captain, ii., 156. 
Meaty, Samuel, i., 179; ii., 336. 
Meanock, i., 40. 
Meatcalfe, John, ii., 361. 
Meaurroway, Shawnee chief, i., 130, 152. 
Mecallona, Shawmee chief, i., 152. 
Mechaecksitt, Delaware chief, i., 91. 
Mechegoakchuk, Delaware chief, i., 300. 

See Great Hill. ' 

Mechekv^ralames, Mantas chief, i., 89. 
Mechelckeety, Iroquois chief, i., 103. 
Mechouquatchugh, Delaware chief, i., 295, 

297, 300, 307; ii., 306. See Great Hill. 
Medlev, Betsey, ii., 388. 
Medley, Wm., ii., 388. 
Meelatainen, Shawnee chief, i., 310. 
Meener, Thomas, ii., 336. 
Meerkeedt, Delaware chief, i., 89. 
Meggeckesjouw, Mcggeckosiouw, or Ma- 

gockqueshou, i., 64, 90. 
Meguatchaiki, ii., 93, 244. Sec Maguck. 
Meinor, John, i., 230. 



432 



Index 



Mekowetick, Delaware chief, i., 88. 

Melcher, Isaac, i., 382. 

Melleonga, Delaware chief, i., 98. 

Membre, Zenobe, i., 132; ii., 103, 105. 

Meminger, Theodore, i., 255. 

Memmesame, Minsi chief, i., 90. 

Memphis, ii., 122. 

Menangy, Manangy, Menanzees, etc., 
Delaware chief, i., 93, 99, 100, 105. 

Mengwe, i., 2-], 82; meaning of, 348. 
See Mangoac and, Mingo. 

Mengwes, i., 8. See Minquas. 

Meninger, Minsi chief, i., 90. 

Mennonists, ii., 19. 

Menominees, ii., 363-365. 

Meoechkonck, i., 92. 

Mequachake clan of Shawnees, also written 
Maguck, Magueck, Machachac, Mach- 
ichac, Mackacheck, Mackacheek, Mag- 
wa, Makostrake, Maquichees, Maquee- 
chaick, etc.,i., 148; ii.,93. _ 

Mequachake, meaning of, i., 148. See 
Maguck. 

Mercer, George, ii., 327. 

Mercer, Hugh, ii., 20, 161, 325. 

Mercer, John, ii., 152. 

Merkekowon, Delaware chief, i., 97. 

Mermet, Jean, i., 18; ii., 131. 

Meshemethequater, Shawnee chief, i., 306, 
354; ii., 139, 155. See Big Hominy and 
Misemeathaquatha. 

Meshuhow, Minsi chief, i., 93, 144. 

Metamequan, or Mettamicont, Delaware 
chief, i., 97. 

Metch, Molly, ii., 387. 

Metchigameas, ii., 100. 

Methawennah, Shawnee chief, i., 153. 

Metropolis City, ii., 137. 

Mettamicont, or Metamequan, Delaware 
chief, i., 97. 

Mexico, i., 123, 174, 249; ii., 44, 53, 88, 
116. 

Miami Town, ii., 35, 270. See Picka- 
willany and Twightwee Town. 

Miami Valley, ii., 95. 

MiAMis, i., 18, 19, 24, 94, 95, 120, 121, 122, 
124, 125, 129, 134, 147, 158, 168, 187, 
188, 194, 198, 200, 202, 204, 225, 226, 
241. 252, 301, 308, 321, 326, 332, 367, 
370; ii., 2, 93-95, 102, 103, 104, 122, 131, 
140, 153. 164, 183, 190, 191, 247, 257- 
260, 262-265, 268-271, 279, 284-287, 
290, 322, 335, 365. 360. See Twigh- 
twees. 

Michel, Louis, i., 169. 

Michigan, i., 120; ii., 257. 

Michillimackinac, i., 5, 6, 17, 121, 132, 
133, 143, 240; ii., 23. 

Mickinac, Ottawa chief, ii., 286. 

Micmacs, ii., 285. 

Middle Ground, ii., 216. 

Middle Spring Church, ii., 231. 

Middleton, Robert, i., 163. 

MifHintown, i., 247, 248. ' 

Mikquar Town, i., 192. 



Mile, Swedish, English, and German, i., 
45, 89, 106; length of Dutch, 88, 89; 
length of German, 89; length of 
Swedish, 106. 

Milesburg, i., 182. 

Milford, i., 93. 

Milfort, Leclerc, ii., 93. 

Millar, Chris., ii., 360. 

Millar, Eleanor, ii., 360. 

Millar, Henry, ii., 361. 

Mill Brook, i., 42. 

Mill Creek Valley, ii., 143. 

Millen, John, i., 163. 

Miller, John, i., 284. 

Miller, Mr., ii., 280. 

Miller, Nancy, ii., 388. 

Miller's Run Gap, i., 285. 

Millgrove, ii., 85. 

Milligan, James, ii., 360. 

Millison, John, i., 79; ii., 337. 

Mills, John, ii., 285, 288. 

Milton, i., 191, 193, 195, 196. 

Milton, Richard, family killed by Indians, 

i- 57- 

Mineamies, ii., 365, 366. See Miamis. 

Mine au Fer, ii., 52. 

Mingo, meaning of, i., 27, 82, 349. 

Mingo Cabins, ii., 185, 187. 

Mingo John, i., 177. 

Mingo, Ohio, ii., 66, 141, 196. 

MiNGOES, i.,xiii., 16,37, 79, 111,156,220, 
232, 278, 295, 296, 298, 303, 304, 307, 
323- 340, 344- 346-350, 354. 367, 368; 
u., 4, 36, 75, 137, 139, 145, 160, 203, 260, 
306, 317, 351, 352, 372, 383; Ohio, i., 
3 1 5-339 ! S'Sk to have a fort built on the 
Ohio, 225; word first used in 168 1, 16. 
See Minquas. 

MiNGOEs, Black, i., 15, 16, 257; trading 
place of, 16. 

Mingoes, Little, ii., 145, 182, 189, 

Mingoes, White, i., 15. 

Mingo queen, i., 81. 

Mingo Town, i., 333, 334, 335, 349, 382; 
ii., 41, 66, 141, 195, 385. See Crow's 
Town. 

Minguannan, i., 130, 152. 

Minisink, i., 4, 93, 138, 140, 142, 143, 149, 
158, 218; ii., 124, 330, 335. 

Minisink Flats, i., 91, 154. 

Minquas, i., 15, 27, 31,33,46,59, 60, 66, 
77, 82, 89, 90, 97, 106, 109, 135, 136, 
180, 184, 348; ii., 345, 346; war against 
the Senecas, i., 15; Black and White, 76; 
Path, 76, 166, 180, 181. See Mingoes. 

Minsis, or Minisink Indians, i., 12, 88, 90, 
91, 94, 95, 99, 100, 108, no, 127, 137, 
139, 140, 152, 158, 167, 175, 205, 218, 
219, 237, 244, 270, 343; ii., 210, 216, 318, 
342, 349; pay tribute to Iroquois, i., 93, 
141. See Delawares. 

Minsi towns, i., 92, 242. 

Minuit, Peter, i., 12, 59. 

Miranda, George, i., 175, 304, 305; ii., 12, 
337.352. 



Index 



433 



Miranda, Isaac, i., 175; ii., 12, 337. 
Misemeathaquatha, Missemediqueety, or 
Meshemethequater, Shawnee chief, i., 
306, 354; ii., 139, 155. See Big Hominy 
and Meshemethequater. 
Misere (Ste. Genevieve), ii., 46, 49. 
Mississagas, i., 311. 
Missouri, ii., 217, 223, 224. 
Missouris, ii., 265. 
Mitatsimint, Minqua chief, i., 59. 
Mitchel, Dundas & Co., ii., 382. 
Mitchell, Abraham, i., 277; ii., 28. 
Mitchell, James, i., 184. 
Mitchell, John, i., 340. 
Mitchell, Reed, i., 371; ii., 337. 
Mitchell, Thomas, i., 255, 371; ii., 58, 326, 

337, 361, 379. 385. 
Mitchell, Thomas, Jr., i., 371 ; ii.,337, 381. 
Mitchell, Thomas, Sr., ii., 382. 
Mitchell's Sleeping-Place, Thomas, i., 255, 

280. 
Mitchener, C. H., ii., 188. 
Mobile, ii., 38, 55, 355. 
Mobiles, ii., 116. 
Moccasin Gap, ii., 219, 246. 
Moflfat, Solomon, i., 304, 337, 352, 353. 
Mohawk Town, Lower, i., 238. 
Mohawk Valley, i., 109, 239; ii., 9, 85, 255, 

393- 
Mohawks, also called Maquas, i., 8, 27, 
28, 31, 33, 34, 52, 56-58, 68, 103, 107, 
114, 138, 139, 142, 165, 198, 239, 293, 
297, 304. 316, 331, 349, 356, 357; ii., 
16, 18, 24, 96, 97, 132, 318. 
Mohawks, French, i., 331; ii., 252, 254. 

See Caughnawagas and Iroquois. 
Mohican Town, i., 96; ii., 187. See 

Mohickon John's Town. 
Mohicans, also spelled Mahicans, Mohick- 
ons, Mohegans, etc., i., 27, 96, 114, 127, 
137, 141, 142, 154, 155, 158, 187, 237, 
238, 244, 328, 331, 357, 381; ii., 19, 57, 
93, 124, 161, 167, 206, 209, 274, 318. 
Mohickanders, i., 83; ii., 11. See Mohi- 
cans. 
Mohickon John, a chief, ii., 68, 362, 385. 
Mohickon John's Town, i., 321; ii., 21, 

185, 187, 206-210, 362. 
Mohocksey, Delaware chief, i., 99. 
Monacans, ii., 119; of Siouan stock, i., 13. 
MoNACATOOTHA, or Monakatoocha (Al- 
gonquin name for Scarrooyady) , Iroquois 
head of the Logstown Shawnees, i., 228, 
230, 231, 235, 236, 271, 368, 371-373; 
ii., 292. See Scarrooyady. 
Monahassanughs, ii., 119. See Nahys- 

sans, Niasonts, and Oniasontkeronons. 
Monckton, Robert, i., 155, 240; ii., 21, 

22, 28, 161, 325. 
Monocacy, i., 208. 
Monongahela Forks, i., 227, 289, 366, 368, 

370. 375; ii-, 13, 183- 
Monoupera, ii., 98. See Monsoupelea and 

Monsouperia. 
Monroeville, ii., 184. 

VOL. II. — 28 



Monsey Town, i., 242. 

Monsoupelea, ii., 98, 100. See Mosopelea. 

Monsoupeleas, ii., loi. 

Monsouperia, ii., 98, 100, loi. See 

Mosopelea. 
Monsouperias, ii., 100, loi. 
Montcalm, Louis Joseph Gozon de St. 

V6ran, Marquis de, i., 308. 
Montgomery, John, i., 266; ii., 73. 
Montigny, Frangois Jolliet de, ii., 103, 

107-109. 
Montmigny, M. de, ii., 271. 
Montmorin, i., 382. 
Montour, Amochol, i., 206. 
Montour, Andrew (also called Henry 
Montour), i., xv.,95, iio, 187, 197, 198, 
202-205, 223-246, 250, 252, 254, 255, 
262, 274-276, 330, 337. 338,344.356,357, 
359, 361, 362, 364-371. 374-376, 378; 
n., 2-4, 6, 11-13, 16, 20, 21, 24, 28, 146- 
148, 151, 156, 160, 190, 191, 232, 234, 
267, 268, 271-274, 278, 281, 283, 285, 
291, 292, 294, 298, 318, 319; sketch of, 
i., 223-246; destroys Delaware towns, 
243; made a councillor, 228. See 
Henry Montour. 
Montour, Belle, i., 206. 
Montour, Catharine, i., 203, 205, 206, 246. 
Montour, Esther, i., 205, 206. 
Montour family, genealogy of, i., 199, 200. 
Montour, French Margaret, i., 96, 202, 

203, 205, 206. 
Montour, Henry (Andrew), i., 202, 223, 

239, 240, 242, 243, 245; ii., 20. 
Montour, Jean, i., 202. 
Montour, John, i., 199, 202, 203, 206, 244, 

246; ii., 80. 
Montour, Louis, i., 202, 203, 226-228, 289, 

371. 375; ii-, 283. 
Montour, Louis, Sr., i., 198, 199, 200. 
Montour, Madame, i., xv., 94, 188, 189, 

194, 198-206, 223, 292; ii., 258. 
Montour, Madeleine, i., 200, 205. 
Montour, Madelina, i., 246. 
Montour, Margaret, i., 205. 
Montour, Mary, i., 203, 205, 246; ii., 57. 
Montour, Michael, i., 203. 
Montour, Nicholas, i., 202. 
Montour, Roland, i., 206. 
Montour, Sarah, i., 246. 
Montour's children, Madame, i., 202. 
Montour's reserve, i., 245. 
Montoursville, i., 200, 245, 247, 377. 
Montreal, i., 120, 121, 131, 132, 184, 192, 
199, 292, 296, 299-302, 304, 308, 318, 
369; ii., 116, 132, 137. 153, 161, 170, 179, 
190, 216, 238, 252-256, 269, 282, 290, 

303, 323, 377, 394- 
Montresor, John, i., 243, 244; Journal of, 

i-, 337, 338. 

MOONEY, J.\MES, i., XXI., 10, I4, I5, 27, 33, 

61, 149, 159; ii., 93, 99, 118, 119, 218, 

225, 229. 
Moore, James, i., 83, 84. 
Moore, Joshua, ii., 38, 235. 



434 



Index 



Moore, Mary, ii., 388. 

Moore, Miss, ii., 86. 

Moore, Molly, ii., 388. 

Moore, Moses, ii., 160. 

Moorehead, Alexander, ii., 328, 337. 

Moorehead, Warren K., i., i. 

Moore's Mill, i., 181. 

Moraignans, i., 316. 

Moran, Edmund, i., 277; ii., 60, 382. 

Moran, Pat'k, ii., 380. 

Moran, Thomas, i., 309; ii., 337. 

Moravia, i., 331, 341. 

Moravia, East, i., 341. 

Moravian Town, i., 342. 

Moravians, i., 182, 204, 346; journeys of, 

32 ; settle in Pennsylvania, 95 ; settle on 

the Beaver, 341. 
Morehead, Charles S., ii., 213. 
Moreottawcollo, a Shawnee, i., 306. 
Morgan, George, i., 277; ii., 39, 43, 49, 60, 

80, 236, 301. 
Morgan, James, ii., 381. 
Morgan, Lewis H., i., xxi., 10; ii., 301. 
Morris, Col., ii., 62. 
Morris, John, ii., 82. 
Morris, Robert Hunter, i., 22, 79, 80, 95, 

116, 187, 209, 233, 237, 377; ii., 1,5,6,9, 

10, 15, 280, 299. 
Morris, Thomas, i., 63. 
Morse, Samuel Finley Breese, ii., 213. 
Moshannon, i., 182. 
Mosopelea, ii., 95, 97, 98, 100-103, 107. 

125; meaning of, ii., 98. 
Mosopelea, or Speleawee, River, Shawnee 

name for the Ohio, ii., 94. 
MosoPELEAS, ii., 95, 97, 100-103, 107, 125. 
Mosticum, i., 62. 
Mosticums, i., 35, 62. 
Mound, the Great, ii., 120. 
Mound Builders, i., xxi., 6; ii., 125. 
Mound Builders, the Natchez, ii., 102-1 13. 
Mounds, Ohio Valley, ii., 125. 
Moundsville, ii., 120. 
Mountains: 

Alleghany, i., 2, 17, 21, 109, 168, 174, 
177, 247, 251, 260, 265, 274, 275, 278, 
281-284, 286, 290, 291, 323; ii., 40, 42, 
56, 63, 80, 97t 125, 246, 250, 251, 326. 

Appalachian, i., 14, 253; ii., 44. 

Black Log, i., 87, 251, 256, 274. 

Blue, i., 17, 109, 112, 155, 212, 219. 

Blue Ridge, i., 159; ii., 219. 

Burnett's Hills, i., 245. 

Canoe, i., 259. 

Clinch, ii., 219, 242, 246. 

Conoco cheague, i., 255. 

Cumberland, i., 17, 19; ii., 117, 214, 217, 
245, 247, 251. 

Dallas, i., 279. 

Dunning's, i., 280. 

Endless, i., 287. 

Frankstown, i., 259. 

Great, ii., 36, 120. 

Great Hills, ii., 350. 

Iron, ii., 219. 



Jack's, i., 249, 257. 

Juniata Hill, i., 276. 

Kittatinny, or Kittochtinny, i., 88, 105, 
162,227,232,253,274. 

Laurel, ii., 247. 

Laurel Hill, i., 278, 282, 283; ii., 70, 77. 

Laurel Ridge, i., 268, 269, 286; ii., 60. 

Moosic, i., 219. 

North, i., 253. 

Ouasiota, ii., 117, 118, 214, 217, 245, 246, 
249, 252. 

Parnell's KJiob, ii., 328. 

Peter's, i., 175; ii., 326. 

Pisgah, i., 254. 

Pocono, i., 219. 

Powell's, ii., 219, 246, 247. 

Rattlesnake, i., 254. 

Ray's Hill, i., 274, 276, 277. 

Rocky, ii., 222. 

Sandy, ii., 215, 217. 

Shade, i., 86, 87, 256. 

Sideling Hill, i., 276. 

Stone, ii., 219. 

Susquehanna, i., 219. 

Tuscarora, i., 86, 232, 251, 253-256, 274. 

Tussey's, i., 258, 259, 277, 279. 

Walden's Ridge, ii., 219. 

Warriors' Ridge, i., 257, 277, 279, 291. 

Wilkes-Barre, i., 219. 

Wyoming, i., 219. 
Mount Carmel, i., 322. 
Mount Joy, i., 178. 
Mount Royal, ii., 313. 
Mount Union, i., 249, 257. 
Mount Vernon, i., 49; ii., 67. 
Mowheysinck Town, ii., 193, 194. 
Moyer, Peter, ii., 337. 
Mukqun, Delaware chief, i., 294; ii., 352. 
Mumaw, Peter, ii., 360. 
Muncy Hills, i., 95, 242. 
Munscoes, ii., 349. 
Munseytown Flats, i., 96. 
Munsies, ii., 210, 216, 318. See Minsis. 
Murdering Town, i., 373. 
Murphy, Elizabeth, deposition of, i., 41, 

42. 
Murray, Captain, ii., 31. 
Murray, Louise Welles, i., 203, 246. 
Muscle, or Mussel, Shoals, ii., 114. 
Muscogees, Musckogees, or Muskoquis, 

i., 298, 312; ii., 93, 134, 353-359- 
Musheguanockque, or The Turtle, Miami 

chief, ii., 294, 298. 
Muskingum Forks, i., 306, 350; ii., 145, 

177, 181, 183, 188, 189, 200, 204, 268, 

386, 387. 
Muskingum Path, the, ii., 193. 
Muskingum Town, i., 21, 252, 272, 283, 

284, 334. 362, 378; ii., 9, 29, 144, 145, 

148, 149, 159, 181, 182, 187, 189, 192, 

234, 291, 370. See Conchake. 
Muskingum Valley, ii., 95, 102. 
Muskoos, ii., 258. See Mascoutins. 
Musquetons, ii., 365, 367. See Mascoutins, 
Mussemeelin, a Delaware, ii., 350, 351. 



Index 



435 



Mussoughwhese, a Delaware, ii., 370, 371. 
Myers, Mr., ii., 82. 
Myers, Jacob, i., 286, 287; ii., 361. 
Myers's Spring, i., 287. 

N 

Nacostines, i., 62. 

Naguerrekonnan, meaning of, ii., 181. 

See under Rivers. 
Nahoosey, Delaware chief, i., 97. 
Nahyssans, ii., 1 19. See Monahassanughs. 
Naked Indians, i., 127, 128, 134, 136, 188; 
ii., 257, 258. See Miamis and Twigh- 
twees. 
Namaan, Minqua chief, i., 60, 90. 
Nangemy, i., 53. 

Nannacussey, Delaware chief, i., 97. 
Nanneckos, Delaware chief, i., 91. 
Nansemond Sound, i., 15. 
Nanticokes, i., 79, 114, 138, 151, 187, 235, 
237-239; ii., 24, 318; pay tribute to 
Iroquois, i., 37. 
Nashville, i., 131; ii., 241. 
Nassau, i., 76. 

Natchez, the, i., 6, 102, 131 ; ii., 51, 52, 54, 
103, 105, 107-111, 113, 116; mound 
builders and sun worshippers, 112; 
temple of, 1 1 1 . 
Natchez, Miss, ii., 102. 
National Road, i., 106. 
Natural Bridge, ii., 239. 
Navarre, Peter, i., 315. 
Navarre, Robert, i., 315, 333, 334, 337; 

ii., 165, 171, 173. 
Navarre, Ohio, i., 315, 334; ii., 200. 
Nazareth, i., 95. 
Neal, John, ii., 361. 
Neal, Pat'k, ii., 380. 
Neave, Samuel, ii., 7, 233. 
Neely, Alexander, ii., 228, 229. 
Negty (Negley), Christopher, ii., 361. 
^ Nelametenoes (Wyandots), i., 350. 
Nelson, Joseph, i., 364, 371; ii., 337. 
Nemacolin, Delaware Indian, i., 105, 109; 

ii., 305- 

Nemacolin's Camp, ii., 338. 

Nemacolin's Path, i., 105. 

Neneshickan, Delaware chief, i., 97. 

Nescopeck, i., no, 237. 

Neshanocks, Delaware chief, i., 97. 

Nettawatwees, also written Nedawaway, 
Netatwhelman, Netteautwaleman, 
Nettwellhus, New Comer, Oliver, etc., 
Delawarechief, i., 104, in, 24i,375;ii., 
189,311. 5ee New Comer. 

Nettawatwees' Town, ii., 186. See New 
Comer's Town. 

Neucheconneh, Shawnee chief, i., 190, 
206, 305, 310, 311, 353> 354; ii- 138, 140. 
141, 143, 261, 294. 

Neucheconneh's Town, i., 352. See Char- 
tier's Town. 

Neutral Nation, i., 7, ^9-12, 24; ii., 95; 
Morgan's name for, i., 10. 



Nevesins, i., 64. 

Neville, John, i., 381; ii., 79-81. 
New Amstel, i., 46, 47, 64, 90; ii., 346. 
New Amsterdam, i., 46, 64, 66, 77. 
Newark, ii., 149. 
New Bern, i., 83. 
New Brunswick, i., 5. 
Newcastle, i., 46, 56, 57, 64, 66-68, 90, 
171, 172, 180, 297, 304, 331, 332, 341, 
346-348. 
Newcastle, Captain, Mohawk Mmgo chief, 

i., 79, 80. See Captain Newcastle. 
Newcastle Junction, i., 341. 
New Comer, or Nettawatwees, Delaware 
chief, i., 104, III, 241, 375; ii., 189, 311. 
New Comer's Town, i., 104, 380, 381; ii., 
74, 186, 189, 210, 211, 310, 311, 388. 
See Gekelemukpechunk, Kekalemah- 
pehoong, Kighalampegha, etc. 
New Cumberland, i., 171, 353. 
New England, i., 10, 62, 65, 128; ii., 78, 

96, 149, 307, 321. 
New France, i., 7; ii., 335. 
New Granada, i., 276. 
New Holland, ii., 96. 
New Jersey, i., 4, 61, 62, 100, 114, 159, 

188, 239, 360; ii., 19, 317. 
New Lisbon, ii., 144. 
New London, i., 123. 
New Netherland, i., 8, 27, 59, 109, 119, 

321; visited in 1598, 61. 
New Orleans, i., 131, 244; ii., 33, 38, 40, 

51-55, III, 236, 239, 355, 373. 
Newport, i., 248, 341; ii., 201. 
New Path, the, i., 253. 
New Salem, i., 203, 206. 
New Sweden, i., 15, 27, 45, 52, 76, 89, 106. 
Newton, Ambrose, ii., 361. 
Newton Falls, i., 342, 349; ii., 200. 
New Town, ii., 388. 

New York, i., 3-5, 56, 57, 84, 99, 107, 126, 
137, 138, 140, 141, 143, 198, 199, 205, 
229, 237, 243, 244, 304, 324, 326, 348, 
359, 369, 373, 377; ii-. 23, 31, 38, 55, 59, 
60, 65, 124, 136, 191, 265, 266, 303, 304, 
314, 321, 345, 383; Shawnees go to, i., 
127. 
Niagara, i., 10, 133, 206, 241, 243, 271, 
287, 295, 317, 320, 338, 367; ii., 35, 309. 
Niagara carrjnng-place, i., 243. 
Niasonts, ii., 119. 
NichoUs, Amos, i., 169; ii., 337. 
Nicholson, Francis, i., 55, 134. 
Nicholson, Owen, ii., 299, 331, 337. 
Nicolas, Huron chief, i., 320, 331, 345; ii., 
136, 164-167, 174, 175, 181, 189, 190, 
259, 260; conspiracy of, i., 321-329; 
dead in 1751; ii., 190. See Orontony. 
Nicolas, Richard, i., 77. 
Nichos, or Nickas, Mohawk chief, ii., 19, 

85-. 
Nickiphock, Shax\Tiee chief, ii., 139, 155. 
Nickman, a Delaware, ii., 22. 
Nigig, an Indian, ii., 391. 
Niles, i., 351; ii., 200, 258, 365. 



436 



Index 



Ninekanine, an Indian, ii., 390, 391. 

Nippissings, or Nepissingues, i., 24, 358; 
ii., 239, 284-287. 

Niskebeckon, i., no. See Nescopeck. 

Noochickoneh, or Noochegronow, Shawnee 
chief,i., 190; ii., 261. See Neucheconneh. 

Norris, Isaac, i., 227, 371; ii., 307. 

North Carolina, i., 10, 83, 159, 200; ii., 
120, 152, 214, 233, 236, 245. See Caro- 
lina. 

Notley, Thomas, i., 53, 55, 66, 67. 

Nutimus, Delaware chief, i., 94, 107, no. 

Nutimus's Town, i., no. 

Nuttall, John, i., 63, 64. 

Nyers (Myers), Jacob, ii., 361. 



O 



O'Brien, Henry, i., 230; ii., 58. 

Occaneechies, i., 51. 

Ochateguin, Huron chief, i., 7. 

Ochateguins (Hurons), i., 7; ii., 97. 

Ochiatagongas, ii., 97. See Hurons. 

Ochtaghquanawic-roones, i., 86. 

Ockenichan, Delaware Indian, i., 91. 

Ocowellos, Shawnee chief, i., 154, 184, 190, 
191, 268, 292, 352. See Okowela. 

Octorara Fort, i., 41, 166. 

Odber, John, i., 44. 

Ogehage, or Minquas, i., 31, 33. 

Oghquaga, i., 86, 209, 237, 238, 242, 243; 
ii., II, 62, 63, 65. 

Oghquaga Castle, ii., 65. 

Oghwick (Aughwick), ii., 190. 

Oglethorpe, James Edward, ii., 133. 

Ohahmondamaw, Delaware chief, i., 300. 

Oheeyo (Ohio), i., 293. See Adigo, Adi- 
ego, etc. 

Ohesson, i., 248, 249, 296, 298; ii., 326. 

Ohio, also written Adiego, Adigo, Adjiego, 
Adrego, Atiga, Atigue, Attiga, Attigue, 
Oheeyo, Oyo, etc., i., xxiii., 6-10, 13, 
17, 18, 21, 104, III, 145, 156, 168, 174, 
177, 182, 183, 185, 187-190, 204, 209, 
225-227, 230, 231, 241, 252-254, 275, 
303. 319. 322, 323, 325, 329, 333-335, 
344. 345. 350-352, 354. 361, 364. 367- 
369. 371. 374. 376, 377; ii- 3, 4. I3. 
16, 59, 103, 128, 138, 157, 181, 183, 187, 
188, 261, 266, 267, 281, 289, 310, 311, 
322, 328, 330, 334, 337, 350, 368; Indian 
towns in, ii., 192, 384, 385; meaning of 
the word, i., 109, 290, 293, 294; repopu- 
lated after 1725, 20; synonymous with 
Adiego, 293 ; uninhabited after Iroquois 
wars, i., 19. 

Ohio Canal, ii., 149; Falls, i., 158, 375; ii., 
42, 43, 58, 215, 216, 230, 238, 239, 247- 
249; Forks, i., 21, 115, 207, 228, 230, 
275. 291, 334, 355, 360, 369, 372; ii., 3, 
29. 37, 66, 77, 240, 267; Hunters, i., 369; 
Mingoes, i., 315-339; mounds, 15; paths, 
ii., 163-21 1. 

Ohio Company of Virginia, i., 5, 105, 204, 
224, 226, 227, 272, 334, 344, 347, 361, 



362, 367, 372; ii., 14, 143, 144, 152, 156, 
247, 291, 319, 320, 330, 338; army of, 
i., 230. 

Ohio, or Great River, also called Adiego, 
Adigo, Adjiego, Adrego, Akansea, Attiga. 
Attique, Baudrane, Beautiful, Belle, 
Handsome, LaBelle, Mosopelea, Oheeyo, 
Ouabache, Oyo, Palawa, Pellewaa, Spel- 
eawee-thepee, Splawicipiki, Turkey, etc.. 
i., 120,290,293, 294; ii., 102; Great Bend 
of, 197, 198; Horseshoe Bend of, 196, 
198; Rapids, 167. See River, Ohio. 

Ohio River Route, ii., 197, 198. 

Ohio Trade, ii., 10. 

Ohio Valley, i., 4, 122, 154, 158, 294, 359; 
ii., 158, 214, 240, 256; before the white 
man came, 87-124; first explorer of, 
i., xxiii., 143; La Salle's description 
OF, ii., 114, 116. 

Ohopamen, Delaware chief, i., 105. 

Ohwsilopp, Minsi chief i., 144. 

Ojunco, Susquehannock chief, i., 78. 

Okettarickon, Delaware chief, i., 97. 

Okones, i., 298. 

Okonikon, or Ocomickon, Delaware chief, 

i-. 97- 
Okowela, Shawnee chief, i., 292, 296, 298. 

See Ocowellos. 
Olakesek, an Indian, ii., 390. 
Olanawkanor, Shawnee chief, i., 310. 
Old Britain, Piankeshaw chief, ii., 263, 

290, 292, 294, 296, 298. 
Oldfield, George, i., 72. 
Old Hunting Town, ii., 385. 
Old Path, the, i., 256. 
Old Peter's Road, i., 162, 181. 
Old Sawannah Town, i., 136. 
Old Shawnee Town, i., 21, 151, 280, 291. 
Old Town, i., 146, 152, 153, 156, 157, 228, 

364; ii., 320, 388. 
Old Trading Path, i., 285, 286. 
Olean, i., 221. 
Oley, i., 188, 194. 
Olympian Springs, ii., 249. 
Onas, Iroquois name for "a quHl," or 

"pen"; applied to William Penn, and 

to his successors in Pennsylvania, i., 

324; ii., 13, 289, 307. _ 
Oneakoopa, Shawnee chief, i., 156. 
Oneida, i., 86, 238, 242, 348; ii., II, 90, 

94, 144, 188; meaning of, i., 257. 
Oneida carrying place, ii., II. 
Oneidas, i., 35, 58, 68, 69, 72, 107, 192, 

197, 198, 239, 242, 280, 301, 316, 331, 

349. 357; ii-. 94. 3I5. 3i8. 
O'Neil, Terence, i., 179; ii., 337. 
O'Neill, Owen, i., 163. 
Onesahnayan, Conestoga chief, i., 81. 
Oniasontke, ii., 94, 117. 
Oniasontkeronons, ii., 97, 116-118. 
Onojutta, see Juniata. 
Onondaga, i., xxiii., 10, 48, 86, 96, 103, 1 13, 

189, 191, 195-197, 200, 204, 209, 211, 

223, 236, 238, 244, 247, 310, 329, 348, 

354, 369; ii., 10, 30, 94, 97, 298. 



Index 



437 



Onondaga Council, i., xxiii., 32, 227, 363, 

365- 367. 368, 376; ii., 12, 13, 30, 31. 
Onondaga dictionary, i., 8, 336; ii., 181. 
Onondagas, i., 4, 8, 10, 15, 17, 20, 21, 27- 

29. 45. 52, 54- 57-59. 67, 68, 99, 103, 

105, 107, 124, 135, 238, 315, 316, 331, 

343.. 349. 357;. li-. 16, 18, 94, 317, 318. 
Onontio, Iroquois term, meaning "great 

mountain," first applied to Charles 

Huault de Montmagny, Governor of 

Canada, to his successors, and to the 

king of France, i., 225, 363, 364; ii., 

164, 170, 286 
Ontouagannhas, or Ontwagannhas, Fire 

Nation (Mascoutins), and Shawnees, i., 

II, 120, 122. 
Ooeasa, ii., 241. 
Oosechas, i., 298. 
Ooughsaragoh, i., 245. 
Opasiskunk, i., 77, 97. 
Opakeita, Shawnee chief, i., 156. 
Opakethwa, Shawnee chief, i., 156. 
Opekasset, Delaware Indian, i., 77, 189. 
Opessa, Shawnee chief, i., 8, 84, loi, 135, 

136, 150, 152, 153. 157. 165, 305, 306,353. 
Opessa'sson, 1., 190,305,353; ii., 139, 155. 

See Loyparcowah. 
Opessa's Town, i., 152, 153, 157, 171, 280, 

291. 
Opockeetor, Shawnee chief, i., 310. 
Oppemenyhook, Minsi chief, i., 93, 99, 

100. 
Oppohwhyeckun, Delaware chief, i., 300. 
Orange, i., 328; ii., 96, 167. See Albany. 
Oratam, Hackensack chief, i., 90. 
Orbisonia, i., 256. 
Orecton, Delaware chief, i., 97. 
Oretyagh, Susquehannock chief, i., 77; 

ii., 304. 
Ormand, Abraham, ii., 388. 
Ormsby, John, i., 278; ii., 60, 326, 361, 

578-380, 382. 
Ormsby, Thos., i., 381. 
Orondacks (Adirondacks) ii., 282, 285. 
Orontony, Huron chief, ii., 164. See 

Nicolas. 
Orscanyadee, Oneida Mingo chief, ii., 261. 

See Scarrooyady. 
Osages, ii., 99, 265. 
Oscohu, Oscolui, or Oskoho, i., 32. 
Osereneon, Delaware chief, i., 97. /'' 
j Oskohary, or Skogary, i., 95, no. '^ 
Ossoghqua, Shawnee chief, ii., 138. 
Ostandousket (Sandusky), i., 321, 328; 

ii., 167, 192. 
Ostanghaes, i., 86. 
Oswego, i., 2, 3, 5, 243, 317, 318; ii., 36, 

133.267, 308, 373._ 
Otsego, ii., 64; meaning of, 65. 
Otsego Patent, 61. 
Otsego Rock, ii., 65. 
Otseningo, i., 113, 114, 155, 187, 237. 
Otstenrake, meaning of, ii., 179, 180. 
Otstonwakin, same as Otstuago, i., 192, 
200, 223; meaning of, 200. 



Otstuago, or Otstuagy, same as Otston- l^ 
V wakin, i., 200, 377; meaning of, 200. 

Ottawa, i., 4. 

Ottawas, i., 3, 5, 48, 125, 155, 168, 235, 
305. 316, 318, 319, 324, 327, 328, 333, 
351. 358; 11-. 21, 69, 90, 94, 144, 147, 
156, 163, 165-167, 170, 1S3, 206, 209, 
230, 231, 257, 259, 265, 276,277, 283, 
284, 288, 308, 309, 322, 363, 372, 376. 

Ottawa Route, i., 11. 

Ottawa Town, i., 204, 334, 349; ii., 183, 

385- 
Otter, Elizabeth, ii., 361. 
Otzinachson, Otzenachse, or Otzenaxa, 

i., 86, 185, 187, 196, 200, 307; meaning 

of, 195, 196; Delaware name for, 195. 

See Shamokin. 
Ouabachie (Wabash), i., 122. 
Ouabans, i., 125; ii., 93, 96. 
Oumas, ii., 54, 116. 
OuAsioTA Country, ii., ii8,ii9;Gap,ii7, 

126, 245; Pass, 117-119, 245. 
Ouasitas, ii., 116. 
Ouchaouanags, or Fire Nation, i., 120; 

ii., 135. See Chaouanons, Shawnees, 

and Mascoutins. 
Oughwick (Aughwick), ii., 233, 234. 
Ouiatanon, ii., 34. See Weaugh. 
Ouiatanons, i., 18, 125, 301, 308; ii., 2, 13, 

24. 34. 35. 131. 153, 154. 162, 257, 258, 

265, 276, 278, 281, 282, 287, 297, 365- 

367, 374. See Wawaughtanneys, Weas, 

etc. 
Oumiamis (Miamis), i., 122; ii., 103, 104. 
Outagamis (Foxes), i., 13, 121, 122; ii., 

117. 
Outaouacs (Ottawas), ii., 257. 
Outreouate, Onondaga chief, i., 158. 
Ouyas, ii., 287. 
Overwinter, Adam, ii., 360. 
Owechela, Owhala, Ocahale, etc., Dela- 
ware chief, i., 93, 99, 100, lOi, 114, 130. 

See Owehela. 
Owego, or Oweg^^ an outpost of the 

Cayugas, i., 237, 244, 245. 
Owehela, see Weheelan. 
Owehela, Delaware chief, i., 93. See 

Weheelan. 
Owendat Town, ii., 160. 
Owendats, or Owendoes (Wyandots), i., 

345; ii., 160, 231, 267, 307. 
Owens, David, ii., 337, 386. 
Owens, John, i., 364; ii., 337, 361, 386. 
Owens's Camping Ground, i., 262, 263. 
Owl, The, an Indian, i., 177. 
Owl's Town, ii., 187, 199. 
Oyadackuchraonos (Cherokees), ii., 254. 



Packenah, Delaware chief, i., 98. 

Packer, Bernard, ii., 338. 

Packsinosa, Shawnee chief, i., 155, 156. 

See Paxinosa. 
Paguasse, Shawnee chief, i., 299. 



438 



Index 



Pahaqualong, i., 92, 145. See Pechoquea- 
lin. 

Pahaquarry, i., 92. See Pahaqualong. 

Pain Court, now St. Louis, ii., 48, 49. 

Painted Post, i., 219. 

Pakanke, Delaware chief, i., 341. 

Palakacouthater, a Shawnee, i., 306. 

Palmer, Anthony, i., 325. 

Palmer, John, i., 309; ii., 338. 

Pamunkie, i., 53. 

Pamunkies defeated, i., 14. 

Panawakee Town, i., 221. 

Paris, ii., 269. 

Paris, Richard, ii., 17. 

Paris, Robert, ii., 360. 

Parker, Hugh, i., 347; ii., 319, 320, 327, 
330, 338, 353- 

Parkman, Francis, i., xiv., xxi., 6, 8, 9, 17, 
124, 143, 336; ii., 87-90, 182, 377. 

Parret, Delaware chief, i., 91. 

Parsons, Robert, ii., 229. 

Parting of the Roads, i., 201, 285; ii., 203. 

Partridge, Delaware chief, i., 105. 

Pasigachkunk, i.,2i8, 220-222,350; mean- 
ing of, 220. See Little Shingle. 

Passakassy, Delaware chief, i., 100. 

Passalty, a Conestoga, ii., 348. 

Passyunk, ii., 83, 330. 

Path: Eastern, ii., 355; Forks of the, 
187; Frankstown {see Frankstown), 
i., 247-273; Great Warriors', ii., 243, 
245; Kiskiminetas, i., 262-264; Kit- 
tanning, 262, 263; Middle, ii., 355; 
Muskingum, 193, Nemacolin's, i., 105; 
Ohio, ii., 163-211; Old Trading, i., 
285, 286; perils of the, ii., 344-394; 
Pickawillany {see Pickawillany ) , 257- 
299; Raystown {see Raystown), i., 274 
-289; Trading, ii., 354; the White, 
355; Shamokin, i., 212-222. 

Path Valley, i., 86, 251, 253; ii., 331, 339. 

Patten, or Pattin, John, i., 227-229, 274- 
276, 278, 279, 281, 284, 348, 375-376; 
n., 3, 148, 156, 189, 268, 269, 338; cap- 
tured, 268-271. 

Patterson, James, i., 142, 163, 174, 177, 
178, 180, 209; ii., 84, 338, 373. 

Patterson, Samuel, i., 179; ii., 338. 

Patterson, Sarah, i., 174. 

Patterson, Susanna, i., 174, 177. 

Patterson, William, i., 174, 175, 217, 248, 
266; ii., 57, 233, 237, 380. 

Patton, James, i., 80, iii, 154, 272, 365; 
ii., 230. 

Patroons, ii., 344. 

Paughchasewey's Town and Creek, ii., 196. 

Pawquawsie, Shawnee chief, i., 190, 353. 

Paxinosa, or Packsinosa, Shawnee chief, 
i., 80, 96, 155, 156, 187. 

Paxtang, also written Pechstank, Pextan, 
Peixtang, etc., i., 95, 100, 104, 109, no, 
143, 145, 150, 151, 153, 161, 167, 171, 
172, 176, 181, 185-187, 192, 232, 235, 
241, 248, 249, 252, 267, 287, 292, 299, 
306, 352, 367; ii., 5, 234, 305, 329, 



333-335. 349; Path, i., 179-181; Trad- 
ers, 161-181. 

Paxtang Boys, i., 25, 81; kill the Conesto- 
gas, 242. 

Paxtang Church, ii., 232. 

Pean, Monsieur, ii., 168, 169. 

Pearce, Paul, i., 364. 

Pearsfield, Sam'l, ii., 381. 

Pechoquealin, i., 92, 142-145, 147, 152, 

154, 164, 185, 186-190, 218, 219; ii., 124, 
332, 339, 340; meaning of, i., 145. 

Pechquahock (Pechoquealin), i., 93. 

Peck, John M., ii., 220. 

Peckwes Town, i., 140. 

Pedagogue, Illinois chief, ii., 265. 

Peixtan (Paxtang), ii., 334. 

Pemaquid, i., 128. 

Pemberton, Israel, i., 117; ii., 23, 24. 

Pemberton, Rowland, ii., 361. 

Pemberton family, i., 5. 

Pemhacke, Delaware chief, i., 88. 

Peminackan, Delaware chief, i., 89. 

Pemoyajooagh, Shawnee chief, i., 136. 

Penascok, Shawnee chief, i., 130. 

Pendanoughhah, Delaware chief, i., 97. 

Pendergrass, Garret, or Gerard, i., 279; 
ii., 141, 338. 

Pendergrass' Town, i., 279. 

Penicaut's Relation, i., 123; ii., 103. 

Penn, John, i., 164, 242, 303; ii., 32, 57, 
58, 73-76, 79, 130, 374, 385, 386. 

Penn, Richard, i., 164; ii., 28. 

Penn, Thomas, i., 18, 81, 164, 185, 202, 
299. 301, 303-306; ii., 5, 8, 28, 130, 315, 
316. 

Penn, William, i., xxiv., 8, 35, 38, 39, 43, 
44. 54. 59. 77-79. 81, 82, 94, 97, 98, 102- 
105, 107, 109, III, 129, 135, 144, 149, 
151, 152, 161, 163, 164, 166, 169, 180, 
189, 193, 297, 306, 324; ii., 59, 71, 304, 
311, 332; sharp practices of, i., 54. 

Penn's treaty with the Indians, i., 59; 
treaty with the Conestogas and Shaw- 
nees, 157; treaty with the Susquehan- 
nocks, 8. 

Penn Breviate, i., 44. 

Penn Station, i., 288. 

Pennsboro, ii. , 280. See under Townships. 

Pennsboro Manor, ii., 338. 

Pennsylvania, i., 3, 5, 18, 19, 33, 37, 39, 
41, 59. 83, 84, 86, 109, 114, 126, 131, 136, 

155, 158, 183, 195, 196, 198, 201, 209, 
211, 223, 225, 239, 244, 249, 278, 282, 
295. 301, 303. 322, 323, 360-362, 366, 
371. 375. 377. 383; ii-. i. 2, 6, 9, 13, 14, 
16-19, 22, 30, 31, 56, 60, 64, 66, 71, 74, 
77, 82, 120, 124, 130, 139, 190, 191, 
213, 229, 230, 251, 253, 255, 256, 266, 
269, 270, 292, 314, 315, 317, 321, 325, 
340, 373. 378, 383. 384; boundary, i., 
277; Maryland boundary troubles, 174; 
Indians of, 12; offers rewards for In- 
dian scalps, 238; ii., 385; Assembly 
passes militia law, i., 117; southern path, 
291; western limits of, 229. 



Index 



439 



Pennsylvania Railroad, i., 291. 

Pennsylvania Traders, i., xxiv.,3, 6, 21, 
80, 175, 247, 292, 325, 344, 347, 356; 
ii., 60, 75, 86. See Traders. 

Penobscot, i., 128. 

Penroy, Margaret, i., 67. 

Pensacola, ii., 55, 359. 

Penticost, Dorsey, ii., 73, 77. 

Peorias, ii., 48, 49, 265. 

Pepamany, an Indian, ii., 96. 

Pepee, Joseph, ii., 313. 

Pepikokias, i., 125; ii., 257. See Petico- 
tias. 

Pequea, i., 129, 150-152, 157, 161, 164, 
171, 185, 298; ii., 304. 

Pequea clan of Shawnees, i., 136, 145, 148; 
ii., 230, 261. See Piqua. 

Pequea Valley, i., 180. 

Pequehan, i., 37, 160, 172. See Pequea. 

Perrin, Thomas, i., 163, 179, 180; ii., 338. 

Perrot, Nicholas, i., 121. 

Perry, Samuel, ii., 375. 

Perth Amboy, i., 94, 100, 144, 145. 

Pesquitomen, Delaware chief, i., 268. 
See Pisquetomen. 

Peters, Richard, i., 87, 202, 224, 226, 227, 
229, 231, 235, 250, 256, 319, 340, 344, 
346, 347, 368, 371, 372; ii., I, 2, 3, 5, 6, 
II, 18, 20, 21, 140, 156, 234, 265, 280, 
307. 319. 360. 

Petersburg, i., 257, 258. 

Peterson, Lucas, i., 90. 

Peticotias.i., 125; ii.,257. See Pepikokias. 

Petit, Mr., i., 169. 

Petit Rocher, the, ii., 180. 

Petit Village, the, ii., 47. 

Petkhoy, Delaware chief, i., 98. 

Petticoat Indians, i., 88-118. 

Petticoats put on Delawares, i., 112. 

Pettquessitt, Delaware chief, i., 98. 

Petty, John, i., 188, 194, 196, 197, 206; 
ii., 338. 

Petun Town, i., 346. See Pymatunmg. 

Petuns, i., 345; ii., 128. 

Pextan (Paxtang), ii., 5. 

Pharrell, John, ii., 380. 

Philadelphia, i., 5, 24, 41, 44, 78-80, 99, 
112, 135, 136, 153, 156, 157, 164, 167, 
168, 170, 180, 181, 186, 189, 190, 194, 
201, 202, 204, 224, 229, 230, 233, 235, 
237, 240, 242, 267, 275, 280, 291, 292, 
299, 301, 302, 304-307, 313, 327-329- 
344. 350, 373; ii- 5. 7. 9. n- 12, 17, 18, 
20, 27-29, 31, 32, 36, 40, 55-58, 62, 76, 
82, 130, 139, 156, 186, 190, 191, 236, 
254, 260, 265-467, 304, 315-317, 319, 
322, 333, 342, 347, 352, 360, 373, 383, 
386; appeals to Assembly, i., 117; 
Shawnees visit, i., 144; site of, i., 89. 

Phillips, Chris., ii., 361. 

Phillips, Nicholas, ii., 360. 

Phillips, Philip, i., 244; ii., 231, 361. 
Phoenixville, i., 166. 

Piankeshaws, also written Pianguichas, 
Peanguichias,Pianguishas,Pyankeshees, 



etc., i., 22, 24, 125, 303; ii., 2, 13, 34, 35, 
131, 153, 154, 257, 258, 265, 276, 278, 
281, 282, 284, 287, 365, 367. 

Piankeshaw King, ii., 275. 

Pickaway Plains, i., 146, 148, 341; ii., 29, 
149, 160, 195, 210, 279, 

Pickaway Shawnees, ii., 261. 

PiCKAWiLLANY, i., xxiii., I, 24, 146, 147, 
225, 226, 252, 332, 367; ii., 2, 5, 9, 13, 
35, 153, 158, 182, 183, 242, 247, 250, 
257-299, 322, 327, 329, 335, 336, 338, 
341, 373! siege of, i., xxiii.; ii., 289-292, 
298. See also Miami Town, Pick Town, 
Picque Town, Pict Town, and Twigh- 
twee Town. 

PiCKAWiLLANY Path, the, i., 367; ii., 257- 

299- 
Picks, i., 145, 235; u., 283, 291. See 

Picts, Miamis, Twightwees, etc. 
Pick Town, i., 145; ii., 148, 268, 291, 293, 

See Pict Town and Pickawillany. 
Picken, Robt., ii., 62, 63. 
Pickwaylinees, ii., 145, 148, 268, 272. See 

Twightwees. 
Picque Town, i., 147; ii., 261, 279. See 

Pict Town. 
Pict Town, i., 145, 147, 161, 252, 268; 

ii., 148, 261, 279, 291, 293. See Picka- 
willany. 
Picts, i., 22, 227, 370; ii., 267; country of, 

i., 370; ii., 183. See Pequea, Picks, 

Picque, Pickwaylinees, etc. 
Pidon, J. B., i., 339. 
Pierce, John, ii., 360. 
Piles, John, ii., 380. 
Pimadaase, Minqua chief, i., 59. 
Pine Swamp, i., 219. 
Pineville, ii., 244. 
Pipe, The, Delaware chief, ii., 159. See 

Captain Pipe. 
Pipe Hill, ii., 198. 

Piqua, Ohio, i., 21, 146, 148, 252, 367. 
Piqua, or Pkiwi, clan of Shawnees, i., 136, 

145, 148; ii., 230, 261. See Pequea. 
Piscataway Fort, i., 49, 55. 
Piscataways, i., 43, 53, 67-70, 72; ii., 120. 
Pisquetomen, Delaware chief, i., 105, no, 

III, 268. 
Pitman, Philip, ii., 47, 48, 51. 
Pitts, John, i., 64. 

Pittsburg & Cleveland Railroad, ii., 188. 
Pittsburg, i., 155, 174, 207, 209, 212, 

240, 267, 270-272, 274, 278, 283, 284, 

288, 289, 297, 298, 313, 349. 365, 369. 

381; ii., 20, 21, 68, 71, 73-79, 83, 160, 

183, 198, 230, 235. 311, 325. 360, 370, 

372, 384; inhabitants of, in 1760 and 

1761, 360, 361. 
Pittsburgh Traders, ii., 75. 
Pittston, i., 95. 
Pkiwi clan of Shawnees, ii., 261. See 

Pequea, Piqua, Picks, Picts, Pickaway, 

etc. 
Pkiwileni, ii., 261. See Pickawillany. 
Piatt, Henry, ii., 338. 



440 



Index 



Plowden, Sir Edmund, i., 45, 46. 

Plowden's New Albion, i., 45. 

Pluggy's Town, ii., 210. 

Plummer, Samuel, ii., 216, 221. 

Plymouth, i., 96, 154, 187, 237. 

Pockaseta, Shawnee chief, i., 156. 

Point Abinoe, ii., 393. 

Point Montreal, i., 328. 

Pointe aux Cedres, ii., 169, 

Pointe aux Feviers, ii., 171. 

Pokahake, Delaware chief, i., 88. 

Polk, Charles, i., 309; ii., 141, 338. 

Pollatha Wappia, Shawnee chief, i., 373. 

Pomeroy, Stephen, ii., 238. 

Pomery, Mr., ii., 64. 

Pomroy, Elizabeth, ii., 361. 

Pomry, Margaret, ii., 360. 

Ponkis, i., 215. 

Ponter, or Wynima, a captive, ii., 387. 

Pontiac, i., xiii., 2 ; ii., 32, 35, 36, 329, 373. 

Pontiac War, i., 178, 277, 278, 378; ii., 28, 
234,322,381. 

Ponty's Camp, i., 334. 

Portage Path, i., 218. 

Portages: Cuyahoga, i., 333, 334; Ma- 
honing, 335; Sandusky, ii., 128; Tus- 
carawas, i.; 333, 334; White River, 332. 

Port Clinton, ii., 181. 

Port Deposit, i., 40, 46, 74. 

Port Jervis, i., 93, 140. 

Portneuf, Pierre Robineau, Sieur de, ii., 
156, 239. 

Portrait Rocks, i., 207. 

Portsmouth, i., 21, 327; ii., 129, 157, 158, 

344- 
Pory, John, i., 15. 
Post, Frederick, i., 182, 205, 212, 216- 

218, 220, 239, 267, 269, 282, 285, 340- 

342, 346, 348, 350, 377; ii., 19, 24, 359; 

Journal of, i., 213. 
Postlethwait, Samuel, i., 277; ii., 60. 
Postlethwaite, John, i., 179, 181; ii., 338. 
Pottawattomies, i., 121; ii., 21, 163, 165, 

166, 257, 288, 318, 365, 372. 
Potter, John, ii., 7. 
Potts, John, ii., 265, 338, 388. 
Poudret, Vincent, i., 304. 
Pound Gap, ii., 249, 251 
Povinger, Florian, ii., 339. 
Powell, Ambrose, ii., 242, 244, 247. 
Powell, John, i., 156, 287, 325; ii., 339. 
Powell, William, ii., 82, 83, 85, 155, 216, 

339- 
Powell (a Mingo), ii., 291. 
Powell's Valley, ii., 219, 228, 247. 
Power, Jacob, ii., 339. 
Powhatans, i., 33, 60-62. 
Pownall, Thomas, ii., 40, 144, 248, 249, 

272, 273, 275, 276. 
Prentice, John, ii., 378, 379. 
Prescott, William H., i., xxi. 
Presqu' Isle, i., 240, 337; ii., 173, 174 (De 

Lery's map of Sandusky Lake). See 

Fort Presqu' Isle. 
Preston, Samuel, i., 55; deposition of, 41. ' 



Prevost, Augustine, ii., 60-63, 83, 86, 330. 

Prevost, Augustine, Jr., ii., 85. 

Prevost, John, ii., 86. 

Prevost, Susannah, ii., 83. 

Prevost, Theodore L., ii., 85. 

Provost family, ii., 85. 

Price, Aaron, ii., 155, 339. 

Price, Henrietta, ii., 360 

Price, John, ii., 381. 

Pride, The, Shawnee chief, ii., 139, 159. 

Priest, David, i., 163. 

Prince, John, i., 179; ii., 339. 

Princeton College, ii., 213. 

Printz, Johan, i., 76, 77, 106; ii., 346. 

Pryor, Silas, ii., 339. 

Puckeeshano, Shawnee chief, i., 156. 

Puckshenoses Town, i., 155. 

Pump tons, ii., 318. 

Punxsatawney, i., 182, 247, 291; meaning 

of, 215. 
Purchas, Samuel, i., 33. 
Putnam, Israel, i., 243. 
Putnam, Rufus, i., 335-337. 
Puzy, Robert, ii., 388. 
Pyatt, Jacob, i., 232, 255, 256, 274, 364; 

ii., 339-. 
Pymatuning Town, i., 331, 346; ii., 201, 

385. 
Pyrlaeus, Christopher, i., 196. 

Q 

Quadickhe, Minqua chief, i., 59. 

Quadroque, i., 33. 

Quaker Misgovernment, i., 21-25,115- 

118,383- 
Quakers, i., 5; ii., 11, 17-19,23, 24, 27, 58, 

317; prompt Indian claims, i., 94, 114. 
Quapaws, ii., 103. 
Quatoghies (Hurons), i., 7. 
Quebec, i., 18, 29, 131, 133, 199, 315, 320, 

326-328, 338, 339; ii., 153, 163, 164, 167, 

168, 189, 258, 260, 267, 284, 290, 299, 

303. 38 
Quebec, Nicholas, i., 205. 
Quebec, Peter, Mohawk chief, i., 203, 205 > 

206. 
Queekockahwin, Delaware chief, i., 294, 

2)9. 

Queen Catharine, i., 205, 206. 
Queen Esther, i., 205, 206 
Queen Esther's Town, i., 205. 
Queequeeptoo, Shawnee chief , i., 190, 353. 
Quen, John, i., 250, 251. See Quinn. 
Quenameckquid, Delaware chief, i., 98. 
Quenischaschacki, or Queenashawakee, i., 

213, 214. 
Quesquakous, Delaware chief, i., 88. 
Quiaquos (Cayugas), i., 58. 
Quidahickqunt, a Delaware, i., 354. 
Quigly, John, ii., 380. 
Quin, Pat'k, ii., 380. 
Quinn, John, ii., 339. 

Quiouhiahinse, or boiling spring, ii., 177. 
Quiqualthangis, ii., 116. 



Index 



441 



Quitigon, Delaware chief, i., 220. 

Quitways, i., 326. 

Quoowahaune, Delaware chief, i., 294, 300. 



/ 



R 



R takes the place of L in Iroquois words, 
in most cases; and L takes the place of R 
in Lenape words. 
Raccoqn, i., 15; ii.,123; a Powhatan word, 

i., 33; Huron word for, 9; ii., 114; 

Onondaga word for, i., 8, 336. 
Raccoon Nation, i., 351. 
Raccoon Town, i., 314; Creek name for, 

II. 
Ragueneau, Paul, i., 34, 199. 
Raleigh, Walter, i., 159. 
Raleigh's coloiy, i., 15. 
Rambers, Peter, ii., 346. 
Ramsay, David, ii., 389, 393. 
Ramsay, George, ii., 390. 
Ramsey, J. G. M., i., 131. 
Ramsey, Joseph, ii., 388. 
Rand, the, i., 5. 
Randal, Elizabeth, ii., 360. 
Raneck, Nancy, ii., 388. 
Ravenna, ii., 200. 
Raymond, Captain, i., 320, 327; ii., 264, 

265, 281, 282. 
Raymond, Comte de, ii., 281. 
Ray, John, see Wray. 
Ray's Cove, i., 276, 280. 
Ray's Hill, i., 276, 277, 280. 
Raystown, i., 79, 80, 156, 217, 256, 274, 

275, 278, 279, 281, 297, 378; ii., 6, 342; 

founded by John Wray, i., 280. 
Raystown Branch of Juniata River, i., 

280, 291. 
Raystown Path, i., 174, 217, 251, 268, 269, 

274-289, 291. 
Read, Hugh, ii., 361. 
Reade, Charles, ii., 61. 
Reading's Journal, i., 145. 
Reardon, Timothy, ii., 339. 
Redstone, ii., 4. 
Reed, George, ii., 361. 
Reed, James, ii., 360 
Reed, John, ii., 361 
Reed, Martha, ii., 360. 
Reed, Mary, ii., 360. 
Reed, Robert, ii., 360. 
Reedsburg, ii., 187, 208. 
Renick, Thomas, i., 267, 299. 
Renowewan, Delaware chief, i., 91. 
Revolutionary War, i., 25. 
Reynards, or Renards, ii., 257, 364, 365. 
Reyneck, Peggy, ii., 388. 
Richardson, Alexander, i., 179; ii., 339. 
Richardson, George, i., 64. 
Richarville, Drouet de, ii., 239. 
Richfield, i., 247. 
Richmond, i., 51. 
Richmond Convention, ii., 78. 
Rickahock, Ricahokene, Richkahauck, 



Rickahake, Righkahauck, i., 15, 33; 
probable meaning, 15. 
Rickohockans identified with the Chero- 

kees, i., 15; with the Erics, 14. 
Ridgway, William, ii., 62. 
Rieglesvillc, i., 143. 
Rigauville, vSieur de, ii., 168. 
Riguerononnons (Eries), i., 13. 
Rinowhen, Delaware c'nief, i., 56. 
Rique, ii., 94. 

Riquehi-onnons (Eries), i., 11, 13. 
Rising, John, i., 45, 90. 
River Indians, i., 27. 
Rivers: see also under Creeks. 
Abache (Wabash), ii., 122. 
Adigo, or Adiego, i., 109, 292,'303, 308. 

See Attiga and Ohio. 
Adjiego, i., 109,303, 308. See Ohio. 
Agouassake, ii., 91, 115. 
Akansa, ii., 99. See Akansea and Ark- 

kansas. 
Akansea (Ohio), ii., 102-104, 122. 
Alabama, i., 123; ii., 54. 
Allegheny, i., 11, 21, 54, 109, 143, 150, 
156, 157. 171. 175. 179. 182, 183, 203, 
204, 207, 212, 213, 215, 216, 218-222, 
225, 239, 240, 247, 251, 252, 260, 262, 
264, 266, 268-271, 273, 280, 281, 286, 
287, 289-291, 293, 294, 299, 301, 302, 
304, 306, 307, 309, 311, 312, 341, 343, 
346, 350, 352, 353. 361, 367. 369, 380, 
381; ii., 20, 36, 37, 59, 75, 77, 84, 87, 
89, 90, 91, 94, 96, 115, 124, 127, 130, 
156, 160, 202, 230, 238, 239, 252, 253, 
255- 294, 342. 
Altamaha, i., 123. 
Andaste, ii., 124. 
Appalachicola, i., 123. 
Arkansas, ii., 53, 54, 98, 99, lOi, 103, 

Artaguet, ii., 52. 

Ashley, i., 159. 

Assequesix {au Segucin), i., 337. 

Attiga, i., 109, 301, 308. See Ohio. 

Aux Boeufs, i., 217, 270, 346, 348, 370; 
ii., 14, 123, 127. 

Bald Eagle, ii., 206, 209. 

Baudrane (Ohio), ii., 90. 

Bear-Grass, ii., 243. 

Beautiful, i., 109, 120, 301, 303, 308, 
318, 319, 323, 328, 355, 364: ii., 123, 
124, 257, 264, 286, 287. See Ohio. 

Beaver, i., 239, 323, 330, 331, 333, 335, 
340-343, 345, 346, 348-350- 373. 378- 
380, 382; ii., 144, 160, 167, 180, 182, 
186, 187, 192, 196. 198, 200-203. 333, 
367, 372, 381. See Beaver Creek. 

Belle, see La Belle. 

Biche, i., 335, 336-338. 

Big Miami, or Mineami, see Miami. 

Big Sandy, i., 1 17 ; ii., 1 19, 142. 245, 246, 
251.252. 

Black Minqua, i., 16; ii., 197. 

Blanc (Sandusky), i., 346. 

Blanche (Cuyahoga and others), i., 320, 



442 



Index 



Rivers — Continued 

321, 327, 332, 339; ii., 136, 259, 263, 

322, 324. 

Bleue, ii., 92, 256. See Skipakicipi, 
Cumberland, and Kentucky. 

Blue Lick, ii., 256. 

Bluestone, ii., 250. 

Broad, i., 122. 

Cachiqueto, ii., 127. 

Canada, i., 61. 

Caskinampo, Casquinampo, Casquinam- 
pogamou,i., 123; ii., 92, 94, 114, 115, 
122, 123, 164, 257. See Cherokee 
and Tennessee. 

Cat, ii., 114. 

Catawba, i., 10; ii., 119. 

Chagrin, properly Saguin, or Shaguin, 

i-. 336, 337- 
Chaouanon, ii., 115, 121. See Shawnee. 
Chatagniers, ii., 114. 
Chatahuchi, i., 11, 314. 
Chemung, i., 219, 247, 350. 
Chenangue, ii., 128. See Chiningue, 

Shenango, etc. 
Cherage (Raccoon), i., 8, 336, 342. 
Cherokee (Tennessee), i., 18, 245; ii., 

44. 45. 59. 92, 119. 120, 136, 137, 248. 

See Caskinampo and Cuttawa. 
Chiagnes, or Chiagues (Muskingum), 

ii., 127, 129. 
Chianouske (Scioto), ii., 127-129. 
Chicago, or Tinticy, i., 125, 132. 
Chicagou, ii., 258. 
Chicagoua, ii., 91. See Chucagoa. 
Chickahominy, i., 15. 
Chiningue, Chininque, or Shenango, i., 

356; ii., 128, 180, 182. 
Chinodaichta (Kanawha), ii., 139. 
Chinondaista (Kanawha), ii., 128, 139. 
Chogage, i., 336. 
Choptank, i., 36. 

Choudier, or Choudeers, ii., 389, 392. 
Chowan, i., 160. 
Chucagoa, or Chukagoa, ii., 91, 92, 94, 

115, 116. 
Clarion, i., 214. 
Clinch, ii., 98, 219, 243, 249. 
Cohongoronta, ii., 120. See Potomac. 
Colbert, ii., 90, 91, 99, 115, 116. See 

Mississippi. 
CoNCHAKE, ii., 176, 177, 181, 183. See 

Mohican. 
Conde, i., 325. 
Conemaugh, i., 154, 156, 157, 171, 190, 

191, 267-269, 290, 292, 297, 309, 347, 

352; ii., 130, 352. 
Connecticut, i., 88. 
Cotechney, i., 83. 
Count Ernest, ii., 345. 
Cumberland, i., 18, 122-125, I3l> 150. 

154. 158, 159; ii-. 92, 94, 98, 118, 121, 

124, 125, 219, 241, 243, 244, 256; 

why so called, ii., 247. See Shawnee 

and Wasiota. 
Cuttawa (Cherokee), ii., 119, 248. 



Cuyahoga (also written Cayahoga, 
Gwahago, Gayahogue, etc.), i., 17, 

325, 332-337. 342, 343. 346. 349. 350; 

ii., 136, 167, 173, 183, 200, 205, 322. 

See Blanche and Saguin. 
Dan, i., 13. 

Deer, i., 336, 338; ii., 99. 
Deer and Turkey, ii., 99. 
Delaware, i., 8, 15, 16, 27, 31, 33, 37, 45, 

56, 57. 59. 62, 64, 66-68, 72, 76, 77, 

83, 88, 89-92, 96-99, 104-106, 108- 

iio, 119, 135, 137, 140-145, 150, 155, 

164, 180, 193, 216, 218, 245, 348; ii., 

24, 61, 94, 135, 321, 345, 346. 
Detroit, i., 322; ii., 135, 166, 171, 207, 

376. 
Eagle, ii., 98. See Ohio. 
Ediscou, i., 122, 123. 
Edisto, i., 123, 158. 

Elk, i., 127, 130, 144, 152, 335, 336, 338. 
Elk's Eye, ii., 99, 144, 145, 147. See 

Muskingum and Tuscarawas. 
Elkhorn, ii., 221. 
Femmes Blanch, i., 332. 
Flint, ii., 353. 
Fox, ii., 49. 
Frederick's, ii., 246. 
French Broad, ii., 126. 
Gayahague, ii., 173. See Cuyahoga. 
Genesee, i., 219, 220, 222; ii., 126, 

393. 
Grand, i., 8, 325, 335-338, 342; ii., 115. 
Great, i., 109, 292, 293. 
Great, or Ohio, i., 290. 
Great Cuttaway, ii., 248. See Cherokee 

and Tennessee. 
Great Miami, see Miami. 
Great Salt Lick, ii., 249, 255. 
Green, ii., 224. 
Greenlariar, ii., 118, 246, 247. See 

Ronce Verte. 
Guignolet, ii., 170. 
Guyandotte, ii., 123, 161. 
Gwahage, i., 332, 346. See Cuyahoga. 
Handsome, i., 109, 303. See Adjiego 

and Ohio. 
Hocking, or Hockhocking, i., 204, 303; 

ii., 33, 41, 142, 161, 194, 197, 198. 
Holston, ii., 237, 249. 
Hudson's, i., 62, 88, 119, 293. 
Huron, i., 333, 338; ii., 168, 169, 176, 

184, 206, 207, 209, 372, 375. 
Iberville, ii., 53, 54. 
Illinois, i., 122, 125, 126, 131, 135, 137, 

154, 158; ii., 25, 48, 49, 90, 91, 95, 

100, 156, 366. 
Inomey, ii., 261. See Miami. 
Iroquois, ii., 114. 
Irwin, ii., 160. 
Iswa, ii., 119. 

James, i., 13, 14, 51, 223; ii., 117, 119. 
Juniata, i., 16, 33, 79, 86, 161, 174, 176, 

182, 192, 207, 210, 211, 227, 235, 245, 

247-249, 252, 257-260, 264, 279-281, 

287, 291, 296, 298, 306, 325, 347; 



Index 



443 



Rivers — Continued 

ii-. 57. 97. 326, 349, 373; Raystown 

Branch of, i., 227. 
Kanavangon, ii., 126. 
Kanawha, i., 158,268, 302, 353; ii., 41, 

60, 66, 69, 70, 117, 118, 120, 128, 139- 

143, 158, 168, 197, 198, 239, 307, 335, 

338. 
Kankakee, ii., 133. 
Kaskaskias, ii., 46. 
Kenten Raiatanion, ii., 179. See Little 

Beaver Creek. 
Kentucky, i., 17, 124, 147; ii., 43, 92, 

117, 119, 125, 127, 130, 159, 215, 216, 

219-221, 224, 236, 240, 245-252, 255, 

256. See Blue Lick, Little Cherokee, 

Little Cuttawa, and Milley's. 
Kiakiqui (Kankakee), ii., 133. 
Kiepigon, ii., 259. 
Kiskiminetas, i., 21, 251, 263, 267-269, 

284, 290, 293, 296, 297, 304, 308. 
Kittanning, i., 296. 
La Belle (Ohio), i., 272, 312, 339; ii., 

114, 132, 135, 153, 164, 169, 172, 179- 

181, 282, 290. 
La Biche, i., 335. 
Lackawanna, i., 95, 96, 237. 
La Culiere, i., 338. 
La Damoiselle (Miami), i., 332. 
La Roche (Miami), i., 328; ii., 154, 264, 

265, 269, 282. See Rocky. 
Laurel, ii., 219, 245. 
Le Buff, ii., 14. See Aux Boeufs 
Lehigh, i., 88, 93, 94, 96, no, 144, 219. 
Licking, ii., 213, 215, 240, 246, 249, 250, 

255- 
Little Cherokee (Kentucky), ii., 248. 
Little Cuttawa (Kentucky), ii., 248, 251. 
Little Miami, i., 146, 321, 332; ii., 157, 

248, 262, 272, 278, 279. 
Little Mineami, ii., 43, 262. See Little 

Miami. 
Louisa, ii., 246. 
Mad, ii., 272, 280. 
Mahackamack, or Maggaghkamieck, i., 

92, 93, 140. 
Mahoning, 1., 333, 335, 340-343. 345. 

346,349,351; ii., 200, 201, 350, 369, 

370. 
Margot, also written Mayot, u., 52, 122. 
Masciccipi, ii., 115. 5ee Mississippi. 
Mattapony,_i., 15. 
^_,^^' Mattaman, i., 7. 

^ JVIaumee, also called River of the 
Pu.i.«- ■'-jyiianiis, i., 9, 11, 12, 19, 20, 143, 168, 

300, 322, 327, 328; ii., 35, 89, 91, 95, 

165, 257-261, 270, 283, 329, 367, 368, 

372. 375. 376. 378. 
. , Mayot (Margot), 11., 122. 

hvt, . Miami, i., 3, 21-23, 146, 252, 270, 316, 

^^v.'' ■ 328, 332, 367; ii-. 5. 43. 87, 125-127, 

133. 153. 154. 238, 247, 255, 260-265, 

269, 272, 273, 278, 280-282, 340,366. 

See also Inomey, Mineami, Omee, Ou- 

miami, Roche, La Roche, Rocky, etc. 



Miamis (Maumee), ii., 166, 167. 
Miamis {^t. Joseph), i., 124; ii., 270. 
Milley's, ii., 245. See Kentucky. 
Mineami, ii., 43, 260, 366. See Miami. 
Misseouecipi, ii., 92. 
Mississippi, i., i, 12, 13, 18, 19, 82, 119- 

124, 126, 130, 134, 135, 184, 244, 290, 
292, 294, 316; ii., 38, 40, 44-46, 48, 49, 
51. 53. 54. 87-92, 95, 98-104, 106- 
109, III, 113, 115, 116, 121, 122, 124, 

126, 131-133. 163, 167, 236, 239, 257, 
258, 265, 273, 355, 373. See Colbert, 
Saint Esprit, Spirito vSanto, etc. 

Missouri, i., 131; ii., 48, 99. 

Mobile, i., 134; ii., 124. 

Mohawk, i., 2, 3, 19, 294; ii., 31, 60, 

61. 
Mohawk Branch of Delaware, i., 245. 
Mohican, ii., 176, 177, 181, 184-188, 

199, 206-210. See Conchake, attd 

under Creeks. 
Monongahela, i., 105, 106, 230, 233, 

271, 278, 279, 286, 289, 360, 361, 367, 

369. 372, 376, 382; ii., 4. 14. 59. 60, 67, 

127, 129, 202, 307. 
MosoPELEA, ii., 99. See Ohio. 
Mosopelea-cipi (Shawnee name for Ohio ,• 

River), ii., 94, 97. 
Muskingum, i., 10, 22, 204, 332, 333, 
342, 380, 381 ; ii., 2, 5, 24, 31, 41, 99. 

125, 127, 128, 159, 161, 165, 176, 183- 
187, 193-195. 197. 198, 203-209, 287, 
311, 327, 368, 384, 385. 388. Also 
called Chiagnes, Chiagues, 'U ake- 
tomica, Yenangue, etc. 

Naguerreconnan (Beaver), ii., 177, 178, 
179, 181. 

Neuse, i., 83. 

Neversink, i., 92, 93, 140. 

New, i., 31; ii., 117, 141, 198, 219, 242, 
246, 250. 

Niagara, i., 7, 9. 

North, i., 62; ii., 242. 

Obache, ii., 273, 278. See Wabash. 

Oconee, i., 123. 

Ocmulgee, i., 123; ii., 353. 

Ohio, also called Adiego, Adigo, Adjiego, ^ 
Adrego, Akansea, Atiga, Attique, 
Baudrane, Beautiful, Belle, Eagle, 
Great, Handsome, La Belle, Main, 
Mosopelea, Ouabache, Oyo, Pal- 
awa, Pellewaa, Speleawee-thepee, 
Splawicpiki, Turkey, etc., i., 6, 
11-13, 16-23, 26, 63, 80, 81, 105, 
109, III, 119-122, 124, 134, 143, 
145, 150, 154, 155, 158, 159, 168. 179, 
182-185, 187, 190, 203, 204, 207, 20S, 
212, 214-217, 224-229, 234, 239, 244, 
245, 247, 249-252, 254, 256, 25S, 260, 
265, 267, 269, 270. 272, 273, 275, 278- 
280, 284, 287, 290, 292-295, 297, 299- 
308, 312, 313, 316, 319. 322, 325, 326, 
328, 330. 332. 333. 343. 345-348. 350, 
352, 354-356, 360, 362-364, 366, 368, 
369. 371. 373. 374. 377-380, 382, 383: 



444 



Index 



Rivers — Continued 

ii., 3, 5, 7-17, 29, 33-36, 38-42, 45, 48, 
52, 53, 58-60, 66-68, 70, 77, 81, 86- 
92, 94-99, 102-104, 114-117, 119, 
121-129, 131, 133, 134. 137, 139-144. 
147, 148, 155-161, 165, 167, 174, 179, 
180, 182, 186, 190-192, 194-197, 202, 
204, 205, 214-216, 224, 227, 229, 230, 
234-237, 239, 240, 242, 247, 248, 249, 
252, 253, 255-257, 261, 262, 269, 271, 
272, 281, 283, 288, 299, 305, 310, 319, 
320, 330-334, 337, 341, 351, 352, 369, 
372, 373, 379. 383- 386. 

Oiapikaming (White), i., 322; ii., 92. 

Okmulgeh, ii., 353. See Ocmulgee. 

Olighin (Allegheny and Ohio), ii., 94. 

Olighinsipou (Allegheny and Ohio), i., 
II; ii., 90, 91, 96, 115. 

Omee, ii., 261. See Miami and Mau- 
mee. 

Ottawa, i., 7, 17, 19. 

Ouabache (Wabash and Ohio), ii., 91, 
114, 116, 122-124, 126, 135, 153, 154, 
159, 257, 258, 265. See Wabash. 

Ouabouskigou (Ohio), ii., 98, 121. 

Ouiatanon, ii., 34, 365. 

Oumeami, ii., 261. See Miami. 

Outstinragayatonyon, ii., 180; meaning 
of, 182. See Little Beaver Creek. 

Owabach, ii., 264. See Wabash. 

Oyo (Ohio), ii., 127, 180, 257. 

Palawa (Ohio), ii., 98. 

Patapsco, i., 42. 

Patuxent, i., 36, 48, 50. 

Pelesipi, or Peresipi, ii., 98. 

Pellewaa Theepee (Ohio), ii., 98. 

Pere, ii., 168. 

Peresipi, or Pelesipi, ii., 98. 

Poisson Doree, ii., 172. 

Polesipi, ii., 99. 

Portage, ii., 172, 181, 207. 

Portrait, au, ii., 179. 

Potomac, i., 8, 35, 38, 48, 51, 55, 62, 68, 
74, 86, 100, 105, 151, 153, 156, 157, 
170, 171, 172, 174, 204, 224, 280, 281, 
290, 291, 296, 312, 314, 344, 353, 355; 
n., 120, 129, 130, 328, 330, 347. 

Powell's, ii., 243, 247. 

Quiaaghtena (Wabash), i., 12. 

Raccoon, i., 336. 

Raisin, ii., 114. 

Rappahannock, i., 51, 157. 

Raritan, i., 88. 

Red, i., 147; ii., 92, 130, 134, 139, 213, 
220, 230, 241, 246, 250, 251, 255. 

Roanoke, i., 13, 122, 160; ii., 119. 

Roche, a la, or La Roches, i., 336, 338; 
ii., 126, 153. See La Roche, Miami, 
Rock, Rocky, etc. 

Rock, ii., 190, 270, 271, 287. 

Rockcastle, ii., 219, 228, 244, 245. 

Rocky, i., 336, 338; ii., 269. 

Ronce Verte (Greenbriar) , ii., 118. 

Rouge, ii., 53. 

Saguin, also written Shaguin, Seguin, 



Sequin, etc. (formerly the Cuyahoga, 
now the Chagrin), i., 335-338; ii., 
173, 174, 183. 

St. Clair, i., 120. 

Saint Esprit, ii., 124. See Spirito Santo. 

St. John's, ii., 313. 

St. Joseph, i., 122, 124; ii., 104, 257-259, 
270, 286. 

St. Lawrence, i., 7, 29, 46, 61 ; ii., 255. 

Saint Louis, ii., 91, 114, 115, 140. 

St. Mary's, ii., 261, 269, 270. 

Salmon, i., 17. 

Salt, ii., 249. 

Sandusky, also written Sandoski, San- 
dosquet, etc., i., 9, 12, 19, 321, 332, 
333. 346; ii-. 117. 123, 124, 127, 164, 
209. 

Sandy, ii., 161. 

Sassafras, i., 26, 60, 64. 

Savannah, i., 122, 123. 

Schuylkill, i., 72, 77, 89, 96, 97, 105, 107, 
109, 119, 155, 163, 165, 166, 169, 219, 
266. 

Scioto, also written Cenioteaux, Chian- 
ouske, Chanouski, Siotha, Sihotta, 
Siota, Sonyoto, etc., i., 17, 22, 147, 
148, 204, 212, 303-305, 312, 341, 369, 
378; ii., 5, 9, 33, 40-42, 49, 50, 60, 81, 
92, 99, 118, 119, 123, 125, 127-129, 
131, 132, 134, 137, 139-141, 143, 149, 
150. 153. 155-160, 162, 181, 195, 197- 
199, 204, 210, 215, 230, 241, 243, 247, 
248, 250, 255, 262, 279, 280, 327, 362, 
366,368,373,382,384,387,388. See 
Scioto, below. 

Seguein, i., 337, 338. See Saguin. 

Seine, ii., 90. 

Seneca, ii., 114. 

Sequin, ii., 173, 174, 183. See Saguin. 

Severn, i., 77. 

Shaguin, i., 335-337. See Saguin. 

Shanouski (Scioto), ii., 127. 

Shawnee (Cumberland), i., 18, 122-124, 
150; ii., 91, 92, 115, 125. 

Shenandoah, i., 211. (From Chin- 
noiindoh, the French form of the 
Seneca word for "elk"?.) 

Sinhioto, ii., 140. See Scioto. 

South (Delaware), i., 52, 56, 62, 90, 109. 

Spirito Santo, i., 134. See Saint Esprit. 

Speleawee Thepee, see Ohio. 

Splawcipiki (Ohio), ii., 98. 

Skipaki-cipi, ii., 92-94, 125, 244, 256; 
meaning of, 256. See Bleue, Blue 
Lick, Cumberland, and Kentucky. 

Stroud, ii., 315. 

Susquehanna, i., 9, 16, 19, 26, 30-35, 
37, 38, 40-42, 46, 48, 52-55. 57, 63, 66, 
74, 75, 11 , 78, 80-82, 85, 86, 94, 96, 98, 
104, 105, 107, 109, no, 113, 115, 118, 
129-131, 134, 136, 143, 145, 148, 149- 
152, 154, 155, 158, 159, 161-164, 167, 
169, 170, 171, 174-180, 182, 183, 185- 
190, 192-197, 200, 208-210, 212-214, 
216-219, 227, 234-237, 241, 242, 244, 



Index 



445 



Rivers — Continued 

245, 247, 248, 251, 252, 274, 277, 280- 
283, 287, 290-292, 296, 298, 302, 304- 
307, 316, 326, 329, 334, 346, 350, 353, 
355. 356, 367, 377; ii-- 2, 31, 58, 59- 
63. 65, 97, 120, 124, 130, 135, 191, 
232, 258, 304, 305, 316, 328, 334, 336, 
340, 341- 

Tallapoosa, i., 123, 159; ii., 93. 

Tchalaque (Cherokee or Tennessee), 
ii., 114, 120. 

Teiocarontiong, ii., 114. 

Tennessee, i., 123, 124, 158, 245; ii., 
59,92, 98, 115, 120, 122, 123, 247,248, 
257. See Caskinampo and Cherokee. 

Tinticy, or Chicago, i., 132. 

Tioga, i., 31, 219, 220, 222, 242. 

Tiotontaraeton, i., 11, 91, 96. 

Tippecanoe, ii., 286. 

Tobeco, i., 214. 

Tockwogh, i., 26, 60. 

Totteroy, ii., 117, 119, 245, 252. 

Tounika, ii., 109, no. 

Toussain, ii., 171. 

Trange, ii., 391. 

Tsonnontouans, ii., 114. 

Turkey, ii., 98. See Ohio. 

Tuscarawas, i., 204, 332-335. 34i. 346; 
ii., 22, 145, 177, 179, 181, 186, 187, 194, 
200, 210. See Elk's Eye. 

Tweed, ii., 91. 

Twightwee, ii., 255, 368, 372. See 
Maumee and Miami. 

Unadilla, ii., 59, 65. 

Vermillion, i., 338; ii., 34, 168, 175, 
176, 287. 

Vignes, ii., 114. 

Villejoint, i., 337. 

Wabash (also called Abache Obache, 
Ouabache, Ouabotiskigou, Quiaaghte- 
na, etc.), i., 3, 11, 12, 18-20, 94, 
119, 122, 143, 190, 300, 303, 307, 
321, 322, 379; ii., 12, 32-34, 43, 44, 49. 
87, 89, 91, 92, 94, 98, 100, 103, 114- 
116, 121-125, 126, 128, 131, 135, 153, 
154, 159, 161, 241, 257, 258, 264, 265, 
270, 273, 278, 362, 365, 367, 374. 

Walhonding, i., 332, 333; ii., 149, 177, 
184, 186-188, 210. See Mohican and 
White Woman. 

Warriors' Branch, ii., 125, 255. 

Warriors' Fork, ii., 246. 

Wasiota, ii., 118, 119, 125. See Cum- 
berland. 

Wateree, i., 122; ii., 119. 

Wea, ii., 34. See Ouiatanon. 

Weshawaucks, i., 214. 

White, i., 315-339. 343; "-.92, 165, 167, 
173. 183, 259, 262, 286, 315-339. 322, 
353. See Cuyahoga, Miami, San- 
dusky, etc. 

White Woman, or Walhonding, i., 332, 
333;ii., 148, 149, 184, 188, 199, 210. 

Wildcat, i., 336. 

Wisconsin, ii., 49. 



Wolf, ii., 122. 

Yadkin, ii., 212, 214, 218, 224, 229, 236. 

Yazous, ii., 52. 

Yanangue, or Ycnangue (Muskingum), 
i., 332; ii., 128. 

York, i., 51. 

Youghiogheny, i., 11, 79, 80, 158, 273, 
297. 298, 313, 360; ii., 6, 59, 229, 329, 
374- 
Road, Allegheny, ii., 349; Buffalo, 243; 

Indian, 243; vSandusky, 378; Venango, 

201, 369; Warriors', 252. 
Roanoke Forks i., 51, 122. 
Roberts, B., ii., 64. 
Roberston, Benjamin, ii., 388. 
Roberston, Betsey, ii., 388. 
Robertson, John, ii., 381. 
Robertson, Mr., ii., 54. 
Robeson, David, ii., 339, 352; wounded, 

i., 294. 
Robinson, John, ii., 361. 
Robinson, Robert, i., 254, 263, 265; ii., 

386. 
Robinson, Thomas, i., 254. 
Robinson, William, i., 254. 
Robinson's Run, ii., 67. 
Rochelle, ii., 124, 269, 290, 299. 
Rock Hill, i., 152, 181. 
Rockaway Point, Algonquin names for, 

i-. 15- 
Rocky Point, ii., 207. 
Roe, Joseph, i., 163. 
Rogers, Leonora, ii., 361. 
Rogers, Robert, i., 240, 241, 286, 321, 336; 

ii., 183, 184, 186, 187, 207, 208, 210. 
Rogers, William, i., 219. 
Ronon, Huron-Iroquois word for people, 

or nation, i., 135; ii., 123. 
Roome, William, i., 145. 
Rorabunck, Chris., ii., 361. 
Rorty, Anthony, ii., 380. 
Rose, James, i., 179. 
Rose, Polycarpus, i., 135, 168. 
Roseboom, Garret, i., 4. 
Ross, Alexander, ii., 68, 80, 84. 
Ross, James, ii., 339, 
Rouen, ii., 90. 
Rouinsac, ii., 123, 265. 
Round Holes, i., 251, 252, 266. 
Ro}'', an interpreter, ii., 263. 
Royal Americans, ii., 373. 
Royal Highlanders, ii., 377. 
Royce, Charles C, i., 13. 
Roynderson, Harmon, i., 46. 
Roxbury, i., 253; ii., 198. 
Russell, William, ii., 230, 330. 
Ruthcuhogah, Susquehannock chief, i., 

43- 
Ruttenber, Edward M.. i., 294. 
Rutter, Michael, i., 2S6. / 



Sabrevois de Bleury, Jacques Charles, ii., 
127, 163, 164, 239; his Memoir on the 



446 



Index 



Sabrevois de Bleury — Continued I 

Indians of Canada in 1718, ii., 123, 163, 

164, 257- , . ^ . 

Sachsidowa, Tuscarora chiet, 1., 354. 
Sacs, Saquis, or Satiks, i., 121; ii., 256-258, 

364, 365. 
Sackoquewan, Delaware cniei, 1., 91. 
Sackson's Cove, i., 245. 
Saccock, Delaware chief, i., 88. 
Sacred fire of the Natchez, how obtained, 

ii., 112. 
Sadowsky, Antony, i., 188, 194, 196, 206, 

207, 295; ii., 305, 306,339. 
Safe Harbor, i., 42. 

Sagard (Theodat), F. Gabriel, i., 9, 35. 
Saginau, ii., 166. 

Sagohandechty, Seneca chief, i., 302. 
Saguin, Sieur de, i., 333-339, 349; "•. 

183, 322. 
Saguin's House on the Cuyahoga, 1., 165. 
Sahoppe, Shakhoppoh, Shakhuppo, etc., 

Delaware chief, i., 94, 97, 99. See Say- 

hoppy and Shakhoppoh. 
Saint Ange, Charley, ii., 322, 324, 325. 
St. Ange, Louis, ii., 48. 
St. Ange, Sieur de, ii., 131, 287. 
St. Augustine, ii., 93, 313. 
St. Castine, Vincent de, i., 128. 
St. Clair, Arthur, i., 245; ii., 70-76, 78, 

79; defeat of, i., xiii. 
St. Clair, Benoist de, also written St. Cler 

and St. Clin, ii., 153, 154, 239, 265, 

287. 
St. Clair, James, ii., 361. 
St. Clair, John, i., 283. See Sinclair. 
St. Cler, Benoist de, ii., 265. See St. 

Clair. 
St. Clin, Benoist de, ii., 153, 154, 265, 

287. See St. Clair. 
St. Cosme, Jean Francois Buisson de, ii., 

no, 122. 
St. Francis, i., 316. 
St. Frangois, ii., 239. 
Ste. Genevieve, see Misere. 
St. George, i., 123. 
St. John's, i., 165. 
St. John's Church, i., 169. 
St. Joseph's, ii., 365. 
St. Joseph's Church, i., 262. 
St. Leger, Edward, ii., 370, 381. See 

Santladger. 
St. Louis, see Pain Court. 
Ste. Marie, M. de, ii., 153. 
St. Martin in the Fields, ii., 30. 
St. Mary's, i., 16, 40, 58, 62, 64, 67, 68, 70, 

71, 126-128. 
St. Orr, Monsieur, ii., 288. 
St. Petro, ii., 93. 
St. Pierre, Jacques le Gardeur de, ii., 239, 

323- 
Salisbury, ii., 214. 
Salisbury, Evans, i., 72. 
Sailer, Daniel, ii., 361. 
Salley, or Sailing, John Peter, ii., 239, 240. 
Salt Lick Creek, ii., 248. 



Salt Lick Town, i., 350, 351; ii., 200, 201, 
388. 

Salt Licks, i., 342, 350; ii., 150, 195, 369- 
371, 381,385- 

Salt Licks on Siota, ii., 381. 

Salt Licks Delaware Town, ii., 379. 

Salt Licks Shawnee Town, ii., 379. 

Salt Spring, i., 335, 342, 349-351; ii., l6l. 

Salt Springs Town, ii., 370. 

Saltsburg, i., 266, 268. 

Salvay, Mr., i., 169. 

Salyersville, ii., 246. 

Sam, son of Essepenawick, Delaware 
Indian, i., 100. 

Sam Siehan, i., 194. 

Sample, David, ii., 71. 

Sampson, James, ii., 361 

Sampson, Margaret, ii., 361. 

Sand Hill, i,, 255. 

Sandusky, also written Ostandousket, 
Otsandoske, Sandoske, Sandousche, San- 
dosque, Sandosket, etc., i., 318, 320-322, 
326-328, 331, 338, 350; ii., 21, 23, 117, 
128, 136, 164-167, 175, 176, 199, 202, 
205-209, 245, 259, 353, 362; meaning 
of, ii., 128. 

Sandusky Bay, see under Bays. 

Sandusky carrying-place, i., 243; ii., I23. 

Sandusky Route, ii., 207. 

Sandusky Trail, i., 321; ii., 207. 

Sandy Creek Expedition, ii., 142. 

Sankikans, i., 106. 

Sankitans, ii., 345. 

Sannoowouno, Delaware chief, i., 88. 

Santladger, Edward, ii., 381. See St. 
Leger. 

Saponies, ii., 119. 

Saquis, ii., 257. See Sacs. 

Sarangararo, Susquehannock chief, i., 43. 

Saraqundett, Susquehannock chief, i., 44. 

Saratoga, i., 293. 

Sasquesahanough Town, i., 33, 38. 

Sassoonan, or Allumapees, Delaware sa- 
chem, i., 95, 96, 98, 99, 100, loi, 104, 
105, no, 152, 307; ii., 130, 311, 315. 

Sasteratsi, Sastaretsy, or Sastaredzy, 
hereditary chief of the Hurons, i., 326, 
328, 331; ii- 163, 165-167. 

Satanas (Shawnees), i., 124, 137. 

Sattelihu, Andrew Montour's Delaware 
name, i., 204, 223. 

Sauanos, i., 194, 196. 

Sauconk Town, i., 91, 239, 282, 330, 342, 
346, 357, 378; ii., 372. 

Sault, the, ii., 163. 

Sault St. Louis, i., 358; ii., 153, 177. 

Saunders, Mr., ii., 253. 

Sauteurs, ii., 165, 166, 170. 

Sauteux, i., 316; ii., 163. 

Savannah, i., 154, ii., 358. 

Savannah, Shawnee chief, i., 153. 

Savannas, i., 130, 159. 

Savanner (or Swanner), John, ii., 339. 

Sawahegeh, Susquehannock chief, _i., 43. 

Sawannah (Shawnee) Old Fields, i., 136. 



Index 



447 



Sawanogi, i., 123, 298; meaning of, 159. 

Sawkin, i., 91. See Sauconk. 

Sawokli, meaning of, i., 11, 314. 

Sawokli, or Sawakola Town, i., 314. 

Sawoklis, Sawakolas, or Sewickleys, i., 
298, 312, 313. See Sewickleys and 
Shaweygiras. 

Sayhoppy, Delaware chief, i., 94. See 
Sahoppe and Shakhoppoh. 

Scahandowana, i., 187; ii., 356. See Ske- 
handowana. 

Scaientes, Cayuga chief, i., 325. 

Scalps, Pennsylvania offers rewards for, 
i., 238. 

Scanaris, ii., 191. 

Scarhuhadigh, Susquehannock chief, i., 43- 

ScARROOYADY, also called Monacatootha, 
Orscanyadee, Scaiohadyi, Scaruneate, 
Skirooniatta, etc., Oneida Mingo, head 
chief of the Logstown Shawnees, i., 95, 
115, 187, 209, 224, 228, 233-235, 237, 
238, 246, 345, 348, 360, 368, 371, 374- 
376, 379; ii., 3, 4, 6, II, 13, 15, 16, 138, 
182, 261, 292, 307. 

Schellsburg, i., 281. 

Schenectady, i., 3, 139, 244; ii., 61, 64, 
308, 309. 

Schepinaikonck, i., 92, 93. 

Schichtewacki, i., 92, 93. 

Schmick, John Jacob, i., 244. 

Schomingo, i., 378. 

Schonbrunn, ii., 210. 

Schonhoven, John, i., 186; ii., 339. 

Schonhoven, Nicholas, i., 185; ii., 339. 

Schoolcraft, Henry R., ii., 65. 

Schuyler, Arent, i., 93, 141, 144; Journal 
of, 4, 93; visits the Minisinks, 140; 
visits the Shawnees, 137; leads Shaw- 
nees to New York, 138. 

Schuyler, Peter, i., 141, 142, 199, 200. 

Schuyler family, ii., 308. 

Schuylkill Falls, i., 97. 

Schuylkill Indians, i., 105. 

Scioto Plains, i., 148, 155; ii., 118, 131, 155, 
161. 

Scioto River and Town, also written 
Cenioteaux, Chianotho, Chianouske, 
Sikader, Sonnioto, Sonontio, Sonyoto, 
Souyote, St. Yotoc, etc., which see, i., 
327; ii., 118, 126, 135-137. 153. 161, 259, 
265. 

Scioto Valley, ii., 95, 102, 125. 

Scotch Valley, i., 261. 

Scotch-Irish of the frontier, i., 25, 290; ii., 
61, 213; settle in Lancaster County, i., 
162; settle Cumberland Valley, 176. 

Scouellj or Scoville, George, i., 63. 

Scramlin, Mr., ii., 61. 

Scruneyattha, see Scarrooyady, i., 376. 

Scull, Edward, ii., 339. 

Scull, G. D., ii., 85. 

Scull, James, ii., 340. 

Scull, Jasper, ii., 339. 

Scull, John, i., 163, 170, 192, 194, 206; 
ii->339. 346. 



Scull, Joseph, ii., 340. 

Scull, Nicholas, i., 163, 170, 194, 206, 275; 

ii-- 304. 339- 
Scull, Nicholas, Jr., ii., 340. 
Secane, Delaware chief, i., 97, 105, 180. 
Seever, Frederick, i., 286. 
Seidel, Christian, i., 95. 
Seignelay, Jean Baptiste Colbert, Marquis 

de, ii., 89. 
Seketarius, Delaware chief, i., 97. 
Se-key-unck, ii., 195. 
Selles, Cadet de, ii., 239. 
Selsertown, ii., 102. 
Seminoles, ii., 313. 
Semple, Samuel, i., 381; ii., 84. 
Semple, Susanna, ii., 84. 
Senangel, Delaware chief, i., 296. 
Senangel's Town, i., 289, 296, 297. 
Seneca George, Mingo chief, i., 348; ii., 

9. 319- 

Seneca Land, i., 302; ii., 342. 

Seneca Town, i., 80, 251, 272, 300, 333; ii., 
210. 

Senegas, i., 3, 8-10, 12, 16, 17, 21, 28, 31, 
33. 35. 37. 42. 45-49. 52, 53. 56-58, 63, 
67-69, 71, 72, 74, 78, 90, 93, 99, 103, 105, 
107, 109, 114, 120, 121, 124, 127, 129, 
130, 131, 136-138, 141, 151, 153, 160, 
165, 173, 196, 203, 208, 218-221, 239, 
270, 290, 293, 297, 300, 301, 303, 313, 

315-319. 322, 331. 343. 346-350. 357. 
369. 378-380; ii., II, 17, 18, 25, 33, 57, 
94, 97, 114, 117, 119, 122, 123, 164, 229, 
235, 261, 309, 315, 317-319- 344. 347. 
367. 377, 383; settle at Conestoga, i., 
58; the term synonymous with Five 
Nations, 33; Indian killed, 174. See 
also Iroquois. 

Senecas of the Susquehanna, i., 109. 

Sequeheton, Shawnee chief, ii., 138. 

Seraws, i., 35. 

Sevana, Shatvnee chief, i., 153. 

Seven Years' War, the, ii., 325. 

Seven Towns, the, ii., 355. 

Severance, Frank H., ii., 87. 

Sewickley Town, i., 296, 298, 312, 313, 
360; ii., 36, 59, 129. 

Sewickleys, Shaweygilas, Shaweygiras, or 
Sawakolas, i., 313, 314; ii., 130. 

Shackachtan, ii., 306. See Shamokin. 

Shackamaxon, i., 56, 57, 67, 71, 108, 193. 

Shade Gap, i., 256. 

Shades of Death, i., 219. 

Shadow of Death, i., 274. 

Shadow of Death Gap, i.. 255, 256. 

Shaguin River (corrupted to Chagrin), 

i-. 335- 
Shakahoppoh, or Shakhuppo, Delaware 

chief, i., 94, 105, 135, 180. 
Shallnarooners (Shawnees), i., 135, 165, 

168, 169. 
Shallyschohking (Chillisquaque), i., 189, 

190, 196. 
Shamokin, also written Shackachtan, 

Shohomokin, etc., i., 86, 94, 95, 104, 



448 



Index 



Shamokin — Continued 

105, 108-110, 112, 167, 182, 183, 188, 
189, 191-198, 207, 208, 210, 212, 216, 
217, 223, 233-235, 237, 241, 244, 247- 
249, 262, 291, 295, 297, 304, 307, 310, 
352, 354. 355. 377. 378; ii., I39. 306, 
319. 334. 335. 339. 340. 349. 360; Iro- 
quois name for, i., 195; meaning of, 1., 

193- 
Shamokin Path, 1., 192-198, 212-222, 247, 

248. 
Shamokin Traders, i., 170, 192-222,249, 

257. 294- 
Shaningo Town, 1., 331; n., 200, 201, 385. 
Shankes, John, i., 50. 
Shannon, Samuel, i., 286. 
Shanoppin, or Shawannoppan, Delaware 

chief, i., 294, 300, 307; ii., 352. 
Shanoppin's Town, i., 228, 229, 251, 270- 

272, 274-276, 285, 288, 289, 297, 348, 

361, 365, 369, 371, 373, 374; ii-. 3. 230, 

330. 
Sharon, ii., 201. 
Sharp, Paul, ii., 361. 
Sharpe, Horatio, i., 231, 232, 377; ii., 5, 

280. 
Sharron, i., 245. 
Shaunetowa, i., 62, 63. 
Shaurwaughon, Delaware chief, i., 97. 
Shaver, Peter, i., 263; ii., 305, 340; killed, 

i., 258. 
Shaver's Sleeping-Place, i., 263, 266, 280; 

Spring, i., 263. 
Shaw, Francis S., ii., 102, 112. 
Shaw, John, i., 179; ii., 340. 
Shawannoppan, see Shanoppin. 
Shaweygiras, Shaweygilas, Sawoklas, or 

Sewickleys, i., 302, 303, 305, 313, 314; 

ii., 129, 130. 
Shawnee, meaning of the word, i., 119, 

159- 

Shawnee Bottoms, i., 263. 

Shawnee Cabins, i., 251, 252, 263, 269, 
274, 279, 281, 298. 

Shawnee Clans, i., 148; ii., 261. See Chil- 
licothe, Kispoko, Mequachake, Pequea, 
and Piqua clans. 

Shawnee Fields, i., 157. 

Shawnee Flats, i., 96, 154, 187. 

Shawnee Old Town, i., 156, 168; ii., 330. 

Shawnee post-office, i., 142. 

Shawnee Town, i., 156, 168, 198, 211, 303; 
ii., 142, 204, 330, 368, 378. 

Shawnee s, also called Chaouanons, 
Chauhannauks, Satanas, Savannahs, 
Sawannahs, Shallnarooners, Shanaws, 
Shannoahs, Shavanoles, ShavanoUs, 
Shawanees, Shawanese, Shawanoes, 
Shawanos, Shawnese, Shawnoes, Sha- 
wonoes, Shawonese, Shevanoes, Sheva- 
nors, Stabbernowles, etc., i., 4, 6, 
8, 10-12, 17-19, 21, 22, 42, 59, 63, 
75, 78, 86, 92, 96, III, 112, 114, 
115, 119-161, 164, 165, 167-172, 175, 
176, 180, 183-191, 194, 196, 209, 211, 



212, 218, 219, 224, 226, 227, 235, 237* 
238, 240, 241, 244, 248, 249, 252, 259 
268, 279-281, 287, 288, 290, 291, 295- 
306, 308, 311, 312, 315, 316, 326, 327, 
331. 348. 350, 352-355. 357. 358, 360, 
362-364, 366, 368-370, 374-379. 381; 
11., 2-4, 9, II, 15, 16, 19, 20-25, 29, 33, 

35. 39. 40. 45, 50. 57-59, 69, 73-76. 93- 
97, 116-119, 121-125, 128-131, 134-141, 
143, 151, 153, 154, 157-162, 164, 176, 
180, 182, 190, 191, 202, 203, 210, 213, 
214, 216, 224, 225, 227, 230, 234, 240, 
241, 244, 247, 250, 252, 257, 259-261, 
267, 272, 275, 276, 282, 283, 287, 288, 
292, 294-298, 304, 305, 307, 315-317, 

331, 337. 341, 347, 349, 35i, 353, 354, 
362, 367-369, 377, 382-384, 386, 387; 
French name for, i., 18; called Satanas 
by Iroquois, 124; Chartier's band, ii., 
134-136; chiefs, 138; identity of, with 
the Eries, i., 13; at Fort St. Louis, 
138; French, ii., 353; early habitat of, 
i., 120; ii., 93, 94; Heckewelder's ac- 
count of, i., 154; dispersed by Iroquois, 
ii., 125; migrations, i., 303; come to 
New York, 137-142; settle on the 
Ohio, 184; original seat of, 13, 121; 
trade most important to Pennsylvania, 
352; take the pledge, 305; Potomac, 
ii., 342; trade with Spaniards, i., 120; 
ii., 93; move westward, i., 183. 

Shawnee Salt Lick Town, ii., 385. 

Shea, John Gilmary, i., 35, 122; ii., 89, 
100, 121. 

Shearman's Valley, i., 228, 232. 

Shebosh, John Joseph, i., 223. See Bull, 
John Joseph. 

Shecokkenecan, Delaware, chief, ii., 305. 

Shekallamy, John, i., 209; ii., 350. 

Shekallamy, Oneida chief, i., xv., no, 
112, 149, 176, 187, 189, 191, 192, 194- 
198, 203, 223, 287, 302, 307, 310, 325, 
354; ii., 305, 319, 349, 350; born a 
white Frenchman, i., 192, 197; vice- 
regent of the Iroquois, 195; three 
sons of, 197, 234, 381; his Iroquois 
names, 112, 192. 

Shekallamy's Town, i., 193, 195, 196, 197. , 

Shelby, Evan, ii., 60, 277, 237. 

Shelocta, i., 168, 263, 298. 

Shemekenwhoa, Shawnee chief, i., 152, 
171; ii., 304. 

Shenandoah Valley, i., 174. 

Shenango, i., 7, 342, .350. 356, 378; ii., 160, 
370; meaning of, i., 345. 

Shenango Path, i., 262. 

Shepard, David, ii., 77. 

Sheppard, Thomas, ii., 361. 

Sherrill, William, i., 163; ii., 340. 

Sheshequin, i., 205, 206, 222. 

Sheshequin Path, i., 247. 

Shingas, Delaware chief, i., 105, no, 240, 
366, 372, 375; ii., 8, 9, 159, 368; made 
sachem of the Delawares, i., in. 

Shingas's Town, i., 378; ii., 20. 



Index 



449 



Shippen, Edward, i., 5, 156, 178, 209, 210, 
232, 235, 256, 304, 368; ii., 192, 233, 

^ 334. 337, 342. 

Shippen, Joseph, i., 244; ii., 6, 58, 70, 71, 

73- 
Shippensburg, i., 253, 256; ii., 6, 7, 19, 

158, 232, 327, 328, 375. 
Shirley, i., 87. 
Shirley, William, i., 338. 
Shirleysburg, i., 256. 
Shoemaker, Benjamin, ii., 7. 
Shoemaker, Samuel, ii., 7. 
Shohola Falls, i., 218. 
Shortive, Martin, i., 75, 128. See Chartier. 
Shunner, Samuel, ii., 361. 
Sicard, Felix, ii., 55. 
Sickais, Delaware chief, i., 98. 
Sickonesyns, Delaware chief, i., 88. 
Sideling, Hill, i., 274, 277; ii., 32. 
Sideling Hill Gap, i., 276. 
Siege of Detroit, ii., 372, 376. 
Siege of Fort Pitt, i., 313; ii., 382. 
Silver, Francis, i., 266. 
Silver Heels, or Arroas, a Seneca, ii., 9. 
Silver Heels Riffle, ii., 198. 
Silvers's Spring, i., 253. 
Sims, Buckridge, ii., 7. 
Simms, William G., ii., 221. 
Simon, or Simons, Joseph, i., 178, 277; 

ii., 6, 59, 67, 70, 75, 340, 382. 
\ Simon Girty, an Indian, ii., 380. 
Simpson, Thomas, ii., 340. 
Sinclair, Charles, ii., 239. 
Sinclair, Sir John, ii., 6. 
Sinnondowannes, the right Senecas, i., 

16, 69. 
Sinnott, Mr., ii., 39, 361. 
Sinnott, Jacob, ii., 361. 
Sinnott, John, ii., 361. 
Sinnott, Mary, ii., 361. 
Sinnott, Susannah, ii., 361. 
Sinquees, Delaware chief, i., 89. 
Siouan Tribes of the East, i., 10; ii., 118. 
Siscohoka, Mantas Indian, i., 89. 
Sitting Bull, i., xiii. 
Siwoneys, i., 159. 
Six Nations, see Iroquois. 
Skalitchy, Delaware chief, i., 100, loi, 

104. 
Skanoadaradighroonas, i., 209. 
Skehandowana, or Wyoming, i., 187; ii., 

356. 
Skipakicipi River, n., 92, 94; meanmg of 

the name, 256. 
Skyhawk, Aaron, ii. 381. 
Slaughter Bridge, i., 91. 
Sley, Robert, i., 63. 
Sligh, Frederick, ii., 361. 
Slocum, Charles E.,i., 321. 
Slover, Elizabeth, ii., 388. 
Slover, Elizabeth, Jr., ii., 388. 
Sly, Elizabeth, ii., 361. 
Sly, George, ii., 361. 
Sly, Margaret, ii., 361 
Sly, Rachel, ii., 361. 



Sly, Susannah, ii., 361. 

Smagunn, an Indian, ii., 389, 390. 

Small, Thomas, ii., 361. 

Smallman, Thomas, i., 277; ii., 29, 33, 

38, 60, 71, 76, 77, 80, 83-85, 373-375. 

378, 379. 382. 
Smallman & Field, ii., 32. 
Small-pox, ravages of, among the Indians, 

i-. 34. 35. 47; ii-. 182, 286, 287, 353, 366. 
Smith, Chris., ii., 361. 
Smith, Devereux, ii., 73, 78-80. 
Smith, Henry, i., 194, 196, 206, 207; ii., 

334, 340, 352. 
Smith, James, i., 178, 207, 276-278, 333; 

ii., 32, 187, 321, 340, 349-351. 
Smith, John, i., 8, 15, 26, 27, 33, 35, 38, 

62, 83, 159, 185, 348; ii., 237, 340; visits 

the Susquehanna, i., 60, 61. 
Smith, Leonard, ii., 340. 
Smith, Martin, ii., 361. 
Smith, Peter, ii., 361. 
Smith, Richard, ii., 61, 64. 
Smith, Robert, ii., 242, 247, 248; ii., 278, 

340. 
Smith, Samuel, i., 163, 175, 176; n., 340. 
Smith, Thomas, ii., 72. 
Smith, Tineas, ii., 361. 
Smith, William, i., 25, 115, 246; ii., 82, 

202, 373. 
Smith's Ferry, i., 207. 
Snake Spring, i., 277, 279. 
Snake Town, i., 95, 175; ii., 342. 
Sneedo, Susquehannock chief, i., 52. 
Snider, John, ii., 361. 
Snigh, George, ii., 361. 
Snodgrass, Betsey, ii., 388. 
Snow Hill, i., 83. 
Snow Shoe, i., 182. 
Sogogeghyata, Cayuga Indian, Shekal- 

lamy's third son, i., 381. 
Solocka, i., 237. See Asserughney. 
Solomon, Levy, ii., 378, 379. 
Solomons, Ezekiel, ii., 377. 
Sonatziowanah, Shawnee chief, ii., 138. 
Sonhioto, or Sonnioto, i., 327; ii., 126, 

153.259. 5ee Scioto. 
Sonontio, ii., 135, 136. See Scioto. 
Sonnontouan (Seneca Land), i., 10, 63, 

122; ii., 117. 
Sonnontouans (Senecas), ii., 124, 164. 
Sonnontoueronons (Senecas), i., 121. 
Sonyote, ii., 137, 161. See Scioto. 
Soremouth, a captive, ii., 387. 
Sospenninck, Delaware Indian, i., 90. 
Sotayriote, Conestoga chief, i., So. 
Soto, Fernando de, ii., 116. 
Souchy, a Delaware, i., 282. 
Sounikasronons, ii., 97. 
Soupnapka, i., 91. 
Sour Plums, a captive, ii., 387. 
South Bend, i., 264. 
South Carolina, i., 83, 122, 130, 134, 296, 

298, 312, 314; ii-. 3. "9- 129, 130, 134, 

141. 233, 353; Sha\smees in, i., 159. 

See Carolina. 



450 



Index 



Sovereign, Gower, ii., 388. 

Soyeghtowa, or Tahgahjute, or Logan, 

Oneida Mingo chief, ii, 381. See Logan. 
Spangenberg, Augustus Gottlieb, i., 104, 

191, 197, 203, 204, 223. 
Spanish Hill, i., 31. 
Sparks, Jared, ii., 86. 
Spear, Joseph, i., 277; ii., 28, 60, 72, 78, 

361. 
Spear, Robert, i., 175. 
Specker (or Spyker), Benjamin, ii., 340. 
Speaker, John, ii., 340. 
Splane, William, ii., 361. 
Spotswood, Alexander, i., 85, 318. 
Spring Church, i., 266 
Spring City, i., 166. 
Springfield, i., 147; ii., 61. 
Sprogle, Michael, ii., 340. 
Spruce Camp, i., 263. 
Stabbernowle Indians, i., 75, 129, 134. 

See Shawnees. 
Stairs, The, ii., 219. 
Stalnaker, or Stalnicker, Samuel, ii., 159, 

242. 
Standing Stone, i., 251, 257. 
Standing Stone Valley, i., 257. 
Stanfield, James, i., 135, 169. 
Stanton, ii., 102, 246. 
Stanwix, John, i., 240; ii., 17, 20, 21, 325. 
Station Camp, ii., 220, 221, 224-226, 228. 
Station Camp Creek, ii., 245. 
Staunton, ii., 79. 
Steel, James, i., 162. 
Steel, John, i., 266. 
Steelman, John Hans, i., 100, 129, ;'.30, 

144, 152, 153, 160, 164, 165, 176; ii., 

347- 
"Steelville, i., 152. 
Steenson, Joseph, ii., 232. 
Stehman, John, i., 42, 43. 
Stephen, Adam, ii., 159, 382, 383. 
Stephenson, John, ii., 77, 80. 
Sterling, James, ii., 375. 
Sterrat, James, i., 258. 
Sterrett's Gap, i., 253, 254. 
Steubenville, ii., 196. 
Stevens, Francis, or Frank, i., 259, 260, 

309; ii., 341. 
Stevens's Town, Frank, i., 259. See 

Frankstown. 
Stevens, Frank, a Delaware, i., 260. 
Stevens, Nehemiah, i., 177. 
Stevens, William, i., 69. 
Stewart, Alexander, i., 266. 
Stewart, Daniel, i., 179; ii., 341. 
Stewart, Henry, i., 372. 
Stewart, James, ii., 341, 388. 
Stille, Oloff, i., 65. 
Stimble, Isaac, i., 286. 
Stinkard tongue, i., 11. 
Stirling, Thomas, ii., 38. 
Stobo, Robert, i., 177, 220; ii., 4, 5. 
Stockbridge, ii., 288. 
Stockett, Thomas, i., 47. 
Stockport, i., 218; ii., 198. 



Stoddard, Benjamin, ii., 282. 

Stone, The, Mingo chief, ii., 319. 

Stone, William L., i., 356. 

Stony Gap, ii., 251. 

Stormontront, Charles, ii., 387. 

Stoystown, i., 281. 

Strachey, William, i., 33. 

Stroud, Joseph, ii., 380. 

Stroud, origin of the term, ii., 315. 

Stroudman, Kitty, ii., 387. 

Stroudsburg, i., 219. 

Stuart, John, ii., 218, 221-229. 

Stump, Frederick, kills ten Indians, i., 
203; ii., 56-58. 

Stuyvesant, Peter, i., 15, 46, 47, 59, 64, 
89, 90, 108, 109; ii., 345, 346. 

Succoth, i., 245. 

Sugar Cabins, the, ii., 208. 

SuUavan, Dennis, i., 364; ii., 341. 

Sullivan, John, i., 206. 

Sullivan's expedition, i., 206, 218, 219. 

Suite, Benjamin, i., 199. 

Sunathoaka, Iroquois chief, i., 323, 324. 

Sunbury, i., 104, 109, 182, 193, 194, 248. 

Sunbury Manor, i., 187. 

Sunyendeand, i., 321. See Junquein- 
dundeh. 

Susquehannock chiefs, i., 43, 44, 59, 60; 
lynched, 51; succession of, 77-81. 

Susquehanna Falls, i., 12, 37, 38, 72, 77; 
Forks, 96, 167, 182, 192, 195; Great 
Bend, 218; Head, 252, 262, 263, 269; 
River, 5ee under Rivers ; Valley, 25, 115. 

Susquehannocks, i., 9, 12, 16, 26, 27, 35, 
36, 41, 42, 45, 46, 53, 91, 98, 100, 103, 
108, 129, 130, 136, 149, 150, 160, 161, 
164, 180, 292; ii., 97, 304, 305, 329, 337; 
carried north by Iroquois, i., 57; clans, 
43, 44, 47; conquer Delawares, 106, 
107; defeat, 42; defeat Iroquois, 46, 47; 
defeated by Iroquois 48; first trade 
with the, 61; Fort, 38, 39, 41, 43-45, 
54. 55. 59» 67; Fort destroyed, 48; 
make treaty with Maryland, 36, 43, 
59; new town, 35, 45; number with 
Iroquois, 58, 68; Old Fort, 66; Path, 
1 80-1 81; pay tribute, 37; Potomac 
Fort, 38, 45, 50, 51, 54, 55, 66; 
queen, 78; subdued, 52; submit to 
Iroquois, 56; Traders among, 63; vil- 
lage site, 54; war with Iroquois, 

45- 

Sutton, John, li., 361. 

Swaine, Charles, ii., 6. 

Swanandael, ii., 344, 345. 

Swanner, John, i., 179. 

Swanpes, Swanpisse, Swampes, etc., Dela- 
ware chief, i., 97, 98. 

Swart Hook, i., 90. 

Swatane (Shekallamy), i., 112, 192. 

Swedes on the Delaware, i., 97; ii., 345, 
346; conflicts between Dutch and, i., 
89; Indian trade with, 76; assist 
Susquehannocks, 46. 

Swedes' Church, i., 164. 



Index 



451 



Swedes' Mill, i., 181. 

Swengf elders, ii., 19. 

Swindell, Jonathan, ii., 341, 347. 

Swiss Mennonites settle in Lancaster 

County, i., 161. 
Sypous, Mingo chief, i., 296. 
Syracuse, N. Y. ii., xxiii. 



Taafe, Michael, i., 271, 367, 371; ii.,9, 114, 

147, 157, 191, 231, 328, 332, 341, 378, 

379. SeeTeaii. 
Tachanoontia, Onondaga chief, ii., 120. 
Tacons, i., 22. 

Taensa Town, ii., 102, 104, 105, 108. 
Taensas, or Tahensas, i., 123; ii., 98, 102- 

iio, 113, 116; sun worshippers, 105. 
Taggert, Robert, ii., 341. 
Taghneghtoris, Cayuga Indian, Shekal- 

lamy's eldest son, i., 381. 
Takahaganes, ii., 115, 116. 
Takoaoiroughroonan, ii., 120. 
Talbot, George, i., 39, 73, 87. 
Taligui, ii., 92. 
Tallegewis, ii., 120, 125. 
Tamanen, Taminent, Taminy, etc., Dela- 
ware sachem, i., 97-99. 
Tamaque (King Beaver), Delaware chief , 

i., no, 241. 
Tamaroa, ii., 90. 
Tamencongh, i., 109. 
Taminy Buck, also written Domini Buck, 

Tomeney Buck, etc., Shawnee chief, i., 

306; ii., 138, 139, 261. Compare with 

Tawnamebuck. 
Tanacharisson, or Half King, Seneca 

Mingo chief, i., ill, 278, 345, 348, 360, 

365, 366, 368; ii., 261. 
Tanareeco, Mingo chief, ii., 261. See 

Tanacharisson. 
Tangoras, Delaware chief, i., 97, 98, 105, 

180. 
Tanjiboas, ii., 116. 
Tanweson, Louis Montour's Iroquois 

name, i., 202, 203, 228. 
Taogarios, or Taogrias, ii., 122. 
Taogoria, or Tongoria, ii., 122. 
Taouatchas, i., 123. 
Tareekham, Delaware chief, i., 98. 
Tarentum, i., 21, 269, 290, 298, 352. 
Tashiowycan, a Delaware, ii., 346. 
Tate, Benjamin, ii., 67. 
Taughhaughsey, Delaware chief, i., 94. 
Tawas, or Taways, i., 324, 351; ii., 283. 

See Ottawas. 
Tawenna, Conestoga chief, i., 81. _ 
Tawixtwi, or Tawicktwa Town, i., 147; 

ii., 261. 5ee Twightwee Town. 
Tawnamebuck (Cornstalk) , Shawnee chief, 

i., 306. Compare with Taminy Buck. 
Taychatin, Huron chief, i., 326; ii., 165, 

166. 
Taylor, Isaac, i., 167, 192, 193. 
Taylor, John, i., 163, 192. 



Taylor, Mary Calhoon, ii., 179. 

Tchalaka, ii., 92. 

Tchalakes, or Tchaliquis, ii., 114, 115, 121. 

See Cherokees. 
Tchouchoumas, ii., 116. 
TcafF, or Tcafc Michael, ii., 9, 114, 147, 

157.231. ^ee Taafe. 
Techirogen, i., 48. 

Tecumseh, Shawnee chief, i.,xiii., 147, 156. 
Teedyuscung, Delaware chief, i., 95, 96, 

no, 114, 117, 164, 220, 237, 242, 350, 

377; ii., 17-19, 23, 24, 359. 
Teehepeuwya, Delaware chief, i., 88. 
Teeshacomin, Delaware chief, i., 94. 
TehotitachseTown, i., 32. 
Tekarihoken, Mohawk chief, ii., 86. 
Telenemut, Seneca chief, i., 206. 
Ten Lost Tribes of Israel, ii., 301. 
Ten Mile Lick, i., 251, 264, 266. 
Tennessee, i., 5, 124; ii., 120, 313. 
Tennessee Valley, ii., 95. 
Tensas Parish, ii., 102. See Taensas. 
Teonnottein, Tuscarora chief, i., 84. 
Tepakoaset, Delaware chief, i., 105. 
Tepicons, ii., 286. 
Tepicourt, ii., 259. 
Terrill, Robert, i., 163; ii., 304, 341. 
Terrutawanaren, Tuscarora chief, i., 84. 
Teschetabra, Mississaga chief, ii., 390. 
Tesinigh, i., 33. 
Testes, or Tetes, Plattes (Flat Heads, i.e, 

Catawbas, Cherokees, Choctaws, Creeks, 

etc.), ii., 170, 285. 
Teuf lanushsonggaghta Town, i., 221. 
Tewis, Delaware chief, i., 98. 
Teyeondarago, i., 238. 
Teyoneandakt, i., 238. 
Teyonnoderre (Unadilla), i., 238. 
Thaligis, ii., 114. 
Thevenot, Melchisedeck, ii., loi. 
Thicachats (Chickasaws), ii., 180. 
Thomas, Anna, ii., 361. 
Thomas, Cyrus, i., 15; ii., 120. 
Thomas, George, i., 107, 168, 210, 307, 

310, 311. 324. 349. 352, 354. 355; ii-. 306. 
Thomas, Nancy, ii., 361. 
Thomas, Nelly, ii., 361. 
Thomas, Oghquaga chief, ii., II. 
Thomas King, Oneida chief, ii., 131. 
Thompson, Captain William, ii., 69, 382. 
Thompson, Henr}^ i., 128. 
Thompson, John, i., 130, 157. 
Thompson, Richard, i., 63. 
Thompson, William, i., 277; ii., 60, 69, 

361, 382. 
ThompsontowTi, i., 248. 
Thomson, Charles, i., 88; ii., 17, 19, 85. 
Three Forks, ii., 219. 
Three Legs Town, ii., 187, 188. 
Three Licks, i., 252. 
Three Rivers, i., 29, 121, 199. 
Three Springs, i., 252, 274-276. 
Thwaites, Reuben G., i., 203, 321, 356; ii., 

17, 30, 129, 137, 142, 143, 187, 208, 212. 
Ticonderoga, ii., 18. 



452 



Index 



Tiiughsoghmntie (Detroit), i., 12. 

Tilehausey, Conestoga chief, i., 81, 185. 
See Captain Civility. 

Tilghman, James, i., 245; ii., 67. 

Tinnecongh, i., 89. 

Tioga, also written Diahoga, Trizaoga, 
Trijaoga,etc.,i.,xxiii., no, 112-114, 155, 
187, 195, 205, 209, 220, 237, 238, 243, 
247; Forks, 96; Point, xxiii., 31, 34, 35. 
80, 96, 195, 205, 218, 219, 247. 

Tiohuwaquaronta, Tioniongarunte, etc., 
i., 221. 

Tionesta, i., 215, 221, 343. 

Tionnontatehronnons (Wyandots), i., 11. 
See Hurons and Wyandots. 

TiONNONTATEs (Wyandots), also written 
Tionnontates, Tionontatecagas, Kio- 
nontates, Dinondadies, Chenundadees, 
Chenondadees, Jenundadees, Inonda- 
dese, Younondadys, etc., ii., 122; i., 11, 
.12, 345; ii., 121-123, 128, 163. 

Tionontatecagas (Wyandots), ii., 121, 
122, 123. 

Tiorhaasery, or Tilehausey, Conestoga 
chief, i., 81, 185. See Captain Civility. 

Tiotontaraetongas, ii., 97. 

Tious, ii., 116. 

Tiozinossongachta Town, i., 221. 

Tiron, i., 351; meaning of, ii., 114. 

Tiron Nation, i., 351. 

Tisagechroanu (Mississagas), i., 331, 
357. 

Toagenhas, ii., 117. See Touguenha. 

Tobacco tribe, i., 9; ii., 122, 128. See 
Wyandots. 

Toby's Falls, i., 270. 

Tockwoghs, i., 26. 

Tod, Mr., ii., 83. 

Togana Koissin, an Indian, ii., 178. 

Tohawsis, Delaware chief, i., 97. 

Tohoguses Town, i., 263. 

Toise, length of a, ii., 175. 

Tokaswayeston, Mingo chief, i., 348. 

Toledo, i., 315. 

Tolheo, i., 196. 

Tom, William, i., 90; ii., 346. 

Tomackhickon, Delaware chief, i., 97. 

Tomb, Agnes, ii., 361. 

Tomb, George, ii., 361. 

Tomeney Buck, Shawnee chief, ii., 261. 
See Taminy Buck. 

Tomlinson, William, ii., 242, 246. 

Tonawanda, i., 293; meaning of, i., 32. 

Tonelaguesona, Shawnee chief, i., 375. 

Tongoria, or Taogoria, i., 63; ii., 122. 

Tongorias, ii., 122. 

Tonhoga, i., 62, 63. 

Tonicas, or Tounicas, ii., 54, 107, 116. 

Tonnahoorn, Minqua chief, i., 59. 

Tonty, Henri de, i., xiv., 125, 132-134, 
138, 139; ii-. 90. 9i> 101-104, 122. 

Tonty's Land, i., 137. 

Tool, John, ii., 381. 

Toronto, i., 24. 

Tostee, Peter, ii., 341; robbed, i., 311. 



Toteroes, i., 313 ., 117, 119. See Tute- 
loes. 

Totontaratongas, ii., 97. 

Tottopottemen, Pamunkey chief, i., 14. 

Touguenha, i., 63. See Toagnehas. 

Toulon, i., 166; ii., 167. 

Tourieuse, ii., 177. 

Townships: Alleghany, i., 261, 202, 281, 
297; Athens, 31; Auburn, ii., 210; 
Bedford, i., 349; Belvidere, ii., 60; 
Boggs, i., 213; Boston, 334; Bradford, 
181, 182, 213; Brady, 182, 215, 271; 
Buffalo, 248; Burlington, ii., 60; Cain, 
i., 169, 179; Carroll, 254, 261, 262; 
Centre, ii., 144, 188; Chanceford, 
232; Clay, i., 275; ii., 150; Clearfield, i., 
261, 262; Conemaugh, 268; Conestoga, 
162, 176, 179; Connoquenessing, 271; 
Coventry, 333; Cranberry, 271; Crom- 
well, 256; Curtin, 213; Darby, 181 ; 
Delaware, 248, 346; Derry, 162; Done- 
gal, 162, 170, 174, 175, 177, 178, 208, 
277; ii., 267, 329, 335, 342; Drumore, i., 
162; ii., 331; Dublin, i., 256; Earl, 181; 
East Nantmeal, ii., 232; East Notting- 
ham, 231 ; East Providence, i., 276; East 
Union, ii., 205; Edgmont, i., 181; Edin- 
burg, 349; ii., 200; Elder, i., 262; Elk 
Run, ii., 144, 188; Fairview, 232; Fallow- 
field, i., 180, 181; Fannett, 255, 274; 
Fayette, 247; Fenner, 29; Fermanagh, 
247; Forward, 271; Franklin, 271, 349; 
ii., 144, 145, 188, 193; Frankstown, i., 
259; Graham, 182, 213; Green, 262; 
Greenwood, 248; Hampton, 271; Han- 
over, ii., 149; Harmony, i., 218; 
Hempfield, 162, 181, 185; Highland, 
181; Hopewell, 253; Independence, 
334; Irwin, 271; Jackson, 255, 271; 
Jefferson, ii., 150; Jenner, i., 268, 
282; Easkiminetas, 266; Kittanning, 
264; Knox, ii., 186; Lawrence, i., 182, 
213; Leacock, 179, 181; Liberty, 
213; Ligonier, 293; London Britain, 
ii., 231; Londonderry, i., 180; ii., 231; 
London Grove, i., 180; Lordstown, 
349; ii., 200; Lower Smithfield, i., 92, 
142; Lower Windsor, 54, 55; Lurgan, 
253; ii., 231, 232; McCandless, i., 271; 
Madison, 254; Manor, 27, 35, 161, 
162; Margaretta, 206; Marple, 169; 
Marshall, 271; Martock, 162; Mercer, 
271; Middleton, ii., 144, 188; Middle- 
town, i., 181; Mill Creek, 180; Milton, 
349; Mohican, ii., 185, 187, 206, 208, 
209; Monroe, i., 247; Montague, 4; 
Morris, 182, 212, 258; Napier, 281; 
Newberry, 232, 233; New Castle, 199; 
New Garden, 180; New Lisbon, ii., 60; 
Newton, i., 349; ii., 200; Northamp- 
ton, i., 333, 334, 349, 350; Notting- 
ham, 78, 178, 180; Otsego, ii., 60; 
Oxford, i., 180; Pahaquarry, 92, 142; 
Palmyra, 349; ii., 200; Paris, 200; 
Paxtang, i., 162, 179, 325; ii., 231-233, 



Index 



453 



Townships — Continued 

332. 333. 338, 349; Penn, i., 181, 288; 
Pennsboro, 224, 225, 227, 251, 253, 
319. 323. 347. 364; ii-. 2, 232, 319; 
Pequea, i., 162; Pike, 215; Pine, 271; 
Plain, ii., 185; Plymouth, i., 333; ii., 210; 
Portage, i., 333; Porter, 258; Provi- 
dence, 181; Pymatuning, 331; Quema- 
honing, 281; Ravenna, 349; Richland, 
271; Ridley, 181; Ross, 271; Sadsbury, 
152, 180, 181; ii., 231; Salisbury, 234; 
Salt Creek, 205; Sandy, 179; Sandy 
Creek, i., 271; Shade, 281; Shaler, 271; 
Sharon, 333; Shenango, 331; Silvers's 
Spring, 253; Slippery Rock, 271; Snake 
Spring, 279; Snowshoe, 213; Spring, 
254; Springfield, 173; Stow, 349; Sugar 
Creek, ii., 205; Susquehanna, i., 248, 
261; Taylor, 276, 331, 341; Tell, 
255, 256; Thornbury, 181; Tyrone, 
227, 254; Union, ii., 143; Unity, i., 
285; Upper Paxtang, 162; Vincent, 
166; Walpack, 92; Washington, ii., 
261; Wayne, 144, 187, 188, 195, 203; 
Weathersfield, i., 335, 349, 350; ii., 200; 
Wells, i., 276; West Bradford, ii., 231; 
West Conestoga, i., 162; West Fallow- 
field, 152; West Nottingham, 38; 
Whitemarsh, 163. 

Toyaraguindiague, Iroquois chief, i., 

319- 

Tracy, Mr., ii., 377. 

Trade, the Indian, ii., 300-326. 

Traders: Albany, ii., 372; Allegheny, 
i., 290-314; ii., 123, 305, 329, 341, 343; 
Brandywine, 339; Cherokee, 353; Cones- 
toga, i., 161-181, 281; ii., 327, 330, 

333. 337. 338, 340-342, 347; Croghan's, 
i., xxiii.; ii., 260,292,337,340; Donegal, 
"•. 331-334. 338, 340-342; English, 
i., 225, 318, 322, 354, 357, 358, 364, 365; 
374. 375. 378; ii., 9. 12, 13, 145, 146, 156, 
191, 242, 261, 263, 280, 289, 290, 318, 
353. 358. 377; captured, English, ii., 
146, 265, 268, 269; French, i., 322, 
323. 325, 326, 364; ii-, 33, 40, 45, 161, 
162, 165, 172, 241, 282, 283, 304, 318, 
353; killed, i., 325 ; fight the Susqueban- 
nocks, 48; French Canadian, 170, 172; 
Irish, ii., 2; Juniata, 339; Lowery's, 

334. 336; Muscogee, 353; New York, 
i., xxiii., 2; ii., 341, 342; Ohio, 307, 
336; Paxtang, 332; Pennsylvania, i., 
xxiv., 3, 21; ii., 129, 265, 320, 351, 
358, 368; list of the Pennsylvania, 
326-343; French, of Pennsylvania, 
12 (see also under Pennsylvania); 
Philadelphia, 353; Pickawillany, 340; 
Schuylkill, 341; Scotch-Irish, 373; 
Shamokin, i., 192-212; ii., 326, 327, 

329. 333. 338-340. 342, 349- 352; 
Susquehannock, i., 63, 64; Virgmia, 
224, 347; ii., 86, 320, 353; whiskey, ii., 
307; seized by French, i., 23; killed 
in Pontiac War, ii., 378-383; losses. 



i., 178, 278; Narratives, 5, 6; Paths, 254, 
260, 276, 277, 280, 286. 

Trail, Catawba, ii., 130; Muskingum, 188; 
Sandusky, 207. See Path. 

Trakwaehronnons, i., 11. 

Traner, John, ii., 341. 

Treaty of Fort Stanwix, i., 244; ii., 217; 
of Lancaster, ii., 316, 320. 

Tregrendeare, Mingo chief, i., 366. 

Trent, Mary, ii., 84. 

Trent, William, i.,227,229,230, 271,277, 
278, 346. 365. 367, 370, 371. 376; ii., 
2, 3, 6-9, 14, 18, 20, 21, 28, 37, 59, 60, 
61, 84, 140, 156-158, 182, 212, 230, 231, 
234, 252, 265, 267, 280, 289, 291, 326, 
341,361,380,382. 

Trent's Journal, i., 367; ii., 291-298. 

Trenton, i., 12, 89, 90, 92, 93. 

Tribute to Iroquois, Conoys pay, i., 131; 
Delawares pay, 100-102; Minsis pay, 
141; Susquehannocks pay, 37. 

Tringer, Mary, ii., 388. 

Trotter, John, i., 290; ii., 339, 341; cap- 
tured, i., 370. 

Trough Spring, i., 256. 

Truman, Thomas, i., 49, 50, 55. 

Trumbull, J. Hammond, i., 146. 

Tsalachgasagi (Chillicothe Shawnees), i., 
191. 

Tsalagis (Cherokees), u., 123, 125. 

Tsaragis (Cherokees), ii., 123. 

Tschachat, i., 215. 

Tsnasogh (Shamokin), i., 209. 

Tuckemy, an Indian, ii., 380. 

Tukabatchi, ii., 93. 

Tukabatchies, ii., 93. 

Tullihas, ii., 187. 

Tulpehocken, i., 104, 109, 173, 236, 237, 
252, 325, 330. 

Tunchehan, Wm., ii., 380. 

Tunkliannock, see Chinkanning. 

Turkey Foot Forks, ii., 340. — L 

Turkey Hill, i., 35, 42, 54, 55, 181. 

Turkey tribe of Delawares, i., iii, 182. 

Turner, Morris, ii., 151, 265, 278, 341. 

Turtle, The, Miami chief, ii., 294, 298, 

Turtle Heart, an Indian, ii., 381. 

Turtle tribe of Delawares, i., 99, 100, iii, 
182. 

Tuscalawa, i., 313. See Tuscarawas. 

Tuscalawways, ii., 371. 

Tuscarawas Town, i., 252, 321, 334; ii., 24, 
183, 185, 187, 193, 200, 204, 205, 208, 
328, 368-371, 379. See King Beaver's 
Town. 

Tuscarora, i., 86, 255, 313. 

Tuscaroras, i., 10, 16, 83-87, 244, 256. 
349, 354; ii., 100, 161, 318, 385; broken 
in North Carolina, i., 83; seat of, 13; 
settle on Susquehanna, 85. 

Tuscarora Creek, i., 86, 235, 255, 257; ii., 

57- 
Tuscarora Mountain, i., 86, 232, 251, 

253-256, 274. 
Tuscarora Path, 1., 86, 251, 256. 



454 



Index 



Tuscarora Valley, i., 87, 195, 258; ii., 2. 

Tushanushagota Town, i., 222. 

Tussey, Elizabeth, i., 279. 

TuTELOCS, i., no, 196, 239, 313; ii., 117, 
119, 318. See Toteroes. 

Twechtweys, or Twechtwese, ii., 258. See 
Twightwees and Miamis. 

Twightwee Town, ii., 9, 152, 261, 266, 
269, 271, 289, 291, 298. See Pickawil- 
lany. 

Twightwees (Miamis), i., 3, 22, 134, 155, 
167, 168, 198, 224, 250, 252, 326, 345, 
350. 357, 359, 363, 366-368, 370, 375; 
ii., 3, 5, 21, 23, 24, 35, 137-139, 148, 
152, 155, 261-268, 272, 273, 278-282, 
284, 288, 289, 291-298, 307, 317, 318, 

374- , . 

Twigtwicks (Twightwees), 1., 198. 
Twitteways (Twightwees), i., 129. 
Two Licks, i., 252, 263, 266. 
Two Mile Springs, i., 361. 
Tyoninhogarao, Seneca chief, i., 185. 

U 

Uchees, i., 159; ii., 240. 

Ulster, i., 205. 

Unacans, an Indian, ii., 389. 

Unalachtigoes, i., 88, 91. 

Unamis, i., 88, 91, 99; ii., 318. See Dela- 

wares. 
Ungquaterughiathe (Shekallamy), i., 192. 
Unity Church, i., 286. 
Upcott Collection, ii., 229. 
Upland, i., 56, 64, 65, 67, 72. 
Upper Blue Licks, ii., 213, 227, 250, 255. 
Upper Chillicothe, i., 146. 
Upper Nations, i., 199. 
Upper Path, ii., 203. 
Upper Sandusky, ii., 210. 
Upper Shawnee Town, ii., 142. 
Uppockeaty, Shawnee chief, i., 190, 353. 
Urbana, ii., 280. 
Ushery (Catawba country), i., 10; ii., 

118, 300. 
Usserahak, i., 62. 
Utchowig, meaning of, i., 33. 
Utica, i., 125. 
Utie, Nathaniel, i., 47, 63. 
Uwhanhierelera, Susquehannock chief, i., 

44 



Vallandingham, George, ii., 77. 

Valley, see under the name of the river, 

stream, or mountain. 
Van Curler, Arent, i., 139, 293. 
Vandalia, ii., 69. 
Van Dam, Rip, i., 295. 
Vandera, Juan de la, ii., 118, 119. 
Vandergrift, i., 267. 
Van Dyk, Gregorious, i., 76. 
Van Gezel, Mr., i., 64. 
Van Rensselaer, Gilliaume, ii., 344. 



Van Rensselaer family, ii., 308. 

Van Schaick family, ii., 308. 

Van Swearingen, Garret, i., 64. 

Varnett, Vanny, ii., 388. 

Vassan, Lieut, de, ii., 239. 

Vaudreuil, castle of, ii., 190. 

Vaudreuil, Philippe de Rigault, Marquis 

de, i., 199, 300. 
Vaudreuil, Pierre Frangois Rigaud de 

Cavagnial, Marquis de, i., 340, 346, 348; 

ii-, 135, 137, .161, 179- 
Veech, James, ii., 374. 
Venango, i., 179, 202, 229, 236, 240, 262, 

270, 271, 316, 367, 370, 373, 378; ii., 3, 

81, 183, 201, 332, 336, 339, 341, 379, 380. 
Venango Path, i., 262, 264, 271. 
Venango Road, partings of the, ii., 201. 
Vendack, ii., 191. 
Vendates (Wyandots), i., 345. 
Venible, William, ii., 361. 
Venice, i., 321. 
Vermillion Town, ii., 154. 
Vemet, Father, ii., 23. 
Verrier, Lieut, de, ii., 239. 
Versailles, ii., 121. 
Veskak, ii., 190. 

Vices of Indians, i., 112; ii., 307-314. 
ViELE, Arnold, i., xxiii., 4, 58, 140, 141, 

143, 154, 158, 218, 219; ii., 87, 124, 

238, 341- 
Villebois, Honore Michel de, u., 322, 325. 
Villeroy, i., 315. > ; 

Villiers, Louis Coulon de, ii., .^39, 262, 271, 

281, 282, 286, 287. _ '-*'- 
Vimont, Bartelemy de, ii., 97. 
Vincennes, Frangois Morgane, Sieur de, 

i-, 303, 304- 305; ii-, 131- 
Vincennes, Ind., ii., 34, 36, 153. 
Vincennes, Jean Baptiste Bissot, Sieur de, 

ii., 122, 263. 
Vincent, Mathias, i., 166. 
Vincent, Post, ii., 34, 36. 
Vinson (Winsor, or Winston), William, 

ii., 361. See Winston. 
Virginia, i., 3, 5, 11, 13, 14, 17, 23, 49-52, 

55, 57, 62, 84, 107, 122, 125, 153, 159, 
200, 202, 204, 211, 227, 229, 230, 232, 
235, 282, 304, 313, 318, 330, 360, 361, 

365, 367, 369-375, 377; ii- 2-4, 13, 15, 

56, 66, 69-72, 74-77, 98, 1 18-120, 122, 
145, 148, 151, 157, 160, 229, 231, 242, 
246, 249, 252, 255, 283, 295, 298, 300 
307, 314, 316, 320, 321, 337, 352, 383. 

Virginia Commissioners, ii., 14. 
Virginia Valley, i., 158; ii., 236. 
Voss, Susanna, ii., 388. 
Vuller, Captain, i., 64. 

W ^ 

Wabanakies, i., 125. 
Wabans, ii., 93. See Ouabans. 
Wabinga, i., 88. 
Wade, Ferrall, i., 242. 
Wade, Francis, i., 244. 



Index 



455 



Wadonhago, Susquehannock chief, i., 444. 

Waggoner's Patent, ii., 61. 

Wails, Thomas, ii., 380. 

Waketomica, or Wauketaumeka, ii., 194, 

195. 199,381-384.385- 
Walker, John, ii., 341. 
Walker, Thomas, ii., 159, 219, 242-244, 

247. 361. 
Walking Purchase of 1737, i., 94, 114. 
Wallace, James, ii., 7. 
Wallace, or Wallis, Oliver, i., 180, 309; 

ii.. 342. 
Wallace, William, ii., 342. 
Wallon, Mary, ii., 361. 
Walpole, Thomas, ii., 60. 
Walton, Joseph S., ii., 85. 
Wampum, black, ii., 277. 
Wanamis, i., 88. 

Wandagan, an Indian, ii., 389-392. 
Wanduchale, Wyandachale, Wendohay, 

Windaughalah, etc., Delaware chief, ii., 

140, 141, 143, 150, 368. 
Wanduchale's Town, ii., 140-143, 150. 
Wapatomica, ii., 210. 
Wapemashehawey, Shawnee chief, ii., 98. 
Wapings, ii., 318. 

Wappanghzewan, Delaware chief, i., 90. 
Wapthamy, a Shawnee, ii., 380. 
War, French Boundary, i., 23. 
War, Old French, i., 323. 
War Gap, ii., 125. 
Ward, Edward, i., 230, 369, 376; ii., 3, 26, 

29, 60, 63, 67, 68, 77, 82, 84, 234, 342, 

361. 
Ward, John, ii., 83. 
Ward, Thomas, i., 364; ii., 342. 
Warder, Jeremiah, ii., 28, 337, 338. 
Warraghiyagey, Sir William Johnson's 

Mohawk name, i., 113. 
Warren, i., 221, 266. 

Warren, Edward, i., 267, 299; ii., 123, 342. 
Warren, Moses, i., 333. 
Warren's Sleeping-Place, Edward, i., 266, 

280. 
Warriors' Branch, ii., 125. 
Warriors' Camp, i., 191, 197; ii., 251. 
Warriors' Path, i., xxiii., 156, 277, 291, 

312; ii., 141, 143, 214. 
Warriors' Pipe, ii., 273. 
Warriors' Road, i., 190; ii., 213, 216, 217, 

219, 220, 228, 252. 
Warriors' Route, ii., 143. 
Washington, George, i., xv., xxiv., 15, 23, 

49. 79> 105. 115. 168, 230, 231, 234, 236, 

270, 273, 278, 339, 340, 342, 345, 346, 

369, 372-374. 376, 380; u., 4, 34, 15, 66- 

70, 78, 120, 141, 182, 281, 292, 326-328, 

330, 336, 340; Indian name of, i., 236; 

defeat of, 80, 278, 348, 377; ii., 15, 

182. 
Washington, John, i., 49-51, 55. 
Washington Borough, i., 40, 42, 43, 54, 55, 

151, 152, 161, 171. 
Washington City, i., 63. 
Washinta, m.eaning of, i., 54. 



Waskanccqua, Susquehannock chief, i., 44. 

Watauga, ii., 237. 

Water, Francis, ii., 342. 

Waterfall, i., 276. 

Water Street, i., 258, 259. 

Water Street Branch of Juniata, i., 258. 

Wathetdianeh, Susquehannock chief, i., 

43- 
Watson, John, i., 41, 177. 
Watson town, i., 197. 
Watteville, John, Baron de, i., 187. 
Wauketaumeka, or Waketomica, ii., 194, 

195. 199. 381, 384, 385- 

Waverly, i., 31. 

Wawaughtanneys, Wawetannes. Wawi- 
oughtanes, etc., ii., 13, 272, 276, 278, 
281,297. 'See Ouiatanons. 

Wayne, Anthony, i., 383; ii., 238. 

Wayne's camp, i., 383; victory, ii., 310. 

Waywawjachtanons, ii., 258. See Ouia- 
tanons. 

Weas, or Wees, ii., 24, 258, 374. See Ouia- 
tanons. 

Weaugh Town, ii., 23, 379. See Ouia- 
tanon. 

Webb, Mr., ii., 221. 

Webb, Daniel, i., 238; ii., il. 

Weheeland, or Weheelan, Delaware chief, 
i., 98, loi. See Owechela. 

Weheequeckhon, Delaware chief, i., 98, 99. 

Weiser, CoNRAD,i.,32,8o, 95, 96, 103, 104, 
no. III, 115, 154, 176, 183, 187, 191, 
193. I95"'i97. 200, 202, 205, 223, 224, 
226, 231-234, 236, 237, 249, 250-252, 
254-256, 259, 260, 262, 266, 268, 269, 
272, 280, 287, 290, 310, 325, 326, 330, 
331. 340, 344-346, 348, 354, 356; ii., 
I, 4, 9, 13, 15, 18, 122, 137, 139, 159, 
167, 253, 254, 292, 316, 318, 319, 339, 
349, 350, 373; journeys of, 1., 32. 

Wekeeponall, i., 213. 

Welagamika Town, i., 95. 

Welch, John, i., 277; ii., 60, 361, 375, 376, 
378, 382. 

Wells, Col., i., 72. 

Wells, Major, ii., 61. 

Wells, George, i., 68. 

Wells, R., ii., 62. 

Wells's Tannery, i., 276. 

Wells's Valley, i., 276. 

Welsh, Thomas, ii., 326, 361, 379. 

Wendall, Abraham, i., 302; ii., 342. 

Wendats, i., 315-339. See Wyandots. 

Wendel, Johannis, i., 295. 

Wendohay, see Wanduchale. 

Weningo, see Venango. 

Wequela, Delaware chief, i., 100, 188, 
ii., 159; hanged, i., 94. 

Werden, John, i., 39. 

Werowance, or chief, i., 60. 

Weskekitt, Delaware chief, i., 97. 

Wessapoat, Delaware chief, i., 97. 

West, Pennsylvania Indians move, i., 
182-191. 

West, Francis, ii., 9. 



456 



Index 



West, William, i., 275, 276, 279; ii., 7, 9, 

342. 
Westacks, ii., 300. 
Westbrooke, Catherine, ii., 387. 
Westchester, i., 181. 
Western Insurrection, ii., 213. 
Westfall, i., 146; ii., 195, 366. 
West India Company, ii., 321. 
West Indies, ii., 344. 
West Jersey Company, i., 166. 
West Lebanon, i., 264. 
West Liberty, i., 148. 
West Newton, i., 313, 360. 
West Salem, ii., 144. 
West Virginia, i., 178, 278; ii., 60, 120, 

121, 123. 
Wharton, Joseph, ii., 83. 
Wharton, Samuel, i., 277; ii., 28, 60, 382. 
Wharton, Thomas, ii., 61, 63, 68, 69, 76,83. 
Wheeling, i., 260; ii., 108. 
Wheelock, Eleazar, ii., 63, 65. 
Whinney, Patrick, ii., 342. 
Whinnery, Patrick, i., 179. 
White, Andrew, i., 42. 
White, George, ii., 361. 
White, James, ii., 342. 
White Elk, Shawnee chief, ii., 98. 
White Eyes, also called Captain White 

Eyes, Cochquacaukehlton, Coqueta- 

keghton, Grey Eyes, Koquethagaeehlon, 

Sir William Johnson, etc., Delaware 

chief, i., Ill, 241, 381, 382; ii., 80, 

362, 370, 380, 381. 
White Eyes' Town, ii., 210, 211. 
Whitehead, a captive, ii., 387. 
Whiteheads, i., 187. 
White Marsh, i., loi, 103. 
White Mingo, i., 203, 246; ii., 57, 80. See 

also Conengayote, John Cook, Kanagh- 

ragait, etc. 
White Mingo's Castle, i., 246; ii., 36. 
White River, see under Rivers. 
White River country, i., 333. 
White Thunder, a Mingo, i., 373. 
White Woman, Mary Harris, the, ii., 149. 
White Woman's Town, ii., 148. 
Whitesburg, ii., 251. 
Whitfield, George, i., 95. 
Whittlesey, Charles, i., 333. 
Whorekill, i., 77. 
Wichusy, Delaware chief, i., 89. 
Wickawee Town, ii., 347. 
Wicknaminck, Delaware Indian, i., 90. 
Widaagh, Susquehannock chief, i., 77, 78. 
Wiewit, Delaware chief, i., 88. 
Wig, Tommy, ii., 387. 
Wikwikhon, Delaware chief, i., 98. 
Wilderness Road, the, ii., 244, 245. 
Wilkes, John, ii., 28. 
Wilkes-Barre, i., no, 356. 
Wilkey (Wilkins), Andrew, ii., 378-380. 
Wilkey (Wilkins), Robert, ii., 378, 379. 
Wilkins, Andrew, ii., 382. See Wilkey. 
Wilkins, John, i,. 174, 180, 287, 300; ii., 

342, 348. 



Wilkins, Peter, i., 174; ii., 342. 

Wilkins, Robert, i., 163, 174; ii., 342. See 

Wilkey. 
Wilkins, Sarah, ii., 84. 
Wilkins, Thomas, i., 163, 174; ii., 342. 
Wilkins, William, i., 163, 174, 208; ii., 342, 

347. 348. 
Will, Captain, Shawnee chief, ii., 227. 
Willewane, i., 222. 
Williams, Charles, ii., 310, 342. 
Williams, David, family killed, i., 68. 
Williams, Elizabeth, i., 177. 
Williamsburg, i., 230, 368, 372, 373; ii., 

74, 79, 266. 
Williamsport, i., 204, 213. 
Will's Creek, Captain, ii., 234. 
Will's Town, Captain, ii., 195, 198, 381, 

384, 385- 
Wilmington, formerly Altena, i., 15, 45, 46, 

96, 164; ii., 270. 
Wilson, George, ii., 73, 78. 
Wilson, James, ii., 80, 342. 
Wilson & Duncan, Traders, i., 349. 
Winchester, i., 227, 230, 236, 371, 372; ii., 

3,4,14,17,81,134,152,215. 
Wind Gap, i., 219. 
Windaughalah, or Windohala, Delaware 

chief, ii., 141, 150, 368. See Wandu- 

chale. 
Windaughalah's Town, ii., 150. 
Windsor, i., 237. 

Wingebone, Delaware chief, i., 97, 98. 
Wingenund, or Wingenum, Delaware chief, 

i., 241; ii., 368. 
Winsor, Bridget, ii., 361. 
Winsor, Justin, i., 11, 122. 
Winsor, William, ii., 361. 
Winston, Richard, i., 277; ii., 60, 235, 361, 

379. 382. 
Wirakehan, Delaware chief, i., 89. 
Wiseman, John, ii., 387. 
Wissa Powey, Delaware chief, i., 98. 
Wissemenets, Delaware chief, i., 89. 
Witmer, H. G., i., 42-44. 
Witsen, Gerrit, i., 27. 
Woapassisqu, i., 219. 
Woappeck, Delaware Indian, i., 91. 
Wockachaalli Town, i., 212. 
Wolf, a Delaware, i., 313. 
Wolf King, Creek chief, i., 354, 358. 
Wolf tribe of Delawares, i., ixi, 127, 
Womelsdorf, i., 251. 
" Women," Delawares made, by Iroquois, 

i., 112. 
Wood, James, ii., 81, 210, 211. 
Wood, Joseph, i., 41, 42. 
Wood, Thomas, ii., 342. 
Woods, William, ii., 380. 
Woodrow, Ramsay & Co., ii., 361. 
Work, Elizabeth, ii., 361. 
Work, John, ii., 361. 
Work, William, ii., 361. 
Worley, Francis, i., 163. 
Worley, Henry, i., 84. 
Wowler, Mohawk, chief i., 103. 



Index 



457 



Wray, John, founder of Raystown, i., 156, 

280, 281; ii., 342. 
Wray's Cove, i., 276. 
Wray's Hill, see Ray's Hill. 
Wright, Francis, i., 63. 
Wright, John, i., 185, 298; ii., 348. 
Wright, Mary, ii., 348. 
Wright, Thomas, ii., 342, 349; killed i., 95, 

175; ii-. 348. 

Wright, William, ii., 380. 

Wright's Ferry, i., 27, 37, 55. 

Wrightstown, i., 97. 

Wrightsville, i., 54. 

Written Rock, i., 80, 272. See McKee's 
Rock. 

Wtmibock, Henry, ii., 361. 

Wurtz, William, ii., 233. 

Wyalusing, i., 213, 214, 219, 244. 

Wyandachale, Delaware chief, ii., 140. 
See Wanduchale and, Windaughalah. 

Wyandachale's Town, ii., 140. 

Wyandots, also written Guyandottes, 
Junundats, Nelametenoes, Ouendats, 
Owendots, Vendats, Wondats, Yendats, 
etc., a Huron tribe, i., 9, 10, 12, 17, 22, 
155. 198. 227, 233, 240, 244, 301, 311, 
315-339, 345, 346, 350, 357, 359, 363, 
370; ii., I, 3, 20, 21, 24, 58, 122, 123, 128, 
136, 145, 147, 148, 151, 160, 163, 165, 
176-178, 181, 182, 184, 185, 189, 206, 

209, 231, 251, 252, 263, 267, 268, 274, 
276, 291, 295, 307, 311, 319, 353, 383; 
subject to Iroquois, i., 13; the oldest of 
the Iroquoian tribes, i., 7; ii., 21. See 
Hurons. 

Wyandot Town, i., 320, 331, 346; ii., 210, 

279. 
Wylt, Peter, ii., 342. 
Wyoming, i., 32, 33, 95, 96, 108-110, 113, 

154, 155, 187, 188, 190, 195, 205, 209, 

210, 213, 218-221, 237, 238, 306, 350, 

354, 355; ii-. 30, 31. 139, 309, 327, 359; 
meaning of, i., 356; expedition, 205; 
massacre, xiii.,205; Path, 195, 197,218; 
Valley, 187, 356; ii., 124. 
Wytheville ,ii., 242. 



Xenia, i., 146. 



X 



Yadkin Forks, ii., 214, 218. 

Yamassees, i., 83, 159. 

Yaqueekhon, Delaware chief, i., 98. 

Yazoos, i., 131; ii., 116. 

Yeates, Jasper, i., iii ; ii., 82. 

Yellow Springs, i., 259. 

Yesahs (Tuteloes), ii., 119. 

Yokeham, Margaret, ii., 387. 

York, ii., 10. 

York, William, i., 75. 

Youghiogheny Forks, i., 278. 

Younondadys (Wyandots), i., 327. 

Young, Mr., i., 370, 

Young, Anne, i., 73. 

Young, Jacob, i., 39, 40, 46, 57, 58, 64-76, 
128, 161; ii., 342; arrested, i., 70; estab- 
lishes a ferry, 75; rewarded, 75; sen- 
tenced, 73. 

Young, James, ii., 265, 343. 

Young, John, i., 309; ii., 343. 

Yovmg, Thomas, i., 36, 106. 

Yoting, William, i., 179; ii., 343. 

Young Beaver, a Delaware, ii., 312, 313. 

Youngstown, i., 286, 342, 349, 351. 

Yowaccomoco, i., 62 

Yowanne Town, ii., 355-357. 



Zachaiah Swamp, i., 49. 

Zeepentor, Armewaninge chief , i., 89. 

Zeisberger, David, i., 8, 32, 95, 197, 203, 

219, 223, 237, 244, 331, 333, 336, 340, 

345; ii., 99, 181. 
Zenger, John Peter, ii., 12. 
Zinzendorf, Nicholas Lewis, i., 187, 195, 

205, 214. 
Zisgechas (Mississagas), i., 325. 
Zoar, ii., 188. 

Zoneschio, see Genesee, i., 220. 
Zwanandael, ii., 344. 






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